Burmese language

Last updated
Myanmar language
မြန်မာစာ (written Burmese)
မြန်မာစကား (spoken Burmese)
PronunciationIPA: [mjəmàzà]
[mjəmà zəɡá]
Native to Myanmar
Ethnicity Bamar
Native speakers
33 million (2007) [1]
Second language: 10 million (no date) [2]
Early forms
Burmese alphabet
Burmese Braille
Official status
Official language in
Flag of Myanmar.svg  Myanmar
Infobox ASEAN flag.png  ASEAN
Regulated by Myanmar Language Commission
Language codes
ISO 639-1 my
ISO 639-2 bur  (B)
mya  (T)
ISO 639-3 mya – inclusive code
Individual codes:
int    Intha
tvn    Tavoyan dialects
tco    Taungyo dialects
rki    Rakhine language ("Rakhine")
rmz   Marma ("မရမာ")
Glottolog nucl1310 [3]
Linguasphere 77-AAA-a
Idioma birmano.png
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.
A Burmese speaker, recorded in Taiwan for Wikitongues.

Burmese (Burmese : မြန်မာဘာသာ, MLCTS: mranmabhasa, IPA: [mjəmà bàðà] ) is a Sino-Tibetan language spoken in Myanmar where it is an official language and the language of the Bamar people, the country's principal ethnic group. Although the Constitution of Myanmar officially recognizes the English name of the language as the Myanmar language, [4] most English speakers continue to refer to the language as Burmese, after Burma, the previous name for Myanmar. In 2007, it was spoken as a first language by 33 million, primarily the Bamar (Burman) people and related ethnic groups, and as a second language by 10 million, particularly ethnic minorities in Myanmar and neighboring countries. In 2014 the Burmese population was 36.39 million, and has been estimated at 38.2 million as of April 2020.


Burmese is a tonal, pitch-register, and syllable-timed language, [5] largely monosyllabic and analytic, with a subject–object–verb word order. It is a member of the Lolo-Burmese grouping of the Sino-Tibetan language family. The Burmese alphabet is ultimately descended from a Brahmic script, either Kadamba or Pallava.


Burmese belongs to the Southern Burmish branch of the Sino-Tibetan languages, of which Burmese is the most widely spoken of the non-Sinitic languages. [6] Burmese was the fifth of the Sino-Tibetan languages to develop a writing system, after Chinese characters, the Pyu script, the Tibetan alphabet and the Tangut script. [7]


The majority of Burmese speakers, who live throughout the Irrawaddy River Valley, use a number of largely similar dialects, while a minority speak non-standard dialects found in the peripheral areas of the country. These dialects include:

Arakanese (Rakhine) in Rakhine State and Marma in Bangladesh are also sometimes considered dialects of Burmese and sometimes as separate languages.

Despite vocabulary and pronunciation differences, there is mutual intelligibility among Burmese dialects, as they share a common set of tones, consonant clusters, and written script. However, several Burmese dialects differ substantially from standard Burmese with respect to vocabulary, lexical particles, and rhymes.

Irrawaddy River valley

Spoken Burmese is remarkably uniform among Burmese speakers, [8] particularly those living in the Irrawaddy valley, all of whom use variants of Standard Burmese. The standard dialect of Burmese (the Mandalay-Yangon dialect continuum) comes from the Irrawaddy River valley. Regional differences between speakers from Upper Burma (e.g., Mandalay dialect), called anya tha (အညာသား) and speakers from Lower Burma (e.g., Yangon dialect), called auk tha (အောက်သား), largely occur in vocabulary choice, not in pronunciation. Minor lexical and pronunciation differences exist throughout the Irrawaddy River valley. [9] For instance, for the term ဆွမ်း, "food offering [to a monk]", Lower Burmese speakers use [sʰʊ́ɰ̃] instead of [sʰwáɰ̃] , which is the pronunciation used in Upper Burma.

The standard dialect is represented by the Yangon dialect because of the modern city's media influence and economic clout. In the past, the Mandalay dialect represented standard Burmese. The most noticeable feature of the Mandalay dialect is its use of the first person pronoun ကျွန်တော်, kya.nau [tɕənɔ̀] by both men and women, whereas in Yangon, the said pronoun is used only by male speakers while ကျွန်မ, kya.ma. [tɕəma̰] is used by female speakers. Moreover, with regard to kinship terminology, Upper Burmese speakers differentiate the maternal and paternal sides of a family whereas Lower Burmese speakers do not.

The Mon language has also influenced subtle grammatical differences between the varieties of Burmese spoken in Lower and Upper Burma. [10] In Lower Burmese varieties, the verb ပေး ("to give") is colloquially used as a permissive causative marker, like in other Southeast Asian languages, but unlike in other Tibeto-Burman languages. [10] This usage is hardly used in Upper Burmese varieties, and is considered a sub-standard construct. [10]

Outside the Irrawaddy basin

More distinctive non-standard varieties emerge as one moves farther away from the Irrawaddy River valley toward peripheral areas of the country. These varieties include the Yaw, Palaw, Myeik (Merguese), Tavoyan and Intha dialects. Despite substantial vocabulary and pronunciation differences, there is mutual intelligibility among most Burmese dialects. Dialects in Tanintharyi Region, including Palaw, Merguese, and Tavoyan, are especially conservative in comparison to Standard Burmese. The Tavoyan and Intha dialects have preserved the /l/ medial, which is otherwise only found in Old Burmese inscriptions. They also often reduce the intensity of the glottal stop. Myeik has 250,000 speakers [11] while Tavoyan has 400,000. The grammatical constructs of Burmese dialects in Southern Myanmar show greater Mon influence than Standard Burmese. [10]

The most pronounced feature of the Arakanese language of Rakhine State is its retention of the [ ɹ ] sound, which has become [ j ] in standard Burmese. Moreover, Arakanese features a variety of vowel differences, including the merger of the [e] and [i] vowels. Hence, a word like "blood" သွေး is pronounced [θwé] in standard Burmese and [θwí] in Arakanese.


The Burmese language's early forms include Old Burmese and Middle Burmese. Old Burmese dates from the 11th to the 16th century (Pagan to Ava dynasties); Middle Burmese from the 16th to the 18th century (Toungoo to early Konbaung dynasties); modern Burmese from the mid-18th century to the present. Word order, grammatical structure and vocabulary have remained markedly stable well into Modern Burmese, with the exception of lexical content (e.g., function words). [12] [13]

Old Burmese

The Myazedi inscription, dated to AD 1113, is the oldest surviving stone inscription of the Burmese language. Myazedi-Inscription-Burmese.JPG
The Myazedi inscription, dated to AD 1113, is the oldest surviving stone inscription of the Burmese language.

