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Francisco Macías Nguema
|1st President of Equatorial Guinea|
12 October 1968 –3 August 1979
|Vice President|| Edmundo Bossio |
Bonifacio Nguema Esono Nchama
|Preceded by||Spanish colonial rule|
|Succeeded by||Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo|
|Born||1 January 1924|
Nsegayong, Rio Muni, Spanish Guinea
|Died||29 September 1979 55) (aged|
Bioko, Equatorial Guinea
|Cause of death||Execution by firing squad|
|Political party||United National Workers' Party (Partido Único Nacional de Trabajadores)|
|Children||At least 2 daughters and 1 son|
Part of a series on the
|History of Equatorial Guinea|
Francisco Macías Nguema (born Mez-m Ngueme; Africanised to Masie Nguema Biyogo Ñegue Ndong; 1 January 1924 – 29 September 1979) was the first President of Equatorial Guinea, from 1968 until his overthrow and subsequent execution in 1979.
Equatorial Guinea, officially the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, is a country located on the west coast of Central Africa, with an area of 28,000 square kilometres (11,000 sq mi). Formerly the colony of Spanish Guinea, its post-independence name evokes its location near both the Equator and the Gulf of Guinea. Equatorial Guinea is the only sovereign African state in which Spanish is an official language. As of 2015, the country had an estimated population of 1,222,245.
The 1979 Equatorial Guinea coup d'état happened on August 3, 1979, when President Francisco Macías Nguema's nephew, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, overthrew him in a bloody coup. Fighting between loyalists and rebels continued until Macías Nguema was captured fleeing for Cameroon on August 18. He sentenced his uncle to death for the crime of genocide against the Bubi people and other crimes committed. Macías Nguema was executed by firing squad on September 29, 1979. Teodoro has remained President since then.
Born as Mez-m Ngueme, Macías Nguema was the son of a witch doctor who allegedly killed his younger brother. He belonged to the country's majority Fang ethnic group.[ citation needed ]
A witch doctor was originally a type of healer who treated ailments believed to be caused by witchcraft. The term witch doctor is sometimes used to refer to healers, particularly in regions which use traditional healing rather than contemporary medicine..
The Fang people, also known as Fãn or Pahouin, are a Central African ethnic group found in Equatorial Guinea, northern Gabon, and southern Cameroon. Representing about 85% of the total population of Equatorial Guinea, concentrated in the Rio Muni region, the Fang people are its largest ethnic group. In other countries, in the regions they live, they are one of the most significant and influential ethnic groups.
As a boy of 9, Nguema saw his father punched to death by a Spanish colonial administrator when he tried to use his title of chief to negotiate for better wages for his people. Nguema was orphaned a week later when his mother committed suicide, leaving the boy and 10 siblings to fend for themselves.[ citation needed ]
Macías Nguema failed the civil service exam three times.However, he eventually rose to the position of mayor of Mongomo under the Spanish colonial government, and later served as a member of the territorial parliament. In 1964, he was named deputy prime minister of the autonomous transition government. He ran for president of the soon-to-be independent country against Prime Minister Bonifacio Ondó Edu on a strongly nationalist platform in 1968. In what has been the only free election held in the country to date, he defeated Ondó Edu in the runoff and was sworn in as president on 12 October. Ondó Edu briefly went into exile in Gabon, and was officially reported to have committed suicide on 5 March 1969, although Edu has been reported to have actually been executed soon after his return on trumped-up charges of having had been planning a coup.
Mongomo is a town in the province of Wele-Nzas on mainland Equatorial Guinea, on the eastern border, roughly 1 km (0.62 mi) west of Gabon's Woleu-Ntem Province.
Bonifacio Ondó Edú-Aguong was the Prime Minister of Equatorial Guinea while it was still under Spanish colonial rule, as Spanish Guinea. Born into a privileged family, he took office when the country gained autonomy in 1963, and ran in the country's first presidential election in 1968, losing in the run-off. He handed power over to newly elected president Francisco Macías Nguema on 12 October 1968. He was imprisoned and officially committed suicide only a few months later. Another account says he returned in 1969 from exile in Gabon and was killed.
On 7 May 1971, Macías Nguema issued Decree 415, which repealed parts of the 1968 Constitution and granted him "all direct powers of Government and Institutions", including powers formerly held by the legislative and judiciary branches, as well as the cabinet of ministers. On 18 October 1971, Law 1 imposed the death penalty as punishment for threatening the President or the government. Insulting or offending the President or his cabinet was punishable by 30 years in prison. On 14 July 1972, a presidential decree merged all existing political parties into the United National Party (later the United National Workers' Party), with Macías Nguema as President for Life of both nation and party.[ citation needed ]
In a plebiscite held on 29 July 1973, the 1968 Constitution was replaced with a new document that gave Macías Nguema absolute power and formally made his party the only one legally permitted in the country. According to official figures, an implausible 99 percent of voters approved the new document. Three months later, a fresh "presidential election" confirmed Macías Nguema as president for life.[ citation needed ]
Macías Nguema declared private education subversive, and banned it entirely with Decree 6 on 18 March 1975.
