Casta

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Las castas
. Casta painting showing 16 racial groupings. Anonymous, 18th century, oil on canvas, 148x104 cm, Museo Nacional del Virreinato
, Tepotzotlan
, Mexico. Casta painting all.jpg
Las castas. Casta painting showing 16 racial groupings. Anonymous, 18th century, oil on canvas, 148×104 cm, Museo Nacional del Virreinato, Tepotzotlán , Mexico.

Casta (Spanish:  [ˈkasta] ) is a term which means "lineage" in Spanish and Portuguese and has historically been used as a racial and social identifier.

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The Spanish Casta system was separated into six different social classes depending on the racial purity of the individual. At the top of the social hierarchy, there were the Peninsulares, who were recognized to have pure Spanish blood, and therefore held the highest social status. Below the Peninsulares, the second class, there were the Criollos who were born in the ‘New Spain’ from Spanish descendants. [1]

Thirdly, below the Criollos were the Mestizos. They were descendants of the Spanish and Native Americans, who were mainly considered as the working class.

Furthermore, there were the Mulattos who were of Spanish and African descent. The bottom two of the racial caste system were those of pure Native American descent and then Africans and enslaved people. The Native Americans were usually forced to work for the Spanish in return for money, and slaves were brought due to the colonial slave trade. [1] (Slavery in Colonial Spanish America)

The "Colonial Caste System" debate

The degree to which racial category labels had legal and social consequences has been subject to academic debate since the idea of a "caste system" was first developed by Ángel Rosenblat and Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán in the 1940s. Both historians popularized the notion that racial status was a key organizing principle of Spanish colonial rule, becoming commonplace in the anglosphere during the mid and late 20th century. However, recent academic studies in Latin America have widely challenged this notion, considering it a flawed an ideologically-based reinterpretations of the colonial period.

Pilar Gonzalbo, in her study La trampa de las castas (2013) discards the idea of the existence of a "caste system" or a "caste society" in New Spain, understood as a "social organization based on the race and supported by coercive power". [2] Joanne Rappaport, in her book on colonial New Granada, rejects the caste system as an interpretative framework for that time, discussing both the legitimacy of a model valid for the entire colonial world and the usual association between "caste" and "race". [3]

Similarly, Berta Ares' 2015 study on the topic in the case of the Viceroyalty of Peru, notes that the term "casta" is barely used by colonial authorities which, according to her, casts doubt on the idea of the existence of a "caste system". Even by the 18th century, its use would be rare and appear in its plural form "castas", characterized by its ambiguous meaning. The word did not specifically refer to sectors of the population who were mixed but also included both Spaniards and Indians of lower socio-economic extraction, often used together with other terms such as plebe, vulgo, naciones, clases, calidades, otras gentes, etc. [4]

In a detailed analysis of Mexican archival records published in 2018, Ben Vinson came to a similar conclusion to the aforementioned academics. [5]

Often called the sistema de castas or the sociedad de castas, there was, in fact, no fixed system of classification for individuals, as careful archival research has shown. There was considerable fluidity in society, with individuals being identified by different categories simultaneously or over time. Individuals self-identified by particular terms, often to shift their status from one category to another to their advantage. For example, both Mestizos and Spaniards were exempt from tribute obligations, but were bot equally subject to the Inquisition. Indios, on the other hand, paid tribute yet were exempt from the Inquisition. In certain cases, a Mestizo might try to "pass" as an Indio to escape the Inquisition. An Indio might try to pass as a Mestizo to escape tribute obligations.

Casta paintings produced largely in 18th-century Mexico have influenced modern understandings of race in Spanish America - a concept which began infiltrating Bourbon Spain from France and Northern Europe during this time. They purport to show a fixed "system" of racial hierarchy which has been disputed by modern academia. These paintings should be evaluated as the production by elites in New Spain for an elite viewership in both Spanish territories and abroad, with sometimes pejorative portrayals of mixtures of Spaniards with other ethnicities. They are useful for understanding elites and their attitudes toward non-elites, and quite valuable as illustrations of aspects of material culture in the late colonial era. [6]

The process of mixing ancestries in the union of people of different races is known in the modern era as mestizaje (Portuguese : mestiçagem [meʃtʃiˈsaʒẽj] , [mɨʃtiˈsaʒɐ̃j] ). In Spanish colonial law, mixed-race castas were classified as part of the república de españoles and not the república de indios, which set Amerindians outside the Hispanic sphere with different duties and rights to those of Spaniards and Mestizos.

Etymology

Casta is an Iberian word (existing in Spanish, Portuguese and other Iberian languages since the Middle Ages), meaning "lineage". It is documented in Spanish since 1417 and is linked to the proto-Indo European "Ger". The Portuguese casta gave rise to the English word caste during the Early Modern Period. [7] [8]

Use of casta terminology

In the historical literature, how racial distinction, hierarchy, and social status functioned over time in colonial Spanish America has been an evolving and contested discussion. [9] [10] Although the term sistema de castas (system of castes) or sociedad de castas ("society of castes") are utilized in modern historical analyses to describe the social hierarchy based on race, with Spaniards at the apex, archival research shows that there is not a rigid "system" with fixed places for individuals. [11] [12] [13] rather, a more fluid social structure where individuals could move from one category to another, or maintain or be given different labels depending on the context. In the eighteenth century, "casta paintings," imply a fixed racial hierarchy, but this genre may well have been an attempt to bring order into a system that was more fluid. "For colonial elites, casta paintings might well have been an attempt to fix in place rigid divisions based on race, even as they were disappearing in social reality." [14]

Examination of registers in colonial Mexico put in question other narratives held by certain academics, such as Spanish immigrants who arrived to Mexico being almost exclusively men or that "pure Spanish" people were all part of a small powerful elite, as Spaniards were often the most numerous ethnic group in the colonial cities [15] [16] and there were menial workers and people in poverty who were of complete Spanish origin. [17]

In New Spain (colonial Mexico) during the Mexican War of Independence race and racial distinctions were an important issue and the end of imperial had a strong appeal. José María Morelos, who was classified as a Spaniard under the caste system, called for the abolition of the formal distinctions the imperial regime made between racial groups, advocating for "calling them one and all Americans." [18] As leader of a large mixed-race insurgent force in southern Mexico, Morelos issued regulations in 1810 to prevent disturbances between Indians and castas, black against whites, and whites against mulattos. "He who raises his voice should be immediately punished." [19] In 1821 race was an issue in the negotiations resulting in the Plan of Iguala. Royalist military officer-turned insurgent, Agustín de Iturbide, and Vicente Guerrero, a mixed-race leader of the insurgency in the south, differed on the matter. Iturbide saw political independence from Spain increasingly a viable option, did not want to grant legal equality to Afro-Mexicans. Guerrero held his ground for equality, since he would have been unable to convince fellow insurgents to support the plan if equality were not explicitly written into it. [20] Article 11 of the Plan abolished all distinctions between castes." The imperial regime ("Spanish law") created the distinctions between races; independence and the creation of the sovereign Mexican state abolished them.