The earliest attested form of the Burmese language is called Old Burmese, dating to the 11th and 12th century stone inscriptions of Pagan. The earliest evidence of the Burmese alphabet is dated to 1035, while a casting made in the 18th century of an old stone inscription points to 984. [14]

Owing to the linguistic prestige of Old Mon in the Pagan Kingdom era, Old Burmese borrowed a substantial corpus of vocabulary from Pali via the Mon language. [10] These indirect borrowings can be traced back to orthographic idiosyncrasies in these loanwords, such as the Burmese word "to worship," which is spelt ပူဇော် (pūjo) instead of ပူဇာ (pūjā), as would be expected by the original Pali orthography. [10]

Middle Burmese

The transition to Middle Burmese occurred in the 16th century. [12] The transition to Middle Burmese included phonological changes (e.g. mergers of sound pairs that were distinct in Old Burmese) as well as accompanying changes in the underlying orthography. [12]

From the 1500s onward, Burmese kingdoms saw substantial gains in the populace's literacy rate, which manifested itself in greater participation of laymen in scribing and composing legal and historical documents, domains that were traditionally the domain of Buddhist monks, and drove the ensuing proliferation of Burmese literature, both in terms of genres and works. [15] During this period, the Burmese script began employing cursive-style circular letters typically used in palm-leaf manuscripts, as opposed to the traditional square block-form letters used in earlier periods. [15] The orthographic conventions used in written Burmese today can largely be traced back to Middle Burmese.

Modern Burmese

Modern Burmese emerged in the mid-18th century. By this time, male literacy in Burma stood at nearly 50%, which enabled the wide circulation of legal texts, royal chronicles, and religious texts. [15] A major reason for the uniformity of the Burmese language was the near-universal presence of Buddhist monasteries (called kyaung ) in Burmese villages. These kyaung served as the foundation of the pre-colonial monastic education system, which fostered uniformity of the language throughout the Upper Irrawaddy valley, the traditional homeland of Burmese speakers. The 1891 Census of India, conducted five years after the annexation of the entire Konbaung Kingdom, found that the former kingdom had an "unusually high male literacy" rate of 62.5% for Upper Burmans aged 25 and above. For all of British Burma, the literacy rate was 49% for men and 5.5% for women (by contrast, British India more broadly had a male literacy rate of 8.44%). [16]

The expansion of the Burmese language into Lower Burma also coincided with the emergence of Modern Burmese. As late as the mid-1700s, Mon, an Austroasiatic language, was the principal language of Lower Burma, employed by the Mon people who inhabited the region. Lower Burma's shift from Mon to Burmese was accelerated by the Burmese-speaking Konbaung Dynasty's victory over the Mon-speaking Restored Hanthawaddy Kingdom in 1757. By 1830, an estimated 90% of the population in Lower Burma self-identified as Burmese-speaking Bamars; huge swaths of former Mon-speaking territory, from the Irrawaddy Delta to upriver in the north, spanning Bassein (now Pathein) and Rangoon (now Yangon) to Tharrawaddy, Toungoo, Prome (now Pyay) and Henzada (now Hinthada), were now Burmese-speaking. [17] [15] The language shift has been ascribed to a combination of population displacement, intermarriage, and voluntary changes in self-identification among increasingly Mon-Burmese bilingual populations in the region. [15] [17]

Standardized tone marking in written Burmese was not achieved until the 18th century. From the 19th century onward, orthographers created spellers to reform Burmese spelling, because of ambiguities that arose over transcribing sounds that had been merged. [18] British rule saw continued efforts to standardize Burmese spelling through dictionaries and spellers.

Britain's gradual annexation of Burma throughout the 19th century, in addition to concomitant economic and political instability in Upper Burma (e.g., increased tax burdens from the Burmese crown, British rice production incentives, etc.) also accelerated the migration of Burmese speakers from Upper Burma into Lower Burma. [19] British rule in Burma eroded the strategic and economic importance of the Burmese language; Burmese was effectively subordinated to the English language in the colonial educational system, especially in higher education. [9]

In the 1930s, the Burmese language saw a linguistic revival, precipitated by the establishment of an independent University of Rangoon in 1920 and the inception of a Burmese language major at the university by Pe Maung Tin, modeled on Anglo Saxon language studies at the University of Oxford. [9] Student protests in December of that year, triggered by the introduction of English into matriculation examinations, fueled growing demand for Burmese to become the medium of education in British Burma; a short-lived but symbolic parallel system of "national schools" that taught in Burmese, was subsequently launched. [9] The role and prominence of the Burmese language in public life and institutions was championed by Burmese nationalists, intertwined with their demands for greater autonomy and independence from the British in the lead-up to the independence of Burma in 1948. [9]

The 1948 Constitution of Burma prescribed Burmese as the official language of the newly independent nation. The Burma Translation Society and Rangoon University's Department of Translation and Publication were established in 1947 and 1948 respectively, with the joint goal of modernizing the Burmese language in order to replace English across all disciplines. [9] Anti-colonial sentiment throughout the early post-independence era led to a reactionary switch from English to Burmese as the national medium of education, a process that was accelerated by the Burmese Way to Socialism. [9] In August 1963, the socialist Union Revolutionary Government established the Literary and Translation Commission (the immediate precursor of the Myanmar Language Commission) to standardize Burmese spelling, diction, composition, and terminology. The latest spelling authority, named the Myanma Salonpaung Thatpon Kyan (မြန်မာ စာလုံးပေါင်း သတ်ပုံ ကျမ်း), was compiled in 1978 by the commission. [18]


Burmese is a diglossic language with two distinguishable registers (or diglossic varieties): [20]

  1. Literary High (H) form [21] (မြန်မာစာmranma ca): the high variety (formal and written), used in literature (formal writing), newspapers, radio broadcasts, and formal speeches
  2. Spoken Low (L) form [21] (မြန်မာစကားmranma ca.ka:): the low variety (informal and spoken), used in daily conversation, television, comics and literature (informal writing)

The literary form of Burmese retains archaic and conservative grammatical structures and modifiers (including particles, markers and pronouns) no longer used in the colloquial form. [20] Literary Burmese, which has not changed significantly since the 13th century, is the register of Burmese taught in schools. [9] [22] In most cases, the corresponding grammatical markers in the literary and spoken forms are totally unrelated to each other. [23] Examples of this phenomenon include the following lexical terms:

Historically the literary register was preferred for written Burmese on the grounds that "the spoken style lacks gravity, authority, dignity". In the mid-1960s, some Burmese writers spearheaded efforts to abandon the literary form, asserting that the spoken vernacular form ought to be used. [24] [25] Some Burmese linguists such as Minn Latt, a Czech academic, proposed moving away from the high form of Burmese altogether. [26] Although the literary form is heavily used in written and official contexts (literary and scholarly works, radio news broadcasts, and novels), the recent trend has been to accommodate the spoken form in informal written contexts. [18] Nowadays, television news broadcasts, comics, and commercial publications use the spoken form or a combination of the spoken and simpler, less ornate formal forms. [20]

The following sample sentence reveals that differences between literary and spoken Burmese mostly occur in grammatical particles:

"When the 8888 Uprising occurred, approximately 3,000 people died."
GlossThe Four Eights Uprisinghappenwhenpeoplemeasure word3,000approximatelydiepast tenseplural markersentence final

Burmese has politeness levels and honorifics that take the speaker's status and age in relation to the audience into account. The particle ပါpa is frequently used after a verb to express politeness. [27] Moreover, Burmese pronouns relay varying degrees of deference or respect. [28] In many instances, polite speech (e.g., addressing teachers, officials, or elders) employs feudal-era third person pronouns or kinship terms in lieu of first and second person pronouns. [29] [30] Furthermore, with regard to vocabulary choice, spoken Burmese clearly distinguishes the Buddhist clergy (monks) from the laity (householders), especially when speaking to or about bhikkhus (monks). [31] The following are examples of varying vocabulary used for Buddhist clergy and for laity :


Burmese primarily has a monosyllabic received Sino-Tibetan vocabulary. Nonetheless, many words, especially loanwords from Indo-European languages like English, are polysyllabic, and others, from Mon, an Austroasiatic language, are sesquisyllabic. [32] Burmese loanwords are overwhelmingly in the form of nouns. [32]

Historically, Pali, the liturgical language of Theravada Buddhism, had a profound influence on Burmese vocabulary. Burmese has readily adopted words of Pali origin because of phonotactic similarities between two languages alongside the fact that the script used for Burmese can reproduce Pali spellings with complete accuracy. [33] Pali loanwords are often related to religion, government, arts, and science. [33]

Burmese loanwords from Pali primarily take four forms:

  1. Direct loan: direct import of Pali words with no alteration in orthography
    • "life": Pali ဇီဝ jiva → Burmese ဇီဝjiva
  2. Abbreviated loan: import of Pali words with accompanied syllable reduction and alteration in orthography (usually by means of a placing a diacritic, called athat အသတ် (lit. "nonexistence") atop the last letter in the syllable to suppress the consonant's inherent vowel [34] [ full citation needed ]
    • "karma": Pali ကမ္မkamma → Burmese ကံkam
    • "dawn": Pali အရုaruṇa → Burmese အရုဏ်aru
    • "merit": Pali ကုသkusala → Burmese ကုသိုလ်kusuil
  3. Double loan: adoption of two different terms derived from the same Pali word [33]
    • Pali မာနmāna → Burmese မာန[màna̰] ('arrogance') and မာန်[mã̀] ('pride')
  4. Hybrid loan (e.g., neologisms or calques): construction of compounds combining native Burmese words with Pali or combine Pali words: [35]
    • "airplane": လေယာဉ်ပျံ[lè jɪ̀m bjã̀], lit. "air machine fly", ← လေ (native Burmese, "air") + ယာဉ် (from Pali yana, "vehicle") + ပျံ (native Burmese word, "fly") [35]

Burmese has also adapted plenty of words from Mon, traditionally spoken by the Mon people, who until recently formed the majority in Lower Burma. Most Mon loanwords are so well assimilated that they are not distinguished as loanwords as Burmese and Mon were used interchangeably for several centuries in pre-colonial Burma. [36] Mon loans are often related to flora, fauna, administration, textiles, foods, boats, crafts, architecture and music. [18]

As a natural consequence of British rule in Burma, English has been another major source of vocabulary, especially with regard to technology, measurements and modern institutions. English loanwords tend to take one of three forms:

  1. Direct loan: adoption of an English word, adapted to the Burmese phonology [37]
    • "democracy": English democracy → Burmese ဒီမိုကရေစီ
  2. Neologism or calque: translation of an English word using native Burmese constituent words [38]
    • "human rights": English "human rights" → Burmese လူ့အခွင့်အရေး (လူ့ "human" + အခွင့်အရေး "rights")
  3. Hybrid loan: construction of compound words by native Burmese words to English words [39]
    • "to sign": ဆိုင်းထိုး[sʰã́ɪ̃ tʰó]ဆိုင်း (English, "sign") + ထိုး (native Burmese, "inscribe").

To a lesser extent, Burmese has also imported words from Sanskrit (religion), Hindi (food, administration, and shipping), and Chinese (games and food). [18] Burmese has also imported a handful of words from other European languages such as Portuguese.

Here is a sample of loan words found in Burmese:

Since the end of British rule, the Burmese government has attempted to limit usage of Western loans (especially from English) by coining new words (neologisms). For instance, for the word "television," Burmese publications are mandated to use the term ရုပ်မြင်သံကြား (lit. "see picture, hear sound") in lieu of တယ်လီဗီးရှင်း, a direct English transliteration. [40] Another example is the word "vehicle", which is officially ယာဉ်[jɪ̃̀] (derived from Pali) but ကား[ká] (from English car) in spoken Burmese. Some previously common English loanwords have fallen out of usage with the adoption of neologisms. An example is the word "university", formerly ယူနီဗာစတီjùnìbàsətì], from English university, now တက္ကသိုလ်[tɛʔkət̪ò], a Pali-derived neologism recently created by the Burmese government and derived from the Pali spelling of Taxila (တက္ကသီလTakkasīla), an ancient university town in modern-day Pakistan. [40]

Some words in Burmese may have many synonyms, each having certain usages, such as formal, literary, colloquial, and poetic. One example is the word "moon", which can be la̰ (native Tibeto-Burman), စန္ဒာ/စန်း[sàndà]/[sã́] (derivatives of Pali canda "moon"), or သော်တာ[t̪ɔ̀ dà] (Sanskrit). [41]


The transcriptions in this section use the International Phonetic Alphabet.


The consonants of Burmese are as follows:

Consonant phonemes [42] [43]
Bilabial Dental Alveolar Post-al.
Velar Laryngeal
Nasal voiced mnɲ ŋ
voicelessɲ̊ ŋ̊
Stop Voicedbdɡ
aspirated tʃʰ
Fricative voicedð ([d̪ð~d̪])z
voicelessθ ([t̪θ~t̪])sʃ
Approximant voicedljw

According to Jenny & San San Hnin Tun (2016 :15), contrary to their use of symbols θ and ð, consonants of are dental stops (/t̪, d̪/), rather than fricatives (/θ, ð/) or affricates. [44]

An alveolar /ɹ/ can occur as an alternate of /j/ in some loanwords.


The vowels of Burmese are:

Vowel phonemes
Monophthongs Diphthongs
Front Central Back Front offglide Back offglide
Close iu
Close-mid eəoeiou
Open-mid ɛɔ
Open aaiau

The monophthongs /e/, /o/, /ə/ and /ɔ/ occur only in open syllables (those without a syllable coda); the diphthongs /ei/, /ou/, /ai/ and /au/ occur only in closed syllables (those with a syllable coda). /ə/ only occurs in a minor syllable, and is the only vowel that is permitted in a minor syllable (see below).

The close vowels /i/ and /u/ and the close portions of the diphthongs are somewhat mid-centralized ([ɪ, ʊ]) in closed syllables, i.e. before /ɰ̃/ and /ʔ/. Thus နှစ်/n̥iʔ/ "two" is phonetically [n̥ɪʔ] and ကြောင်/tɕàũ/ "cat" is phonetically [tɕàʊ̃].


Burmese is a tonal language, which means phonemic contrasts can be made on the basis of the tone of a vowel. In Burmese, these contrasts involve not only pitch, but also phonation, intensity (loudness), duration, and vowel quality. However, some linguists consider Burmese a pitch-register language like Shanghainese. [45]

There are four contrastive tones in Burmese. In the following table, the tones are shown marked on the vowel /a/ as an example.

(shown on a)
(shown on a)
Lowနိမ့်သံ[aː˧˧˦]ànormalmediumlowlow, often slightly rising [46]
Highတက်သံ[aː˥˥˦]ásometimes slightly breathy longhighhigh, often with a fall before a pause [46]
Creakyသက်သံ[aˀ˥˧] tense or creaky, sometimes with lax glottal stop mediumhighhigh, often slightly falling [46]
Checkedတိုင်သံ[ăʔ˥˧]centralized vowel quality, final glottal stopshorthighhigh (in citation; can vary in context) [46]

For example, the following words are distinguished from each other only on the basis of tone:

In syllables ending with /ɰ̃/, the checked tone is excluded:

In spoken Burmese, some linguists classify two real tones (there are four nominal tones transcribed in written Burmese), "high" (applied to words that terminate with a stop or check, high-rising pitch) and "ordinary" (unchecked and non-glottal words, with falling or lower pitch), with those tones encompassing a variety of pitches. [47] The "ordinary" tone consists of a range of pitches. Linguist L. F. Taylor concluded that "conversational rhythm and euphonic intonation possess importance" not found in related tonal languages and that "its tonal system is now in an advanced state of decay." [48] [49]

Syllable structure

The syllable structure of Burmese is C(G)V((V)C), which is to say the onset consists of a consonant optionally followed by a glide, and the rime consists of a monophthong alone, a monophthong with a consonant, or a diphthong with a consonant. The only consonants that can stand in the coda are /ʔ/ and /ɰ̃/. Some representative words are:

A minor syllable has some restrictions:

Some examples of words containing minor syllables:

Writing system

Sampling of various Burmese script styles Vendeurs de plantes medicinales vers Kyaiktiyo Paya.jpg
Sampling of various Burmese script styles

The Burmese alphabet consists of 33 letters and 12 vowels and is written from left to right. It requires no spaces between words, although modern writing usually contains spaces after each clause to enhance readability. Characterized by its circular letters and diacritics, the script is an abugida, with all letters having an inherent vowel a.[a̰] or [ə]. The consonants are arranged into six consonant groups (called ဝဂ် based on articulation, like other Brahmi scripts. Tone markings and vowel modifications are written as diacritics placed to the left, right, top, and bottom of letters. [18]

Orthographic changes postceded shifts in phonology (such as the merging of the [-l-] and [-ɹ-] medials) rather than transformations in Burmese grammatical structure and phonology, which by contrast, has remained stable between Old Burmese and modern Burmese. [18] For example, during the Pagan era, the medial [-l-]္လ was transcribed in writing, which has been replaced by medials [-j-] and [-ɹ-] in modern Burmese (e.g. "school" in old Burmese က္လောင်[klɔŋ]ကျောင်း[tɕã́ʊ̃] in modern Burmese). [50] Likewise, written Burmese has preserved all nasalized finals [-n, -m, -ŋ], which have merged to [-ɰ̃] in spoken Burmese. (The exception is [-ɲ], which, in spoken Burmese, can be one of many open vowels [i, e, ɛ]. Similarly, other consonantal finals [-s, -p, -t, -k] have been reduced to [-ʔ]. Similar mergers are seen in other Sino-Tibetan languages like Shanghainese, and to a lesser extent, Cantonese.

Written Burmese dates to the early Pagan period. British colonial period scholars believed that the Burmese script was developed c.1058 from the Mon script. [51] However, more recent evidence has shown that the Burmese script has been in use at least since 1035 (perhaps as early as 984), while the earliest Burma Mon script, which is different from the Thailand Mon script, dates to 1093. [52] The Burmese script may have been sourced from the Pyu script. [52] (Both Mon and Pyu scripts are derivatives of the Brahmi script.) Burmese orthography originally followed a square block format, but the cursive format took hold from the 17th century when increased literacy and the resulting explosion of Burmese literature led to the wider use of palm leaves and folded paper known as parabaiks (ပုရပိုက်). [53]


The basic word order of the Burmese language is subject-object-verb. Pronouns in Burmese vary according to the gender and status of the audience. Burmese is monosyllabic (i.e., every word is a root to which a particle but not another word may be prefixed). [54] Sentence structure determines syntactical relations and verbs are not conjugated. Instead they have particles suffixed to them. For example, the verb "to eat," စားca:[sà] is itself unchanged when modified.


Burmese does not have adjectives per se. Rather, it has verbs that carry the meaning "to be X", where X is an English adjective. These verbs can modify a noun by means of the grammatical particle တဲ့tai.[dɛ̰] in colloquial Burmese (literary form: သောsau:[t̪ɔ́], which is suffixed as follows:

Colloquial: ချောတဲ့လူhkyau: tai. lu[tɕʰɔ́ dɛ̰ lù]
Formal: ချောသောလူhkyau: so: lu
Gloss: "beautiful" + adjective particle + "person"

Adjectives may also form a compound with the noun (e.g. လူချောlu hkyau:[lù tɕʰɔ́] "person" + "be beautiful").

Comparatives are usually ordered: X + ထက်ပိုhtak pui[tʰɛʔ pò] + adjective, where X is the object being compared to. Superlatives are indicated with the prefix a.[ʔə] + adjective + ဆုံးhcum:[zṍʊ̃].

Numerals follow the nouns they modify. Moreover, numerals follow several pronunciation rules that involve tone changes (low tone → creaky tone) and voicing shifts depending on the pronunciation of surrounding words. A more thorough explanation is found on Burmese numerals.


The roots of Burmese verbs are almost always suffixed with at least one particle which conveys such information as tense, intention, politeness, mood, etc. Many of these particles also have formal/literary and colloquial equivalents. In fact, the only time in which no particle is attached to a verb is in imperative commands.

The most commonly used verb particles and their usage are shown below with an example verb root စားca:[sá] "to eat". Alone, the statement စား is imperative.

The suffix တယ်tai[dɛ̀] (literary form: သည်sany[d̪ì] can be viewed as a particle marking the present tense and/or a factual statement:

စားတယ်ca: tai[sá dɛ̀] "I eat"

The suffix ခဲ့hkai.[ɡɛ̰] denotes that the action took place in the past. However, this particle is not always necessary to indicate the past tense such that it can convey the same information without it. But to emphasize that the action happened before another event that is also currently being discussed, the particle becomes imperative. Note that the suffix တယ်tai[dɛ̀] in this case denotes a factual statement rather than the present tense:

စားခဲ့တယ်ca: hkai. tai[sá ɡɛ̰ dɛ̀] "I ate"

The particle နေne[nè] is used to denote an action in progression. It is equivalent to the English '-ing'"

စားနေတယ်ca: ne tai[sá nè dɛ̀] "I am eating"

This particle ပြီpri[bjì], which is used when an action that had been expected to be performed by the subject is now finally being performed, has no equivalent in English. So in the above example, if someone had been expecting the subject to eat and the subject has finally started eating, the particle ပြီ is used as follows:

(စ)စားပြီ(ca.) ca: pri[(sə) sá bjì] "I am (now) eating"

The particle မယ်mai[mɛ̀] (literary form: မည်many[mjì] is used to indicate the future tense or an action which is yet to be performed:

စားမယ်ca: mai[sá mɛ̀] "I will eat"

The particle တော့tau.[dɔ̰] is used when the action is about to be performed immediately when used in conjunction with မယ်. Therefore it could be termed as the "immediate future tense particle".

စားတော့မယ်ca: tau. mai[sá dɔ̰ mɛ̀] "I'm going to eat (straight-away)"

When တော့ is used alone, however, it is imperative:

စားတော့ca: tau.[sá dɔ̰] "Eat (now)"

Verbs are negated by the particle ma.[mə], which is prefixed to the verb. Generally speaking, other particles are suffixed to that verb, along with .

The verb suffix particle နဲ့nai.[nɛ̰] (literary form: နှင့်hnang.[n̥ɪ̰̃] indicates a command:

မစားနဲ့ma.ca: nai.[məsá nɛ̰] "Don't eat"

The verb suffix particle ဘူးbhu:[bú] indicates a statement:

မစားဘူးma.ca: bhu:[məsá bú] "[I] don't eat"


Nouns in Burmese are pluralized by suffixing the particle တွေtwe[dè] (or [tè] if the word ends in a glottal stop) in colloquial Burmese or များmya:[mjà] in formal Burmese. The particle တို့ (tou. [to̰], which indicates a group of persons or things, is also suffixed to the modified noun. An example is below:

Plural suffixes are not used when the noun is quantified with a number.

"five children"

Although Burmese does not have grammatical gender (e.g. masculine or feminine nouns), a distinction is made between the sexes, especially in animals and plants, by means of suffix particles. Nouns are masculinized with the following particles: ထီးhti:[tʰí], hpa[pʰa̰], or ဖိုhpui[pʰò], depending on the noun, and feminized with the particle ma.[ma̰]. Examples of usage are below:

Numerical classifiers

Like its neighboring languages such as Thai, Bengali, and Chinese, Burmese uses numerical classifiers (also called measure words) when nouns are counted or quantified. This approximately equates to English expressions such as "two slices of bread" or "a cup of coffee". Classifiers are required when counting nouns, so ကလေး ၅hka.le: nga:[kʰəlé ŋà] (lit. "child five") is incorrect, since the measure word for people ယောက်yauk[jaʊʔ] is missing; it needs to suffix the numeral.

The standard word order of quantified words is: quantified noun + numeral adjective + classifier, except in round numbers (numbers that end in zero), in which the word order is flipped, where the quantified noun precedes the classifier: quantified noun + classifier + numeral adjective. The only exception to this rule is the number 10, which follows the standard word order.

Measurements of time, such as "hour," နာရီ "day," ရက် or "month," do not require classifiers.

Below are some of the most commonly used classifiers in Burmese.

Burmese MLC IPA UsageRemarks
ယောက်yauk[jaʊʔ]for peopleUsed in informal context
ဦးu:[ʔú]for peopleUsed in formal context and also used for monks and nuns
ပါးpa:[bá]for peopleUsed exclusively for monks and nuns of the Buddhist order
ကောင်kaung[kã̀ʊ̃]for animals
ခုhku.[kʰṵ]general classifierUsed with almost all nouns except for animate objects
လုံးlum:[lṍʊ̃]for round objects
ပြားpra:[pjá]for flat objects
စုcu.[sṵ]for groupsCan be [zṵ].


The Burmese language makes prominent usage of particles (called ပစ္စည်း in Burmese), which are untranslatable words that are suffixed or prefixed to words to indicate the level of respect, grammatical tense, or mood. According to the Myanmar–English Dictionary (1993), there are 449 particles in the Burmese language. For example, စမ်း[sã́] is a grammatical particle used to indicate the imperative mood. While လုပ်ပါ ("work" + particle indicating politeness) does not indicate the imperative, လုပ်စမ်းပါ ("work" + particle indicating imperative mood + particle indicating politeness) does. Particles may be combined in some cases, especially those modifying verbs.

Some particles modify the word's part of speech. Among the most prominent of these is the particle Burmese pronunciation: [[Help:IPA/Burmese|ə]], which is prefixed to verbs and adjectives to form nouns or adverbs. For instance, the word ဝင် means "to enter," but combined with , it means "entrance" အဝင်. Moreover, in colloquial Burmese, there is a tendency to omit the second in words that follow the pattern + noun/adverb + + noun/adverb, like အဆောက်အအုံ, which is pronounced [əsʰaʊʔ ú] and formally pronounced [əsʰaʊʔ əõ̀ʊ̃].


Subject pronouns begin sentences, though the subject is generally omitted in the imperative forms and in conversation. Grammatically speaking, subject marker particles က[ɡa̰] in colloquial, သည်[t̪ì] in formal) must be attached to the subject pronoun, although they are also generally omitted in conversation. Object pronouns must have an object marker particle ကို[ɡò] in colloquial, အား[á] in formal) attached immediately after the pronoun. Proper nouns are often substituted for pronouns. One's status in relation to the audience determines the pronouns used, with certain pronouns used for different audiences.

Polite pronouns are used to address elders, teachers and strangers, through the use of feudal-era third person pronouns in lieu of first and second person pronouns. In such situations, one refers to oneself in third person: ကျွန်တော်kya. nau[tɕənɔ̀] for men and ကျွန်မkya. ma.[tɕəma̰] for women, both meaning "your servant", and refer to the addressee as မင်းmin[mɪ̃́] "your highness", ခင်ဗျားkhang bya:[kʰəmjá] "master, lord" (from Burmese သခင်ဘုရား 'lord master') or ရှင်hrang[ʃɪ̃̀] "ruler/master". [55] So ingrained are these terms in the daily polite speech that people use them as the first and second person pronouns without giving a second thought to the root meaning of these pronouns.

When speaking to a person of the same status or of younger age, ငါnga[ŋà] "I/me" and နင်nang[nɪ̃̀] "you" may be used, although most speakers choose to use third person pronouns. [56] For example, an older person may use ဒေါ်လေးdau le:[dɔ̀ lé] "aunt" or ဦးလေးu: lei:[ʔú lé] "uncle" to refer to himself, while a younger person may use either သားsa:[t̪á] "son" or သမီးsa.mi:[t̪əmí] "daughter".

The basic pronouns are:

First personငါ
kywan to

kywan ma.
nga tui.
[ŋà do̰]
kywan to tui.
[tɕənɔ̀ do̰]

kywan ma. tui.
[tɕəma̰ do̰]
Second personနင်

khang bya:

nang tui.
[nɪ̃̀n do̰]
khang bya: tui.
[kʰəmjá do̰]

hrang tui.
[ʃɪ̃̀n do̰]
Third personသူ
(a.) sang
su tui.
[t̪ù do̰]
sang tui.
[t̪ɪ̃̀ do̰]
* The basic particle to indicate plurality is တို့tui., colloquial ဒို့dui..
Used by male speakers.
Used by female speakers.

Other pronouns are reserved for speaking with bhikkhus (Buddhist monks). When speaking to a bhikkhu, pronouns like ဘုန်းဘုန်းbhun: bhun: (from ဘုန်းကြီးphun: kri: "monk"), ဆရာတော်chara dau[sʰəjàdɔ̀] "royal teacher", and အရှင်ဘုရားa.hrang bhu.ra:[ʔəʃɪ̃̀ pʰəjá] "your lordship" are used depending on their status ဝါ. When referring to oneself, terms like တပည့်တော်ta. paey. tau "royal disciple" or ဒကာda. ka[dəɡà], "donor" are used. When speaking to a monk, the following pronouns are used:

First personတပည့်တော်
ta.paey. tau
da. ka
Second personဘုန်းဘုန်း
bhun: bhun:
[pʰṍʊ̃ pʰṍʊ̃]

(u:) pasang:
[(ʔú) bəzín]
a.hrang bhu.ra:
[ʔəʃɪ̃̀ pʰəjá]

chara dau
The particle ma. is suffixed for women.
Typically reserved for the chief monk of a kyaung (monastery_.

In colloquial Burmese, possessive pronouns are contracted when the root pronoun itself is low toned. This does not occur in literary Burmese, which uses ၏ [ḭ] as postpositional marker for possessive case instead of ရဲ့[jɛ̰]. Examples include the following:

The contraction also occurs in some low toned nouns, making them possessive nouns (e.g. အမေ့ or မြန်မာ့, "mother's" and "Myanmar's" respectively).

Kinship terms

Minor pronunciation differences do exist within regions of Irrawaddy valley. For example, the pronunciation [sʰʊ̃́] of ဆွမ်း "food offering [to a monk]" is preferred in Lower Burma, instead of [sʰwã́], which is preferred in Upper Burma. However, the most obvious difference between Upper Burmese and Lower Burmese is that Upper Burmese speech still differentiates maternal and paternal sides of a family:

TermUpper BurmeseLower BurmeseMyeik dialect
  • Paternal aunt (older)
  • Paternal aunt (younger)
  • အရီးကြီး[ʔəjí dʑí] (or [jí dʑí]
  • အရီးလေး[ʔəjí lé] (or [jí lé]
  • ဒေါ်ကြီး[dɔ̀ dʑí] (or [tɕí tɕí]
  • ဒေါ်လေး[dɔ̀ lé]
  • မိကြီး[mḭ dʑí]
  • မိငယ်[mḭ ŋɛ̀]
  • Maternal aunt (older)
  • Maternal aunt (younger)
  • ဒေါ်ကြီး[dɔ̀ dʑí] (or [tɕí tɕí]
  • ဒေါ်လေး[dɔ̀ lé]
  • Paternal uncle (older)
  • Paternal uncle (younger)
  • ဘကြီး[ba̰ dʑí]
  • ဘလေး[ba̰ lé]1
  • ဘကြီး[ba̰ dʑí]
  • ဦးလေး[ʔú lé]
  • ဖကြီး[pʰa̰ dʑí]
  • ဖငယ်[pʰa̰ ŋɛ̀]
  • Maternal uncle (older)
  • Maternal uncle (younger)
  • ဦးကြီး[ʔú dʑí]
  • ဦးလေး[ʔú lé]

1 The youngest (paternal or maternal) aunt may be called ထွေးလေး[dwé lé], and the youngest paternal uncle ဘထွေး[ba̰ dwé].