During his presidency, his country was nicknamed "the Dachau of Africa". [ citation needed ]He was known to order entire families and villages executed.
Three important pillars of his rule were the United National Workers' Party, the Juventud en Marcha con Macías militia/youth group, and the Esangui clan of Río Muni. The country's instruments of repression (military, presidential bodyguard) were entirely controlled by Macías Nguema's relatives and clan members. The president's paranoid actions included mandating the death of those who wore spectacles,banning use of the word "intellectual" and destroying boats to stop his people fleeing from his rule (fishing was banned). The only road out of the country on the mainland was also mined. He Africanised his name to Masie Nguema Biyogo Ñegue Ndong in 1976 after demanding that the rest of the Equatoguinean population replace their Hispanic names with African names. He also banned Western medicines, stating that they were un-African.
Macías Nguema was the centre of an extreme cult of personality, perhaps fueled by his consumption of copious amounts of bhangand iboga , and assigned himself titles such as the "Unique Miracle" and "Grand Master of Education, Science, and Culture". The island of Fernando Pó had its name Africanised after him to Masie Ngueme Biyogo Island; upon his overthrow in 1979, its name was again changed to Bioko. The capital, Santa Isabel, had its name changed to Malabo. In 1978, he changed the national motto to "There is no other God than Macías Nguema".
During Macías Nguema's government, the country had neither a development plan nor an accounting system for government funds. After the killing of the governor of the Central Bank, he carried everything that remained in the national treasury to his house in a rural village.On Christmas Eve of 1969 about 150 of his opponents were killed. Soldiers executed them by shooting at the football stadium in Malabo, while amplifiers were playing Mary Hopkin's song "Those Were the Days."
Macías Nguema's government forced tens of thousands of citizens to flee in fear of persecution and to protect their personal safety. Intellectuals and skilled professionals were a particular target, due to which human rights researcher Robert af Klinteberg, in a 1978 study that examined the government's repression in detail, called it a policy of "deliberate cultural regression." Af Klinteberg reported that as of 1978, at least 101,000 persons, out of a contemporary population that the World Bank estimates totalled 215,284 persons—nearly 47% of the population—had fled the country.Other reporting, such as a 1979 Time magazine account stating that "perhaps 150,000" persons fled, suggests that the proportion of the population that sought safety in exile may have approached 70%, based on the World Bank's estimate of the population in 1979.
By the end of his rule, nearly all of the country's educated class was either executed or forced into exile—a brain drain from which the country has never recovered. Two-thirds of the legislature and 10 of his original ministers were also killed.
Some observers have posited that Macías Nguema may have been a psychopath, a disorder potentially enabled, in part, by reported childhood psychological trauma, and that his behaviour could have been affected by other possible mental illnesses, as well as his reported periodic use of the psychoactive plant Iboga and large quantities of cannabis.
By 1979, Macías Nguema's government had garnered condemnations from the United Nations and European Commission. That summer, Macías Nguema organised the execution of several members of his own family, leading several members of his inner circle to fear that he was no longer acting rationally. On 3 August 1979 he was overthrown by Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, who was Macías Nguema's nephew (and the brother of one of the victims) and who served previously as the military governor of Bioko and Vice-Minister of the Armed Forces.
The deposed ruler and a contingent of loyal forces initially resisted the coup, but his forces eventually abandoned him, and he was captured in a forest on 18 August.Prior to his overthrow, he sent his three younger children, Monica, Maribel, and Paco, to North Korea for safety. They lived there for the remainder of their childhood and now live in various other countries.
The Supreme Military Council opened Case 1/979 on 18 August 1979, and began interviewing witnesses and collecting evidence against the Macías Nguema government. The Council subsequently convened a military tribunal on 24 September to try Macías Nguema and several members of his government. The charges for the ten defendants included genocide, mass murder, embezzlement of public funds, violations of human rights, and treason.
The state prosecutor requested that Macías Nguema receive the death penalty, five others receive thirty years in prison, and four others receive a year in prison. Macías Nguema's defence counsel countered that the other co-defendants were responsible for specific crimes, and asked for acquittal. Macías Nguema himself delivered a statement to the court outlining what he viewed as the extensive good deeds he had performed for the country. At noon on 29 September 1979, the Tribunal delivered its sentences, which were more severe than what the prosecution had requested. Macías Nguema and six of his co-defendants were sentenced to death and the confiscation of their property; Nguema being sentenced to death '101 times'.Two defendants were sentenced to fourteen years in prison each, and two others to four years each.