"Purity of blood" and the evolution of racial classification

Certain authors have sought to link the castas in Latin America to the older Spanish concept of "purity of blood", limpieza de sangre , originating under Moorish rule, developed in Christian Spain to denote those without recent Jewish or Muslim heritage or, more widely, heritage from individuals convicted by the Spanish inquisition for heresy.

It was directly linked to religion and notions of legitimacy, lineage and honor following Spain's reconquest of Moorish territory and the degree to which it can be considered a precursor to the modern concept of race has been the subject of academic debate.. [21] The Inquisition only allowed those Spaniards who could demonstrate not to have Jewish and Moorish blood to emigrate to Latin America, although this prohibition was frequently ignored and a number of Spanish Conquistadors were Jewish Conversos. Others, such as Juan Valiente, were Black Africans or had recent Moorish ancestry.

Both in Spain and in the New World Conversos who continued to practice Judaism in secret were aggressively prosecuted. Of the roughly 40 people executed by the Spanish Inquistion in Mexico, a significant number were convicted of being "Judaizers" (judaizantes) . [22] Spanish Conquistador Luis de Carvajal y de la Cueva was prosecuted by the Inquisition for secretly practicing Judaism and eventually died in prison.

In Spanish America, the idea of purity of blood also applied to Black Africans and indigenous peoples since, as Spaniards of Moorish and Jewish descent, they had not been Christian for various generations and were inherently suspect of engaging in religious heresy. In all Spanish territories, including Spain itself, evidence of lack of purity of blood had consequences for eligibility for office, entrance into the priesthood, and emigration to Spain's overseas territories. Having to produce genealogical records to prove one's pure ancestry gave rise to a trade in the creation of false genealogies, a practice which was already widespread in Spain itself. [23]

This was no impediment for intermarriage between Spaniards and indigenous people, just as it had not been an impediment for marriage between Old and New Christians in Spain. The result was generations of mixed-race children which were typically considered Spaniards and many of which returned to Spain to join the ranks of the nobility, a notable example being Juan Cano Moctezuma.

However, starting in the late sixteenth century, some investigations of ancestry classified as "stains" any connection with Black Africans ("negros", which resulted in "mulatos") and sometimes mixtures with indigenous that produced Mestizos. [24] While some illustrations from the period show men of African descent dressed in fashionable clothing and as aristocrats in upper-class surroundings, the idea that any hint of black ancestry was a stain developed by the end of the colonial period, a time in which biological racism began to emerge throughout the western world. This trend was illustrated in eighteenth-century paintings of racial hierarchy, known as casta paintings which led to 20th-century emergence of theories on a "Caste System" existing in Colonial Spanish America.

The idea in New Spain that native or "Indian" (indio) blood in a lineage was an impurity may well have come about as the optimism of the early Franciscans faded about creating Indian priests trained at the Colegio de Santa Cruz de Tlatelolco, which ceased that function in the mid-sixteenth century. In addition, the Indian nobility, which was recognized by the Spanish colonists, had declined in importance, and there were fewer formal marriages between Spaniards and indigenous women than during the early decades of the colonial era. [24] In the seventeenth century in New Spain, the ideas of purity of blood became associated with "Spanishness and whiteness, but it came to work together with socio-economic categories", such that a lineage with someone engaged in work with their hands was tainted by that connection. [25]

Indians in Central Mexico were affected by ideas of purity of blood from the other side. Crown decrees on purity of blood were affirmed by indigenous communities, which barred Indians from holding office who had any non-Indians (Spaniards and/or Blacks) in their lineage. In indigenous communities "local caciques [rulers] and principales were granted a set of privileges and rights on the basis of their pre-Hispanic noble bloodlines and acceptance of the Catholic faith." [26] Indigenous nobles submitted proofs (probanzas) of their purity of blood to affirm their rights and privileges that were extended to themselves and their communities. This supported the república de indios, a legal division of society that separated indigenous from non-Indians (república de españoles). [27]

From Spaniard and Indian woman, Mestiza. Miguel Cabrera, 1763 Castas 01mestiza max.jpg
From Spaniard and Indian woman, Mestiza. Miguel Cabrera, 1763
Spanish (espanol) father, Mestiza (mixed Spanish-Indian) mother, and their Castiza daughter. Miguel Cabrera. De espanol y mestiza, castiza.jpg
Spanish (español) father, Mestiza (mixed Spanish-Indian) mother, and their Castiza daughter. Miguel Cabrera.

In Spanish America racial categories were registered at local parishes upon baptism as required by the Spanish Crown. Initially in Spanish America there were three ethnic categories. They generally referred to the multiplicity of indigenous American peoples as "Indians" (indios). Those from Spain called themselves españoles. The third group were black Africans, called negros ("Blacks"), brought as slaves from the earliest days of Spanish empire in the Caribbean. Although intermarriage was widespread from the beginning of the colonial period, mestizos only slowly began to be recognized as a distinct ethnicity 150 years after the conquest of Mexico, prior to which they had simply been identified as Spaniards.

Although the number of Spanish women emigrating to New Spain was far higher than is often portrayed, they were fewer in number than men, as well as fewer black women than men, so the mixed-race offspring of Spaniards and of Blacks were often the product of liaisons with indigenous women. The process of race mixture is now termed mestizaje, a term coined in the modern era.

In the sixteenth century, the term casta, a collective category for mixed-race individuals, came into existence as the numbers grew, particularly in urban areas. Nevertheless, during the first century and a half of the colonial era, the offspring of mixed marriages were registered as Spaniards and only Africans were registered as "Castas". The registry of "Mestizos" as "Castas" rather than "Spaniards" only become widespread in the last century of colonial rule.

The crown had divided the population of its overseas empire into two categories, separating Indians from non-Indians. Indigenous were the República de Indios, the other the República de Españoles, essentially the Hispanic sphere, so that Spaniards, Blacks, and mixed-race castas were lumped into this category. Official censuses and ecclesiastical records noted an individual's racial category, so that these sources can be used to chart socio-economic standard, residence patterns, and other important data.

General racial groupings had their own set of privileges and restrictions, both legal and customary. So, for example, only Spaniards and indigenous, who were deemed to be the original societies of the Spanish dominions, had recognized aristocracies. [28] [29] In the population at large, access to social privileges and even at times a person's perceived and accepted racial classification, were predominantly determined by that person's socioeconomic standing in society. [30] [31] [32]

Official censuses and ecclesiastical records noted an individual's racial category, so that these sources can be used to chart socio-economic standards, residence patterns, and other important data. Parish registers, where baptism, marriage, and burial were recorded, had three basic categories: Español (Spaniards), Indio, and Color Quebrado ("broken color", indicating a mixed-race person). In some parishes in colonial Mexico, Indios were recorded with other non-Spaniards in the Color quebrado register. [33] Españoles and mestizos could be ordained as priests and were exempt from payment of tribute to the crown. Free blacks, Amerindians, and mixed-race castas were required to pay tribute and barred from the priesthood. Being designated as an Español or mestizo conferred social and financial advantages. Men of color began to apply to the Royal and Pontifical University of Mexico, but in 1688 Bishop Juan de Palafox y Mendoza attempted to prevent their entrance by drafting new regulations barring blacks and mulattoes. [34] In 1776, the crown issued the Royal Pragmatic on Marriage, taking approval of marriages away from the couple and placing it in their parents' hands. The marriage between Luisa de Abrego, a free black domestic servant from Seville and Miguel Rodríguez, a white Segovian conquistador in 1565 in St. Augustine (Spanish Florida), is the first known and recorded Christian marriage anywhere in the continental United States. [35]

Long lists of different terms found in casta paintings do not appear in official documentation or anywhere outside these paintings. Only counts of Spaniards, mestizos, Blacks and mulattoes, and indigenous (indios) were found in censuses. [36]

The "Colonial Caste System" debate

The degree to which racial category labels had legal and social consequences has been subject to academic debate since the idea of a "caste system" was first developed by Ángel Rosenblat and Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán in the 1940s. Both historians popularized the notion that racial status was a key organizing principle of Spanish colonial rule, becoming commonplace in the anglosphere during the mid and late 20th century. However, recent academic studies in Latin America have widely challenged this notion, considering it a flawed an ideologically-based reinterpretations of the colonial period.

Pilar Gonzalbo, in her study La trampa de las castas (2013) discards the idea of the existence of a "caste system" or a "caste society" in New Spain, understood as a "social organization based on the race and supported by coercive power". [2] Joanne Rappaport, in her book on colonial New Granada, rejects the caste system as an interpretative framework for that time, discussing both the legitimacy of a model valid for the entire colonial world and the usual association between "caste" and "race". [3]

Similarly, Berta Ares' 2015 study on the topic in the case of the Viceroyalty of Peru, notes that the term "casta" is barely used by colonial authorities which, according to her, casts doubt on the idea of the existence of a "caste system". Even by the 18th century, its use would be rare and appear in its plural form "castas", characterized by its ambiguous meaning. The word did not specifically refer to sectors of the population who were mixed but also included both Spaniards and Indians of lower socio-economic extraction, often used together with other terms such as plebe, vulgo, naciones, clases, calidades, otras gentes, etc. [4]

In a detailed analysis of Mexican archival records published in 2018, Ben Vinson came to a similar conclusion to the aforementioned academics. [5]

Often called the sistema de castas or the sociedad de castas, there was, in fact, no fixed system of classification for individuals, as careful archival research has shown. There was considerable fluidity in society, with individuals being identified by different categories simultaneously or over time. Individuals self-identified by particular terms, often to shift their status from one category to another to their advantage. For example, both Mestizos and Spaniards were exempt from tribute obligations, but were bot equally subject to the Inquisition. Indios, on the other hand, paid tribute yet were exempt from the Inquisition. In certain cases, a Mestizo might try to "pass" as an Indio to escape the Inquisition. An Indio might try to pass as a Mestizo to escape tribute obligations.

Casta paintings produced largely in 18th-century Mexico have influenced modern understandings of race in Spanish America - a concept which began infiltrating Bourbon Spain from France and Northern Europe during this time. They purport to show a fixed "system" of racial hierarchy which has been disputed by modern academia. These paintings should be evaluated as the production by elites in New Spain for an elite viewership in both Spanish territories and abroad, with sometimes pejorative portrayals of mixtures of Spaniards with other ethnicities. They are useful for understanding elites and their attitudes toward non-elites, and quite valuable as illustrations of aspects of material culture in the late colonial era. [6]

The process of mixing ancestries in the union of people of different races is known in the modern era as mestizaje (Portuguese : mestiçagem [meʃtʃiˈsaʒẽj] , [mɨʃtiˈsaʒɐ̃j] ). In Spanish colonial law, mixed-race castas were classified as part of the república de españoles and not the república de indios, which set Amerindians outside the Hispanic sphere with different duties and rights to those of Spaniards and Mestizos.Casta paintings of the 18th century

Luis de Mena, Virgin of Guadalupe and castas, 1750. Museo de America, Madrid. Casta Painting by Luis de Mena.jpg
Luis de Mena, Virgin of Guadalupe and castas, 1750. Museo de América, Madrid.
Casta painting showing 16 hierarchically arranged, mixed-race groupings, with indios mecos set outside of the orderly set of "civilized" society. Ignacio Maria Barreda, 1777. Real Academia Espanola de la Lengua, Madrid. Ignacio Maria Barreda - Las castas mexicanas.jpg
Casta painting showing 16 hierarchically arranged, mixed-race groupings, with indios mecos set outside of the orderly set of "civilized" society. Ignacio Maria Barreda, 1777. Real Academia Española de la Lengua, Madrid.
Spanish father and Albina mother, Torna atras. Miguel Cabrera, eighteenth century Mexico Castas 07tornatras max.jpg
Spanish father and Albina mother, Torna atrás. Miguel Cabrera, eighteenth century Mexico
Jose Joaquin Magon, Spaniard + India = Mestizo. I. "Born of the Spaniard and the India is a Mestizo, who is generally humble, tranquil, and straightforward." Museo de Antropologia, Madrid. 115 x 141 cm. Jose Joaquin Magon - El Mestizo.jpg
José Joaquín Magón, Spaniard + India = Mestizo. I. "Born of the Spaniard and the India is a Mestizo, who is generally humble, tranquil, and straightforward." Museo de Antropología, Madrid. 115 x 141 cm.
Spanish father, Torna atras mother, Tente en el aire ("floating in mid air") offspring. X. De espanol y torna atras, tente en el aire (Casta painting) LACMA M.2011.20.3 (1 of 6).jpg
Spanish father, Torna atrás mother, Tente en el aire ("floating in mid air") offspring.
Indios Gentiles. Miguel Cabrera Castas 16indios max.jpg
Indios Gentiles. Miguel Cabrera

Artwork created mainly in eighteenth-century Mexico purports to show race mixture as a hierarchy. These paintings have had tremendous influence in how scholars have approached difference in the colonial era, but should not be taken as definitive description of racial difference. For approximately a century, casta paintings are by elite artists for an elite viewership. They ceased to be produced following Mexico's independence in 1821 when casta designations were abolished. The vast majority of casta paintings were produced in Mexico, by a variety of artists, with a single group of canvases clearly identified for eighteenth-century Peru. In the colonial era, artists primary painted religious art and portraits, but in the eighteenth century, casta paintings emerged as a completely secular genre of art. An exception to that is the painting by Luis de Mena, a single canvas that has the central figure of the Virgin of Guadalupe and a set of casta groupings. [37] Most sets of casta paintings have 16 separate canvases, but a few, such as Mena's, Ignacio María Barreda, and the anonymous painting in the Museo de Virreinato in Tepozotlan, Mexico, are frequently reproduced as examples of the genre, likely because their composition gives a single, tidy image of the racial classification (from the elite viewpoint).

It is unclear why casta paintings emerged as a genre, why they became such a popular genre of artwork, who commissioned them, and who collected them. One scholar suggests they can be seen as "proud renditions of the local," [38] at a point when American-born Spaniards began forming a clearer identification with their place of birth rather than the metropole of Spain. [39] The single-canvas casta artwork could well have been as a curiosity or souvenir for Spaniards to take home to Spain; two frequently reproduced casta paintings are Mena's and Barreda's, both of which are in Madrid museums. [40] There is only one set of casta paintings definitively done in Peru, commissioned by Viceroy Manuel Amat y Junyent (1770), and sent to Spain for the Cabinet of Natural History of the Prince of Asturias. [41]

The influence of the European Enlightenment on the Spanish empire led to an interest in organizing knowledge and scientific description might have resulted in the commission of many series of pictures that document the racial combinations that existed in Spanish territories in the Americas. Many sets of these paintings still exist (around one hundred complete sets in museums and private collections and many more individual paintings), of varying artistic quality, usually consisting of sixteen paintings representing as many racial combinations. It must be emphasized that these paintings reflected the views of the economically established Criollo society and officialdom, but not all Criollos were pleased with casta paintings. One remarked that they show "what harms us, not what benefits us, what dishonors us, not what ennobles us." [42] Many paintings are in Spain in major museums, but many remain in private collections in Mexico, perhaps commissioned and kept because they show the character of late colonial Mexico and a source of pride. [43]

Some of the finer sets were done by prominent Mexican artists, such as José de Alcíbar, Miguel Cabrera, José de Ibarra, José Joaquín Magón, (who painted two sets); Juan Patricio Morlete Ruiz, José de Páez, and Juan Rodríguez Juárez. One of Magón's sets includes descriptions of the "character and moral standing" of his subjects. These artists worked together in the painting guilds of New Spain. They were important transitional artists in 18th-century casta painting. At least one Spaniard, Francisco Clapera, also contributed to the casta genre. In general, little is known of most artists who did sign their work; most casta paintings are unsigned.

Certain authors have interpreted the overall theme of these paintings as representing the "supremacy of the Spaniards", the possibility that mixtures of Spaniards and Spanish-Indian offspring could return to the status of Spaniards through marriage to Spaniards over generations, what can be considered "restoration of racial purity," [44] or "racial mending" [45] was seen visually in many sets of casta paintings. It was also articulated by a visitor to Mexico, Don Pedro Alonso O’Crouley, in 1774. "If the mixed-blood is the offspring of a Spaniard and an Indian, the stigma [of race mixture] disappears at the third step in descent because it is held as systematic that a Spaniard and an Indian produce a mestizo; a mestizo and a Spaniard, a castizo; and a castizo and a Spaniard, a Spaniard. The admixture of Indian blood should not indeed be regarded as a blemish, since the provisions of law give the Indian all that he could wish for, and Philip II granted to mestizos the privilege of becoming priests. On this consideration is based the common estimation of descent from a union of Indian and European or creole Spaniard." [46]

O’Crouley states that the same process of restoration of racial purity does not occur over generations for European-African offspring marrying whites. “From the union of a Spaniard and a Negro the mixed-blood retains the stigma for generations without losing the original quality of a mulato." [47] Casta paintings show increasing whitening over generations with the mixes of Spaniards and Africans. The sequence is the offspring of a Spaniard + Negra, Mulatto; Spaniard with a Mulatta, Morisco; Spaniard with a Morisca, Albino (a racial category, derived from Alba, "white"); Spaniard with an Albina, Torna atrás , or "throw back" black. Negro, Mulatto, and Morisco were labels found in colonial-era documentation, but Albino and Torna atrás exist only as fairly standard categories in casta paintings.

In contrast, mixtures with Blacks, both by Indians and Spaniards, led to a bewildering number of combinations, with "fanciful terms" to describe them. Instead of leading to a new racial type or equilibrium, they led to apparent disorder. Terms such as the above-mentioned tente en el aire ("floating in mid air") and no te entiendo ("I don't understand you")—and others based on terms used for animals: coyote and lobo (wolf). [48] [49]

Castas defined themselves in different ways, and how they were recorded in official records was a process of negotiation between the casta and the person creating the document, whether it was a birth certificate, a marriage certificate or a court deposition. In real life, many casta individuals were assigned different racial categories in different documents, revealing the malleable nature of racial identity in colonial, Spanish American society. [50]

Some paintings depicted the supposed "innate" character and quality of people because of their birth and ethnic origin. For example, according to one painting by José Joaquín Magón, a mestizo (mixed Indian + Spanish) was considered generally humble, tranquil, and straightforward; while another painting claims "from Lobo and Indian woman is born the Cambujo, one usually slow, lazy, and cumbersome." Ultimately, the casta paintings are reminders of the colonial biases in modern human history that linked a caste/ethnic society based on descent, skin color, social status, and one's birth. [51] [52]

Often, casta paintings depicted commodity items from Latin America like pulque, the fermented alcohol drink of the lower classes. Painters depicted interpretations of pulque that were attributed to specific castas.

The Indias in casta paintings depict them as partners to Spaniards, Blacks, and castas, and thus part of Hispanic society. But in a number of casta paintings, they are also shown apart from "civilized society," such as Miguel Cabrera's Indios Gentiles, or indios bárbaros or Chichimecas barely clothed indigenous in a wild, setting. [53] In the single-canvas casta painting by José María Barreda, there are a canonical 16 casta groupings and then in a separate cell below are "Mecos". Although the so-called "barbarian Indians" (indios bárbaros) were fierce warriors on horseback, indios in casta paintings are not shown as bellicose, but as weak, a trope that developed in the colonial era. [54] A casta painting by Luis de Mena that is often reproduced as an example of the genre shows an unusual couple with a pale, well-dressed Spanish woman paired with a nearly naked indio, producing a Mestizo offspring. "The aberrant combination not only mocks social protocol but also seems to underscore the very artificiality of a casta system that pretends to circumscribe social fluidity and economic mobility." [55] The image "would have seemed frankly bizarre and offensive by eighteenth-century Creole elites, if taken literally", but if the pair were considered allegorical figures, the Spanish woman represents "Europe" and the indio "America." [56] The image "functions as an allegory for the 'civilizing' and Christianizing process." [57]

Sample sets of casta paintings

Presented here are casta lists from three sets of paintings. Note that they only agree on the first five combinations, which are essentially the Indian-White ones. There is no agreement on the Black mixtures, however. Also, no one list should be taken as "authoritative". These terms would have varied from region to region and across time periods. The lists here probably reflect the names that the artist knew or preferred, the ones the patron requested to be painted, or a combination of both.

Miguel Cabrera, 1763 [58] Andrés de Islas, 1774 [59] Anonymous (Museo del Virreinato) [60]
  1. De Español y d'India; Mestiza
  2. De español y Mestiza, Castiza
  3. De Español y Castiza, Español
  4. De Español y Negra, Mulata
  5. De Español y Mulata; Morisca
  6. De Español y Morisca; Albina [61]
  7. De Español y Albina; Torna atrás
  8. De Español y Torna atrás; Tente en el aire
  9. De Negro y d'India, China cambuja.
  10. De Chino cambujo y d'India; Loba
  11. De Lobo y d'India, Albarazado
  12. De Albarazado y Mestiza, Barcino
  13. De Indio y Barcina; Zambuigua
  14. De Castizo y Mestiza; Chamizo
  15. De Mestizo y d'India; Coyote
  16. Indios gentiles (Heathen Indians)
  1. De Español e India, nace Mestizo
  2. De Español y Mestiza, nace Castizo
  3. De Castizo y Española, nace Española
  4. De Español y Negra, nace Mulata
  5. De Español y Mulata, nace Morisco
  6. De Español y Morisca, nace Albino
  7. De Español y Albina, nace Torna atrás
  8. De Indio y Negra, nace Lobo
  9. De Indio y Mestiza, nace Coyote
  10. De Lobo y Negra, nace Chino
  11. De Chino e India, nace Cambujo
  12. De Cambujo e India, nace Tente en el aire
  13. De Tente en el aire y Mulata, nace Albarazado
  14. De Albarazado e India, nace Barcino
  15. De Barcino y Cambuja, nace Calpamulato
  16. Indios Mecos bárbaros (Barbarian Meco Indians)
  1. Español con India, Mestizo
  2. Mestizo con Española, Castizo
  3. Castiza con Español, Española
  4. Español con Negra, Mulato
  5. Mulato con Española, Morisca
  6. Morisco con Española, Chino
  7. Chino con India, Salta atrás
  8. Salta atras con Mulata, Lobo
  9. Lobo con China, Gíbaro (Jíbaro)
  10. Gíbaro con Mulata, Albarazado
  11. Albarazado con Negra, Cambujo
  12. Cambujo con India, Sambiaga (Zambiaga)
  13. Sambiago con Loba, Calpamulato
  14. Calpamulto con Cambuja, Tente en el aire
  15. Tente en el aire con Mulata, No te entiendo
  16. No te entiendo con India, Torna atrás

See also

Related Research Articles

<i>Mestizo</i> Term to denote a person with Iberian and Indigenous American blood

Mestizo is a term historically used in Spain and Hispanic America that originally referred to a person of combined European and Indigenous American descent, regardless of where the person was born. The term was used as an ethnic/racial category for mixed-race castas that evolved during the Spanish Empire. Although broadly speaking, mestizo means someone of mixed European/indigenous heritage, the term did not have a fixed meaning in the colonial period. It was a formal label for individuals in official documentation, such as censuses, parish registers, Inquisition trials, and other matters. Individuals were labeled by priests and royal officials as mestizos, but the term was also used for self identification.

<i>Torna atrás</i>

Torna atrás or Tornatrás is a term once used in 18th century Casta Paintings to portray a mixed-race person (mestizo) who showed phenotypic characteristics of only one of the "original races", that is, white, black, Amerindian, or Asian. The term was also used to describe an individual whose parentage was half white and half "albino".

<i>Castizo</i> Mixed-race individuals in the Spanish Empire

Castizo is a racial category used in 18th-century Casta paintings of Colonial Spain to refer to people who were three-quarters Spanish by descent and one-quarter Amerindian. The feminine form of the word is castiza. Nowadays the term castizo also came to mean mixed-race people with light skin, in comparison to mulattos, pardos, mestizos and coyotes who would be mixed-race people with dark skin.

Filipino mestizo

In the Philippines, Filipino mestizo or colloquially tisoy, are people of mixed Filipino and any foreign ancestry. The word mestizo itself is of Spanish origin; it was first used in the Americas to describe only people of mixed Native American and European ancestry.

Filipino people of Spanish ancestry

Spanish settlement in the Philippines first took place in the 16th century, during the Spanish colonial period of the islands. The conquistador Miguel López de Legazpi founded the first Spanish settlement in Cebu in 1565 and later established Manila as the capital of the Spanish East Indies in 1571. The Philippine Islands are named after King Philip II of Spain and it became a territory of the Viceroyalty of New Spain which was governed from Mexico City until the 19th century, when Mexico obtained independence. From 1821, the Philippine Islands were ruled directly from Madrid, Spain.

Criollo are Latin Americans who are of solely or of mostly Spanish descent; such ancestry distinguishes them both from multi-racial Latin Americans and from Latin Americans of post-colonial European immigrant origin.

Gente de razón is a Spanish term used in colonial Spanish America and modern Hispanic America to refer to people who were culturally Hispanicized. It was a social distinction that existed alongside the racial categories of the sistema de castas. Indigenous peoples, who maintained their culture and lived in their legally recognized communities, and mixed-race people, especially the poor in urban centers, were generally considered not to be gente de razón.

Race and ethnicity in Latin America

There is no single system of races or ethnicities that covers all modern Latin America, and usage of labels may vary substantially.

Juan Rodríguez Juárez

Juan Rodríguez Juárez was an artist in the Viceroyalty of New Spain. He was a member of a Spanish family long noted for their accomplishments in the world of painting. His brother was Nicolás Rodríguez Juárez, who was like himself, an established painter in New Spain. He was the son of Antonio Rodríguez (1636–91), a notable Spanish painter. His maternal grandfather José Juárez and maternal great great grandfather Luis Juárez were also notable painters in Spanish history and prominent in the Baroque era.

Luis de Mena

Luis de Mena was a Mexican artist who lived and worked predominantly in the middle of the eighteenth century. Mena painted religious works and has been described as "no more than a journeyman painter in 18th century Mexico." He signed a work entitled "Most Holy Mother of Light", now on display in the Serra Museum in San Diego, California.

An unpublished manuscript entitled Ordenanzas del Baratillo de México was signed and dated in 1754 by Pedro Anselmo Chreslos Jache, likely a pseudonym for an educated Spaniard. It is a satirical piece of eighteenth-century colonial literature written in New Spain, which sought to offer an alternative view of life in colonial Spanish America.

Juan Patricio Morlete Ruiz

Juan Patricio Morlete Ruiz was an 18th-century Mexican painter, a mestizo according to the system of racial classification. He is most well known for his casta paintings.

In Mexico, the term Mestizo is used to refer to an identity that can be defined by different criteria, ranging from ideological and cultural to ones of self-identification or physical appearance. Because of this, estimates of the number of Mestizos in Mexico vary from around 40% of the population to the practical totality of the population which does not belong to the indigenous minorities of the country.

<i>Pardo</i> term used in the Portuguese and Spanish colonies in the Americas to refer to the multiracial descendants of Europeans, Indigenous Americans, and Africans

Pardo is a term used in the former Portuguese and Spanish colonies in the Americas to refer to the triracial descendants of Europeans, Indigenous Americans, and West Africans. In some places they were defined as neither exclusively mestizo, nor mulatto, nor zambo. In colonial Mexico, pardo "became virtually synonymous with mulatto, thereby losing much of its indigenous referencing." In the eighteenth century, pardo might have been the preferred label for blackness. Unlike negro, pardo had no association with slavery. Casta paintings from eighteenth-century Mexico use the label negro never pardo to identify Africans paired with Spaniards.

José de Páez

.

Coyote (racial category)

Coyote, , is a derogatory colonial Spanish American racial term for a mixed-race person casta, usually referring to a person born of parents one of whom is a Mestizo and the other indigenous (indio). 

Lobo (racial category)

Lobo, is a racial category in the Spanish colonial racial label for a mixed-race casta, far down the racial hierarchy created by the Spanish colonial regime privileging European whites.

Ignacio Maria Barreda

Ignacio María Barreda was an eighteenth-century Mexican painter, self-identified as university graduate with a Bachiller in philosophy. Mexican art historian Manuel Toussaint noted him for his portraits, including two of elite women, reproduced in his publication, and others of elite religious men. Toussaint believed he might be the official painter for the Seminario de San Camila, His 1777 single-canvas casta painting is an exemplar of this eighteenth-century genre of secular art. It is similar in some ways to the 1750 single-canvas painting by Luis de Mena, which also includes outdoor scenes near Mexico City, particularly the Paseo de Ixtacalco.

José Joaquín Magón

José Joaquín Magón was a late eighteenth-century Mexican painter from Puebla de los Angeles.

Chino (casta)

Chino was a term used in colonial Mexico to refer to people of mixed ancestry. In the eighteenth century, individuals of mixed Amerindian and African ancestry came to be called chinos. A Mexican Inquisition bigamy case in Mexico City labeled one woman variously as a china, loba, and parda, one example of a person shifting racial categorization. In marriage applications where individuals had to include the names of their parents, chinos tended not to know this information.

References

  1. 1 2 Camacho, Isabel (2020-08-05). "Spanish Caste System". Nuestra Verdad. Retrieved 2021-01-21.
  2. 1 2 Gonzalbo Aizpuru, Pilar, "La trampa de las castas" in Alberro, Solange and Gonzalbo Aizpuru, Pilar, La sociedad novohispana. Estereotipos y realidades, México, El Colegio de México, 2013, p. 15–193.
  3. 1 2 Rappaport, Joanne. The Disappearing Mestizo: Configuring Difference in the Colonial Kingdom of New Granada. Durham: Duke University Press 2014.
  4. 1 2 Ares, Berta, “Usos y abusos del concepto de casta en el Perú colonial”, ponencia presentada en el Congreso Internacional INTERINDI 2015. Categorías e indigenismo en América Latina, EEHA-CSIC, Sevilla, 10 de noviembre de 2015. Citado con la autorización de la autora.
  5. 1 2 Before Mestizaje: The Frontiers of Race and Caste in Colonial Mexico. Cambridge University Press. 2018. ISBN   9781107026438.
  6. 1 2 Katzew, Ilona. Casta Painting: Images of Race in Eighteenth-Century Mexico. New Haven: Yale University Press 2004.
  7. "Caste," Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary, 10th edition. (Springfield, 1999.)
  8. "Caste," New Oxford American Dictionary, 2nd edition. (Oxford, 2005).
  9. Giraudo, Laura (14 June 2018). "Casta(s), 'sociedad de castas' e indigenismo: la interpretación del pasado colonial en el siglo XX". Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos. doi: 10.4000/nuevomundo.72080 .
  10. Vinson, Ben III. Before Mestizaje: The Frontiers of Race and Caste in Colonial Mexico. New York: Cambridge University Press 2018.
  11. Cope, R. Douglas. The Limits of Racial Domination: Plebeian Society in Colonial Mexico City, 1660–1720. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1994.
  12. Valdés, Dennis N., "Decline of the Sociedad de Castas in Eighteenth-Century Mexico." PhD diss. University of Michigan, 1978
  13. Rappaport, Joanne. The Disappearning Mestizo: Configuring Difference in the Colonial New Kingdom of Granada. Durham: Duke University Press 2014.
  14. Cline, Sarah (1 August 2015). "Guadalupe and the Castas". Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos. 31 (2): 218–247. doi:10.1525/mex.2015.31.2.218.
  15. Sherburne Friend Cook; Woodrow Borah (1998). Ensayos sobre historia de la población. México y el Caribe 2. Siglo XXI. p. 223. ISBN   9789682301063 . Retrieved September 12, 2017.
  16. Hardin, Monica L. (2016). Household Mobility and Persistence in Guadalajara, Mexico: 1811–1842. Lexington Books. p. 62. ISBN   978-1-4985-4072-8.
  17. San Miguel, G. (November 2000). "Ser mestizo en la nueva España a fines del siglo XVIII: Acatzingo, 1792" [To be 'mestizo' in New Spain at the end of the XVIII th century. Acatzingo, 1792]. Cuadernos de la Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales. Universidad Nacional de Jujuy (in Spanish) (13): 325–342.
  18. quoted in Enrique Krauze, Mexico: Biography of Power. New York: HarperCollins 1997, p. 112
  19. quoted in Krauze, Mexico, p. 111.
  20. Vincent, Theodore. The Legacy of Vicente Guerrero, Mexico's First Black Indian President, esp. Chapter 7, "Iguala: Attaining Peace with an Equality Clause." Gainesville: University of Florida Press 2001, pp.117-140.
  21. Maria Elena Martinez, Genealogical Fictions: Limpieza de Sangre, Religion, and Gender in Colonial Mexico, Stanford: Stanford University Press 2008, p. 265.
  22. Jonathan I. Israel, Race, Class, and Politics in Colonial Mexico, 1610-1670. Oxford: Oxford University Press 1975, pp. 245-46.
  23. Martinez, Genealogical Fictions, p. 266-67.
  24. 1 2 Martinez, Genealogical Fictions, p. 267.
  25. Martinez, Genealogical Fictions, p. 269.
  26. Martinez, Genealogical Fictions, p. 270.
  27. Martinez, Genealogical Fictions, p. 273.
  28. MacLachlan, Colin; Jaime E. Rodríguez O. (1990). The Forging of the Cosmic Race: A Reinterprretation of Colonial Mexico (Expanded ed.). Berkeley: University of California. pp. 199, 208. ISBN   978-0-520-04280-3. [I]n the New World all Spaniards, no matter how poor, claimed hidalgo status. This unprecedented expansion of the privileged segment of society could be tolerated by the Crown because in Mexico the indigenous population assumed the burden of personal tribute.
  29. Gibson, Charles (1964). The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule . Stanford: Stanford University. pp.  154–165. ISBN   978-0-8047-0912-5.
  30. See Passing (racial identity) for a discussion of a related phenomenon, although in a later and very different cultural and legal context.
  31. Seed, Patricia (1988). To Love, Honor, and Obey in Colonial Mexico: Conflicts over Marriage Choice, 1574-1821. Stanford: Stanford University. pp. 21–23. ISBN   978-0-8047-2159-2.
  32. Bakewell, Peter (1997). A History of Latin America. Malden, Mass.: Blackwell. pp.  160–163. ISBN   978-0-631-16791-4. The Spaniards generally regarded [local Indian lords/caciques] as hidalgos, and used the honorific 'don' with the more eminent of them. […] Broadly speaking, Spaniards in the Indies in the sixteenth century arranged themselves socially less and less by Iberian criteria or frank, and increasingly by new American standards. […] simple wealth gained from using America's human and natural resources soon became a strong influence on social standing.
  33. Vinson, Before Mestizaje, p. 49.
  34. Ramos-Kittrell, Jesús (2016). Playing in the Cathedral: Music, Race, and Status in New Spain. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 39–40.
  35. J. Michael Francis, PhD, Luisa de Abrego: Marriage, Bigamy, and the Spanish Inquisition, University of Southern Florida
  36. Sonia G. Benson, ed. (2003), The Hispanic American Almanac: A Reference Work on Hispanics in the United States. (Third ed.), Thompson Gale, p.  14, ISBN   978-0-7876-2518-4
  37. Cline, "Guadalupe and the Castas" pp. 222-23
  38. Katzew, Ilona, "Casta Painting: Identity and Social Stratification in Colonial Mexico," in New World Orders: Casta Painting and Colonial Latin America,ed. Ilona Katzew. New York: Americas Society Art Gallery 1996, 22
  39. Brading, D.A. The First America: The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots, and the Liberal State, 1492-1867. New York: Cambridge University Press 1991.
  40. García Sáiz, María Concepción. Las castas mexicanas. Milan: Olivetti 1989, 20.
  41. Donahue-Wallace, Kelly. Art and Architecture of Viceregal Latin America, 1521-1821. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 2008, p. 221. She reproduces a letter from Amat concerning the paintings.
  42. quoted in Katzew, Ilona, "Casta Painting: Identity and Social Stratification in Colonial Mexico, in New World Orders: Casta Painting and Colonial Latin America. exhib. cat. New York: Americas Society Art Gallery 1996, 14.
  43. Donahue-Wallace, p. 220.
  44. Cline, "Guadalupe and the Castas", p. 229
  45. Katzew, Casta Painting, pp. 48-51
  46. Sr. Don Pedro Alonso O’Crouley, A Description of the Kingdom of New Spain (1774),trans. and ed. Sean Galvin. San Francisco: John Howell Books, 1972, 20
  47. O’Crouley, “A Description of the Kingdom of New Spain’’, p. 20
  48. Cuevas, Marco Polo Hernández (June 2012). "The Mexican Colonial Term 'Chino' Is a Referent of Afrodescendant". The Journal of Pan African Studies. 5 (5): 124–143. S2CID   142322782.
  49. Katzew, "Casta Painting."[ page needed ]
  50. Cope, The Limits of Racial Domination and Seed, To Love, Honor, and Obey, in passim.
  51. Martínez López, María Elena (2002). The Spanish concept of limpieza de sangre and the emergence of the 'race/caste' system in the Viceroyalty of New Spain (Thesis). OCLC   62284377. ProQuest   305466668.
  52. Martínez, María Elena (2010). "Social Order in the Spanish New World" (PDF).
  53. Estrada de Gerlero, Elena Isabel. "The Representation of 'Heathen Indians' in Mexican Casta Painting," in New World Orders: Casta Painting and Colonial Latin America, ed. Ilona Katzew. Exh.cat. New York: Americas Society Art Gallery 1996.
  54. Lewis, Laura A. (June 1996). "The 'Weakness' of Women and the feminization of the Indian in colonial Mexico". Colonial Latin American Review. 5 (1): 73–94. doi:10.1080/10609169608569878.
  55. Peterson, Jeanette Favrot, Visualizing Guadalulpe. p. 258
  56. Cline, "Guadalupe and the Castas", p. 225
  57. Martinez, Maria Elena. Genealogical Fictions, p. 256
  58. Katzew (2004), Casta Painting, 101-106. Paintings 1 and 3-8 private collections; 2 and 9-16 Museo de América, Madrid; 15 Elisabeth Waldo-Dentzel, Multicultural Music and Art Center (Northridge California).
  59. Katzew, Ilona. Program for Inventing Race: Casta Painting and Eighteenth-Century Mexico, April 4-August 8, 2004. LACMA
  60. Gracia, J. E. and Pablo De Greiff, eds. Hispanics/Latinos in the United States: Ethnicity, Race and Rights. New York, Routledge, 2000, 53. ISBN   978-0-415-92620-1
  61. Christopher Knight, "A Most Rare Couch Find: LACMA acquires a recently unrolled masterpiece." Los Angeles Times, April 1, 2015, A1.

Further reading

Race and race mixture

  • Althouse, Aaron P. (October 2005). "Contested Mestizos, Alleged Mulattos: Racial Identity and Caste Hierarchy in Eighteenth Century Pátzcuaro, Mexico". The Americas. 62 (2): 151–175. doi:10.1353/tam.2005.0155. S2CID   143688536.
  • Anderson, Rodney D. (1 May 1988). "Race and Social Stratification: A Comparison of Working-Class Spaniards, Indians, and Castas in Guadalajara, Mexico in 1821". Hispanic American Historical Review. 68 (2): 209–243. doi: 10.1215/00182168-68.2.209 .
  • Andrews, Norah (April 2016). "Calidad , Genealogy, and Disputed Free-colored Tributary Status in New Spain". The Americas. 73 (2): 139–170. doi:10.1017/tam.2016.35. S2CID   147913805.
  • Burns, Kathryn. "Unfixing Race," in Rereading the Black Legend: The Discourses of Religious and Racial Difference in the Renaissance Empires, ed. Margaret Greer et al. Chicago: University of Chicago Press 2007.
  • Castleman, Bruce A (December 2001). "Social Climbers in a Colonial Mexican City: Individual Mobility within the Sistema de Castas in Orizaba, 1777-1791". Colonial Latin American Review. 10 (2): 229–249. doi:10.1080/10609160120093796. S2CID   161154873.
  • Chance, John K. Race and class in Colonial Oaxaca, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1978.
  • Cope, R. Douglas. The Limits of Racial Domination: Plebeian Society in Colonial Mexico City, 1660-1720. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1994. ISBN   978-0-299-14044-1
  • Fisher, Andrew B. and Matthew D. O'Hara, eds. Imperial Subjects: Race and Identity in Colonial Latin America. Durham: Duke University Press 2009.
  • Garofalo, Leo J.; O'Toole, Rachel Sarah (2006). "Introduction: Constructing Difference in Colonial Latin America". Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History. 7 (1). doi:10.1353/cch.2006.0027. S2CID   161860137.
  • Giraudo, Laura (14 June 2018). "Casta(s), 'sociedad de castas' e indigenismo: la interpretación del pasado colonial en el siglo XX". Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos. doi: 10.4000/nuevomundo.72080 .
  • Gonzalbo Aizpuru, Pilar, "La trampa de las castas," in Alberro, Solange y Gonzalbo Aizpuru, Pilar, La sociedad novohispana. Estereotipos y realidades, México, El Colegio de México, 2013, p. 15-193.
  • Hill, Ruth. "Casta as Culture and the Sociedad de Castas a Literature," in Interpreting Colonialism. ed. Byron Wells and Philip Stewart. New York: Oxford University Press 2004.
  • Jackson, Robert H. Race, Caste, and Status: Indians in Colonial Spanish America. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 1999.
  • Leibsohn, Dana, and Barbara E. Mundy, "Reckoning with Mestizaje," Vistas: Visual Culture in Spanish America, 1520-1820 (2015). http://www.fordham.edu/vistas.
  • MacLachlan, Colin M. and Jaime E. Rodríguez O. The Forging of the Cosmic Race: A Reinterpretation of Colonial Mexico, expanded edition. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990. ISBN   0-520-04280-8
  • Martínez, María Elena, Genealogical Fictions: Limpieza de Sangre, Religion, and Gender in Colonial Mexico, Stanford: Stanford University Press 2008,
  • McCaa, Robert (1 August 1984). "Calidad, Clase, and Marriage in Colonial Mexico: The Case of Parral, 1788-90". Hispanic American Historical Review. 64 (3): 477–501. doi: 10.1215/00182168-64.3.477 .
  • Mörner, Magnus. Race Mixture in the History of Latin America. Boston: Little Brown, 1967.
  • O'Crouley, Pedro Alonso. A Description of the Kingdom of New Spain. Translated and edited by Sean Galvin. John Howell Books 1972.
  • O'Toole, Rachel Sarah. Bound Lives: Africans, Indians, and the Making of Race in Colonial Peru. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press 2012. ISBN   978-0-8229-6193-2
  • Pitt-Rivers, Julian, "Sobre la palabra casta", América Indígena, 36-3, 1976, pp. 559-586.
  • Ramos-Kittrell, Jesús. Playing in the Cathedral: Music, Race, and Status in New Spain. New York: Oxford University Press 2016.
  • Rappaport, Joanne. The Disappearing Mestizo: Configuring Difference in the Colonial Kingdom of New Granada. Durham: Duke University Press 2014.
  • Rosenblat, Angel. El mestizaje y las castas coloniales: La población indígena y el mestizaje en América. buenos Aires, Editorial Nova 1954.
  • Seed, Patricia. To Love, Honor, and Obey in Colonial Mexico: Conflicts Over Marriage Choice, 1574-1821. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988. ISBN   978-0-8047-1457-0
  • Seed, Patricia (1 November 1982). "Social Dimensions of Race: Mexico City, 1753". Hispanic American Historical Review. 62 (4): 569–606. doi: 10.1215/00182168-62.4.569 .
  • Twinam, Ann. Purchasing Whiteness: Pardos, Mulatos, and the Quest for Social Mobility in the Spanish Indies. Stanford: Stanford University Press 2015.
  • Valdés, Dennis Nodín (1978). The decline of the sociedad de castas in Mexico City (Thesis). University of Michigan. OCLC   760496135.
  • Vinson, Ben III. Before Mestizaje: The Frontiers of Race and Caste in Colonial Mexico. New York: Cambridge University Press 2018 ISBN   978-1-107-67081-5
  • Wade, Peter (May 2005). "Rethinking Mestizaje : Ideology and Lived Experience". Journal of Latin American Studies. 37 (2): 239–257. doi:10.1017/S0022216X05008990. S2CID   96437271.

Casta painting

  • Carrera, Magali M. Imagining Identity in New Spain: Race, Lineage, and the Colonial Body in Portraiture and Casta Paintings. Austin, University of Texas Press, 2003. ISBN   978-0-292-71245-4
  • Cline, Sarah (1 August 2015). "Guadalupe and the Castas". Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos. 31 (2): 218–247. doi:10.1525/mex.2015.31.2.218. S2CID   7995543.
  • Cummins, Thomas B. F. (2006). "Review of Casta Paintings: Images of Race in Eighteenth-Century Mexico, ; Imagining Identity in New Spain: Race, Lineage, and the Colonial Body in Portraiture and Casta Paintings". The Art Bulletin. 88 (1): 185–189. JSTOR   25067234.
  • Dean, Carolyn; Leibsohn, Dana (June 2003). "Hybridity and Its Discontents: Considering Visual Culture in Colonial Spanish America". Colonial Latin American Review. 12 (1): 5–35. doi:10.1080/10609160302341. S2CID   162937582.
  • Earle, Rebecca (2016). "The Pleasures of Taxonomy: Casta Paintings, Classification, and Colonialism" (PDF). The William and Mary Quarterly. 73 (3): 427–466. doi:10.5309/willmaryquar.73.3.0427. S2CID   147847406.
  • Estrada de Gerlero, Elena Isabel. "Representations of 'Heathen Indians' in Mexican Casta Painting," in New World Orders, Ilona Katzew, ed. New York: Americas Society Art Gallery 1996.
  • García Sáiz, María Concepción. Las castas mexicanas: Un género pictórico americano. Milan: Olivetti 1989.
  • García Sáiz, María Concepción, "The Artistic Development of Casta Painting," in New World Orders, Ilona Katzew, ed. New York: Americas Society Art Gallery, 1996.
  • Katzew, Ilona. "Casta Painting: Identity and Social Stratification in Colonial Mexico," New York University, 1996.
  • Katzew, Ilona, ed. New World Orders: Casta Painting and Colonial Latin America. New York: Americas Society Art Gallery 1996.
  • Katzew, Ilona. Casta Painting: Images of Race in Eighteenth-Century Mexico. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004. ISBN   978-0-300-10971-9