In a testament to the power of media, the Yangon-based speech is gaining currency even in Upper Burma. Upper Burmese-specific usage, while historically and technically accurate, is increasingly viewed as [ clarification needed ], or at best regional speech. In fact, some usages are already considered strictly regional Upper Burmese speech, and are likely to die out. For example:

TermUpper BurmeseStandard Burmese
  • Elder brother (to a male)
  • Elder brother (to a female)
  • နောင်[nã̀ʊ̃]
  • အစ်ကို[ʔəkò]
  • အစ်ကို[ʔəkò]
  • Younger brother (to a male)
  • Younger brother (to a female)
  • ညီ[ɲì]
  • မောင်[mã̀ʊ̃]
  • Elder sister (to a male)
  • Elder sister (to a female)
  • အစ်မ[ʔəma̰]
  • Younger sister (to a male)
  • Younger sister (to a female)
  • နှမ[n̥əma̰]
  • ညီမ[ɲì ma̰]
  • ညီမ[ɲì ma̰]

In general, the male-centric names of old Burmese for familial terms have been replaced in standard Burmese with formerly female-centric terms, which are now used by both sexes. One holdover is the use of ညီ (younger brother to a male) and မောင် (younger brother to a female). Terms like နောင် (elder brother to a male) and နှမ (younger sister to a male) now are used in standard Burmese only as part of compound words like ညီနောင် (brothers) or မောင်နှမ (brother and sister).


Reduplication is prevalent in Burmese and is used to intensify or weaken adjectives' meanings. For example, if ချော[tɕʰɔ́] "beautiful" is reduplicated, then the intensity of the adjective's meaning increases. Many Burmese words, especially adjectives with two syllables, such as လှပ[l̥a̰pa̰] "beautiful", when reduplicated (လှပလှလှပပ[l̥a̰l̥a̰ pa̰pa̰]) become adverbs. This is also true of some Burmese verbs and nouns (e.g. ခဏ "a moment" → ခဏခဏ "frequently"), which become adverbs when reduplicated.

Some nouns are also reduplicated to indicate plurality. For instance, ပြည်[pjì] "country", but when reduplicated to အပြည်ပြည်[əpjì pjì], it means "many countries," as in အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ[əpjì pjì sʰã̀ɪ̃ jà] "international". Another example is အမျိုး, which means "a kind," but the reduplicated form အမျိုးမျိုး means "multiple kinds."

A few measure words can also be reduplicated to indicate "one or the other":

Romanization and transcription

There is no official romanization system for Burmese.[ citation needed ] There have been attempts to make one, but none have been successful. Replicating Burmese sounds in the Latin script is complicated. There is a Pali-based transcription system in existence, MLC Transcription System which was devised by the Myanmar Language Commission (MLC). However, it only transcribes sounds in formal Burmese and is based on the Burmese alphabet rather than the phonology.

Several colloquial transcription systems have been proposed, but none is overwhelmingly preferred over others.

Transcription of Burmese is not standardized, as seen in the varying English transcriptions of Burmese names. For instance, a Burmese personal name like ဝင်း[wɪ̃́] may be variously romanized as Win, Winn, Wyn, or Wynn, while ခိုင်[kʰã̀ɪ̃] may be romanized as Khaing, Khine, or Khain.

Computer fonts and standard keyboard layout

Myanmar3, the de jure standard Burmese keyboard layout Myanmar-Keyboard-Layout.png
Myanmar3, the de jure standard Burmese keyboard layout

The Burmese script can be entered from a standard QWERTY keyboard, and is supported within the Unicode standard, meaning it can be read and written from most modern computers and smartphones.

Burmese has complex character rendering requirements, where tone markings and vowel modifications are noted using diacritics. These can be placed before consonants (as with ), above them (as with ) or even around them (as with ). These character clusters are built using multiple keystrokes. In particular, the inconsistent placement of diacritics as a feature of the language presents a conflict between an intuitive WYSIWYG typing approach, and a logical consonant-first storage approach.

Since its introduction in 2007, the most popular Burmese font, Zawgyi, has been near-ubiquitous in Myanmar. Linguist Justin Watkins argues that the ubiquitous use of Zawgyi harms Myanmar languages, including Burmese, by preventing efficient sorting, searching, processing and analyzing Myanmar text through flexible diacritic ordering. [57]

Zawgyi is not Unicode-compliant, but occupies the same code space as Unicode Myanmar font. [58] As it is not defined as a standard character encoding, Zawgyi is not built in to any major operating systems as standard. However, allow for its position as the de facto (but largely undocumented) standard within the country, telcos and major smartphone distributors (such as Huawei and Samsung) ship phones with Zawgyi font overwriting standard Unicode-compliant fonts, which are installed on most internationally distributed hardware. [59] Facebook also supports Zawgyi as an additional language encoding for their app and website. [60] As a result, almost all SMS alerts (including those from telcos to their customers), social media posts and other web resources may be incomprehensible on these devices without the custom Zawgyi font installed at the operating system level. These may include devices purchased overseas, or distributed by companies who do not customize software for the local market.

Keyboards which have a Zawgyi keyboard layout printed on them are the most commonly available for purchase domestically.

Until recently, Unicode compliant fonts have been more difficult to type than Zawgyi, as they have a stricter, less forgiving and arguably less intuitive method for ordering diacritics. However, intelligent input software such as Keymagic [61] and recent versions of smartphone soft-keyboards including Gboard and ttKeyboard [62] allow for more forgiving input sequences and Zawgyi keyboard layouts which produce Unicode-compliant text.

A number of Unicode-compliant Burmese fonts exist. The national standard keyboard layout is known as the Myanmar3 layout, and it was published along with the Myanmar3 Unicode font. The layout, developed by the Myanmar Unicode and NLP Research Center, has a smart input system to cover the complex structures of Burmese and related scripts.

In addition to the development of computer fonts and standard keyboard layout, there is still a lot of scope of research for the Burmese language, specifically for Natural Language Processing (NLP) areas like WordNet, Search Engine, development of parallel corpus for Burmese language as well as development of a formally standardized and dense domain-specific corpus of Burmese language. [63]

Myanmar government has designated Oct 1 2019 as "U-Day" to officially switch to Unicode. [64] The full transition is estimated to take two years. [65]


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  15. 1 2 3 4 5 Lieberman, Victor (2018). "Was the Seventeenth Century a Watershed in Burmese History?". In Reid, Anthony J. S. (ed.). Southeast Asia in the Early Modern Era: Trade, Power, and Belief. Cornell University Press. ISBN   978-1-5017-3217-1.
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  20. 1 2 3 Bradley 2010, p. 99.
  21. 1 2 Bradley 1995, p. 140.
  22. Bradley, David (2019-10-02). "Language policy and language planning in mainland Southeast Asia: Myanmar and Lisu". Linguistics Vanguard. 5 (1). doi:10.1515/lingvan-2018-0071. S2CID   203848291.
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Thai, Central Thai, is the national language of Thailand and de facto official language; it is the first language of the Central Thai people and most Thai Chinese, depending on age. It is a member of the Tai group of the Kra–Dai language family, and one of over 60 languages of Thailand. Over half of Thai vocabulary is derived from or borrowed from Pali, Sanskrit, Mon and Old Khmer. It is a tonal and analytic language, similar to Chinese and Vietnamese.

Lao language Tai–Kadai language official in Laos

Lao, sometimes referred to as Laotian, is a Kra–Dai language of the Lao people. It is spoken in Laos, where it is the official language, as well as northeast Thailand, where it is usually referred to as Isan. Lao serves as a lingua franca among all citizens of Laos, who speak approximately 90 other languages, many of which are unrelated to Lao.

Mongolian is the official language of Mongolia and both the most widely spoken and best-known member of the Mongolic language family. The number of speakers across all its dialects may be 5.2 million, including the vast majority of the residents of Mongolia and many of the ethnic Mongol residents of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region of the People's Republic of China. In Mongolia, the Khalkha dialect, currently written in both Cyrillic and traditional Mongolian script, is predominant, while in Inner Mongolia, the language is dialectally more diverse and is written in the traditional Mongolian script.

In linguistics, reduplication is a morphological process in which the root or stem of a word or even the whole word is repeated exactly or with a slight change.

The Burmese alphabet is an abugida used for writing Burmese. It is ultimately a Brahmic script adapted from either the Kadamba or Pallava alphabet of South India and more immediately an adaptation of Old Mon or Pyu script. The Burmese alphabet is also used for the liturgical languages of Pali and Sanskrit.

Sinhala language Indo-Aryan language spoken in Sri Lanka

Sinhala, also known as Sinhalese, is an Indo-Aryan language primarily spoken by the Sinhalese people of Sri Lanka, who make up the largest ethnic group on the island, numbering about 16 million. Sinhala is also spoken as the first language by other ethnic groups in Sri Lanka, totalling about 4 million people as of 2001. Sinhala is written using the Sinhala script, which is one of the Brahmic scripts, a descendant of the ancient Indian Brahmi script closely related to the Kadamba script.

Biblical Hebrew Stage of the Hebrew language written and spoken during the composition of the Tanakh

Biblical Hebrew, also called classical Hebrew, is an archaic form of Hebrew, a language in the Canaanite branch of Semitic languages, spoken by the Israelites in the area known as Israel, roughly west of the Jordan River and east of the Mediterranean Sea. The term "Hebrew" was not used for the language in the Bible, which was referred to as שפת כנען or יהודית, but the name was used in Greek and Mishnaic Hebrew texts.

Khanty, previously known as Ostyak, is the Uralic language spoken by the Khanty people. It is spoken in Khanty–Mansi and Yamalo-Nenets autonomous okrugs as well as in Aleksandrovsky and Kargosoksky districts of Tomsk Oblast in Russia. According to the 1994 Salminen and Janhunen study, there were 12,000 Khanty-speaking people in Russia.

Haida language

Haida is the language of the Haida people, spoken in the Haida Gwaii archipelago off the coast of Canada and on Prince of Wales Island in Alaska. An endangered language, Haida currently has 24 native speakers, though revitalization efforts are underway. At the time of the European arrival at Haida Gwaii in 1774, it is estimated that Haida speakers numbered about 15,000. Epidemics soon led to a drastic reduction in the Haida population, which became limited to three villages: Masset, Skidegate, and Hydaburg. Positive attitudes towards assimilation combined with the ban on speaking Haida in residential schools led to a sharp decline in the use of the Haida language among the Haida people, and today almost all ethnic Haida use English to communicate.

The Ojibwe language is an Algonquian American Indian language spoken throughout the Great Lakes region and westward onto the northern plains. It is one of the largest American Indian languages north of Mexico in terms of number of speakers, and exhibits a large number of divergent dialects. For the most part, this article describes the Minnesota variety of the Southwestern dialect. The orthography used is the Fiero Double-Vowel System.

Tübatulabal is an extinct Uto-Aztecan language, traditionally spoken in Kern County, California, United States. It is the traditional language of the Tübatulabal, who have now shifted to English. The language originally had three main dialects: Bakalanchi, Pakanapul and Palegawan.

Sakao is an Oceanic language spoken on the northeast horn of Espiritu Santo, Vanuatu.

Najdi Arabic

Najdi Arabic is the group of Arabic varieties originating from the Najd region of Saudi Arabia. As a result of migration, several regions outside of Najd, including Eastern, Al Jawf, Najran, and Northern Borders Regions are now mostly Najdi-speaking. Outside of Saudi Arabia, it is also the main Arabic variety spoken in the Syrian Desert of Iraq, Jordan, and Syria as well as the westernmost part of Kuwait.

Hejazi Arabic

Hejazi Arabic or Hijazi Arabic, also known as West Arabian Arabic, is a variety of Arabic spoken in the Hejaz region in Saudi Arabia. Strictly speaking, there are two main groups of dialects spoken in the Hejaz region, one by the urban population, originally spoken mainly in the cities of Jeddah, Mecca and Medina and another by the urbanized rural and bedouin populations.. However, the term most often applies to the urban variety which is discussed in this article.

Khwarshi is a Northeast Caucasian language spoken in the Tsumadinsky-, Kizilyurtovsky- and Khasavyurtovsky districts of Dagestan by the Khwarshi people. The exact number of speakers is not known, but the linguist Zaira Khalilova, who has carried out fieldwork in the period from 2005 to 2009, gives the figure 8,500. Other sources give much lower figures, such as Ethnologue with the figure 1,870 and the latest population census of Russia with the figure 1,872. The low figures are because many Khwarshi have registered themselves as being Avar speakers, because Avar is their literary language.

Arosi is a Southeast Solomonic language spoken on the island of Makira. Arosi is primarily spoken by inhabitants who live to the west of the Wango River on Makira. Makira is in the easternmost part of the Solomon Islands. Makira was visited and named by Álvaro de Mendaña de Neira in 1588. Upon landing on Makira, the Spanish were the first to record Arosi, but only six words were initially recorded. Arosi is one of the lesser known languages in Melanesia.

The phonology of Burmese is fairly typical of a Southeast Asian language, involving phonemic tone or register, a contrast between major and minor syllables, and strict limitations on consonant clusters.

Grass Koiari (Koiali) is a Papuan language of Papua New Guinea spoken in the inland Port Moresby area. It is not very close to the other language which shares its name, Mountain Koiali. It is considered a threatened language.