With no higher court available to hear appeals, the decision of the Special Military Tribunal was final. Macías Nguema and the six other defendants sentenced to death were executed by a hired Moroccan Army firing squad at Black Beach Prison at 6 pm on the same day. During his execution, he was reportedly "calm and dignified".
Depending on the source, during his government, anywhere from 50,000 to 80,000 of the 300,000 to 400,000 people living in the country at the time were killed. According to Pennsylvania State University professor Randall Fegley, this was proportionally worse than the Nazis' rampage through Europe.He has been compared to Pol Pot because of the violent, unpredictable, and anti-intellectual nature of his government.
The History of Equatorial Guinea is marked by centuries of colonial domination by the Portuguese, British and Spanish empires, and by the local kingdoms
The politics of Equatorial Guinea take place in a framework of a presidential republic, whereby the President is both the head of state and head of government. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and the Chamber of People's Representatives
A transitional agreement, signed in October 1968, implemented a Spanish preindependence decision to assist Equatorial Guinea and provided for the temporary maintenance of Spanish forces there. A dispute with President Francisco Macías Nguema in 1969 led to a request that all Spanish troops immediately depart, and a large number of civilians left at the same time. Diplomatic relations between the two countries were never broken but were suspended by Spain in March 1977 in the wake of renewed disputes. After Macias' fall in 1979, President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo asked for Spanish assistance, and since then, Spain has regained influence in Equatorial Guinea's diplomatic relations. The two countries signed permanent agreements for economic and technical cooperation, private concessions, and trade relations. President Obiang made an official visit to Madrid in March 2001, and senior Spanish Foreign Ministry officials visited Malabo during 2001 as well. Spain maintained a bilateral assistance program in Equatorial Guinea. Some Equato-Guinean opposition elements are based in Spain to the annoyance of the government in Malabo.
Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo is an Equatoguinean politician who has been President of Equatorial Guinea since 1979. He ousted his uncle, Francisco Macías Nguema, in an August 1979 military coup and has overseen Equatorial Guinea's emergence as an important oil producer, beginning in the 1990s. Obiang was Chairperson of the African Union from 31 January 2011 to 29 January 2012. He is the second longest-serving non-royal national leader in the world, after Paul Biya of Cameroon.
Nguema may refer to two different post-colonial leaders of Equatorial Guinea:
The Democratic Party of Equatorial Guinea is the ruling political party in Equatorial Guinea. It was established by President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo as the country's sole legal political organization on 11 October 1987.
Wele-Nzas Province is a province in the eastern portion of continental Equatorial Guinea. Its capital is Mongomo. It borders Centro Sur Province to the west, Kié-Ntem Province to the north, and Woleu-Ntem Province of Gabon to the east and south. As of 2015, the population of the province was 191,383.
Severo Matías Moto Nsá, known as Severo Moto, is the most notable opposition politician in Equatorial Guinea, and leader of the Progress Party of Equatorial Guinea. He lives in Spain where he has established a government in exile, to the annoyance of President Teodoro Obiang Nguema.
Black Beach, located on the island of Bioko, in the capital city of Malabo in Equatorial Guinea, is one of Africa's most notorious prisons.
General elections were held to elect a President and National Assembly in Equatorial Guinea on 22 September 1968, with a second round for the presidential election held on 29 September.
Equatorial Guinea–North Korea relations refers to the current and historical relationship between Equatorial Guinea and North Korea. While Equatorial Guinea has no representation in North Korea, it is one of few African states to have a North Korean embassy, located in the capital of Malabo.
Presidential elections were held in Equatorial Guinea on 24 April 2016. In a vote initially scheduled for November but brought forward by seven months, incumbent President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo retained his office with 93.7 percent of the vote.
Equatorial Guinea–Spain relations refers to the diplomatic relations between Equatorial Guinea and Spain. Both nations are members of the Organization of Ibero-American States.
Ángel Masié Ntutumu is an Equatorial Guinean politician.
Salvador Elá Nseng Abegue is an Equatorial Guinean military leader, politician, and diplomat.
The Idea Popular de Guinea Ecuatorial (IPGE) was a nationalist political group created at the end of the 1950s with the goal of establishing independence in Equatorial Guinea. The IPGE is considered to be the first formal Equatoguinean political party. The IPGE was founded by a group of exiles living in Gabon and Cameroon, with their official headquarters in Ambam. Early party leaders included Clemente Ateba, José Perea Epota, Antonio Eqoro, Jaime Nseng, and Enrique Nvó, who was credited for starting the IPGE during his time in exile in Ambam. Nvo's radical political ideas and his rise to power in sections of northern Rio Muni concerned Spanish authorities, who allegedly paid contract killers to assassinate him in 1959.
The Supreme Military Council — initially called the Military Revolutionary Council — was the ruling military junta and the de facto government of Equatorial Guinea between the 1979 coup d'état and the 1982 constitutional referendum.
(Spanish Colonial Rule/Indigenous Tribal Rule)
| President of Equatorial Guinea |
Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo