Horatio Bottomley

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[I intend] to give the government an independent and, I hope, an intelligent support, so long as it proceeds on the lines of robust and healthy democracy, but I am also here to oppose all fads and 'isms and namby-pamby interference with the liberty and freedom of our common citizenship.

Horatio Bottomley, maiden speech, House of Commons, 20 February 1906 [52]

In the general election of January 1906 Bottomley was again the Liberal candidate for Hackney South. After a vigorous campaign he defeated his Conservative opponent by more than 3,000 [53] —the largest Liberal majority in London, he informed the House of Commons in his maiden speech on 20 February 1906. [52] According to Hyman, this speech was received in "chilling silence" by a House that was well aware of Bottomley's chequered reputation. [54]

Over the following months and years, he overcame much of the initial hostility, partly by his self-deprecating good humour (as when he described himself as "more or less honourable") [2] but also because his populist approach to legislation was attractive. He proposed rational reforms of the betting industry and of licensing hours and the introduction of state Old Age Pensions. Extra revenues could be raised, he suggested, by stamp duty on share transfers, taxes on foreign investment, and by appropriating dormant bank balances. [55] [56] He drew the government's attention to the long hours worked by domestic servants, [57] and introduced a private bill limiting the working day to eight hours. [58] He privately confided to the journalist Frank Harris that his ambition was to become Chancellor of the Exchequer. [59]

Ernest Hooley, the financier who was Bottomley's partner in several schemes Ernest Terah Hooley Vanity Fair 1896-12-17.jpg
Ernest Hooley, the financier who was Bottomley's partner in several schemes

Alongside his parliamentary duties, Bottomley was engaged in launching his biggest and boldest publishing venture, the weekly news magazine John Bull , half of the initial capital for which was provided by Hooley. [60] From its first issue on 12 May 1906 John Bull adopted a tabloid style that, despite occasional lapses in taste, proved immensely popular. [61] Among its regular features, Bottomley revived his "The World, the Flesh and the Devil" column from The Sun, and also adapted that paper's slogan: "If you read it in John Bull, it is so". [62] Bottomley persuaded Julius Elias, managing director of Odhams Limited, to handle the printing, but chaotic financial management meant that Odhams were rarely paid. This situation was resolved when the entire management of the magazine, including the handling of all receipts and payments, was transferred to Elias, [63] [64] leaving Bottomley free to concentrate on editing and journalism. Circulation rose rapidly, and by 1910 had reached half a million copies. [65]

In June 1906 Bottomley announced the John Bull Investment Trust, in which, for a minimum subscription of £10, investors could share "that special and exclusive information which is obtainable only as the result of extensive City experience". [66] Bottomley's earlier City activities were coming under scrutiny, particularly the multiple reconstructions of his now-bankrupt Joint Stock Trust Company. After a long investigation, which Bottomley did all he could to frustrate, in December 1908 he was summoned to appear at the Guildhall Justice Room, before a court of aldermen. [n 2] As with the Hansard prosecution, the case against Bottomley appeared overwhelming; share issues in the Joint Stock Trust had been repeatedly re-issued, perhaps as many as six times. Once again Bottomley succeeded in obscuring the details and, by the power of his courtroom oratory, persuaded the court that the summons should be dismissed. [68] [69]

One of the prosecuting team at the Guildhall observed that it would be a long time before anyone risked another prosecution against Bottomley: "But he might ... grow careless, and then he will fail". [70] Despite the adverse publicity, Bottomley was returned by the electors of Hackney South at each of the two 1910 general elections; his tactics included recruiting men in boots tipped and heeled with iron, who marched outside his opponent's meetings and rendered the speeches inaudible. [71] [72] In June 1910 he founded the John Bull League, with a mission to promote "commonsense business methods" into government; readers of the magazine could join the League for a shilling (5p) a year. [73] [74] Although still nominally a Liberal, Bottomley had become a trenchant critic of his party, and often aligned himself with the Conservative opposition in attacking Asquith's government. [2]

Bottomley's parliamentary ambitions were suddenly halted in 1912 when he was successfully sued for £49,000 by one of his Joint Stock Trust victims. Unable to pay, and with massive debts, he was bankrupted with liabilities totalling £233,000. [75] Since bankrupts are ineligible to sit in the House of Commons, he had to resign his seat; after his departure, the future Lord Chancellor, F. E. Smith, wrote that "[h]is absence from the House of Commons has impoverished the public stock of gaiety, of cleverness, of common sense". [76] [n 3] Before his bankruptcy, Bottomley had ensured that his main assets were legally owned by relatives or nominees, and was thus able to continue his extravagant lifestyle. [46] [78] John Bull remained an ample source of funds, and Bottomley boasted that although nominally bankrupt, "I never had a better time in my life—plenty of money and everything else I want as well". [79]

Sweepstakes and lotteries

After leaving the House of Commons, Bottomley denounced Parliament in the pages of John Bull as a "musty, rusty, corrupt system" that urgently needed replacement. [2] Through his newly formed Business League he addressed large crowds as he called for government run by businessmen not politicians. [80] As always, Bottomley's lifestyle required fresh sources of income, and in 1912 John Bull began to organise competitions for cash prizes. [76] Bottomley successfully sued the secretary of the Anti-Gambling League for suggesting that many of the prizewinners were John Bull nominees or employees, but received only a farthing in damages. [81] [n 4] These competitions helped to raise the magazine's circulation to 1.5 million. [76]

In 1913 Bottomley met a Birmingham businessman, Reuben Bigland, and together they began running large-scale sweepstakes and lotteries, operated from Switzerland to circumvent English law. [83] [84] Again doubts arose about the genuineness of declared winners; the winner of the £25,000 sweepstake for the 1914 Derby proved on enquiry to be the sister-in-law of one of Bottomley's close associates. Bottomley insisted this was a coincidence; years later, it was revealed that all but £250 of the prize had been paid into a bank account controlled by Bottomley. [85]

First World War: orator and propagandist

Front page of the Daily Mirror, 10 September 1915, illustrating Bottomley's public meetings on behalf of the war effort BottomleyDaily Mirror1915.jpg
Front page of the Daily Mirror , 10 September 1915, illustrating Bottomley's public meetings on behalf of the war effort

Bottomley initially misread the international crisis that developed during the summer of 1914. After the murder of the Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand on 28 June in Sarajevo, allegedly with Serbian complicity, John Bull described Serbia as "a hotbed of cold-blooded conspiracy and subterfuge", and called for it to be wiped from the map of Europe. When Britain declared war on the Central Powers on 4 August, Bottomley quickly reversed his position, and within a fortnight was demanding the elimination of Germany. John Bull campaigned relentlessly against the "Germhuns", and against British citizens carrying German-sounding surnames—the danger of "the enemy within" was a persistent Bottomley theme. [86]

On 14 September 1914 he addressed a large crowd at the London Opera House, the first of many mass meetings at which he deployed his trademark phrase, "the Prince of Peace, (pointing to the Star of Bethlehem) that leads us on to God"—words which according to Symons moved many hearts. [87] [88] At the "Great War Rally" at the Royal Albert Hall on 14 January 1915, Bottomley was fully in tune with the national temper when he proclaimed: "We are fighting all that is worst in the world, the product of a debased civilisation". [89] [90]

During the war, in his self-appointed role as spokesman for the "man in the street", [91] Bottomley addressed more than 300 public meetings, in all parts of the country. [92] For recruitment rallies he provided his services free; for others, he took a percentage of the takings. [93] [n 5] His influence was enormous; the writer D. H. Lawrence, who detested Bottomley, thought that he represented the national spirit and that he might become prime minister. [95]

In March 1915 Bottomley began a regular weekly column for the Sunday Pictorial . [96] On 4 May, after the sinking of the Lusitania, he used this column to label the Germans as "unnatural freaks", and called for their extermination. Britain's war effort, he maintained, was being hampered by squeamish politicians; he reserved particular venom for the Labour Party leaders, Keir Hardie and Ramsay MacDonald, who opposed the war, and demanded they be tried for high treason. Macdonald's riposte—to label Bottomley "a man of doubtful parentage who had lived all his life on the threshold of jail"—backfired when the latter published Macdonald's birth certificate which showed that the Labour leader was himself illegitimate. [97] Bottomley also criticized the neutrality policy of the United States, arguing the USA was using the war to increase its economic power at the expense of the European powers. Bottomley launched a series of attacks on President Woodrow Wilson that lasted until the US entered the war in 1917. [98]

Although the government was wary of Bottomley it was prepared to make use of his influence and popularity. In April 1915 the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, David Lloyd George, asked him to speak to shipworkers on the River Clyde, who were threatening industrial action. After Bottomley's intervention the strike was averted. [93] In 1917 he visited the front in France, where, after dining with Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig, he was a considerable success with the troops, as he was later when he visited the Grand Fleet at Scapa Flow. [99] He hoped that these morale-boosting activities would lead to a formal government position, but although from time to time there were rumours of a Cabinet post, no appointment was announced. [100] [101] In the later stages of the war Bottomley was a regular critic of the National War Aims Committee (NWAC), a cross-party parliamentary body formed in 1917 to revitalise Britain's commitment to victory and to underline the justice of its cause. [102] [103] Bottomley described the committee as "a dodge for doctoring public opinion", and in January 1918 told Lloyd George, who had become prime minister in December 1916, that NWAC had failed in its purpose and should be replaced by a Director of Propaganda—but to no avail. [91]

Postwar career

Parliament again

Although in 1912 Bottomley had expressed contempt for parliament, he privately hankered to return. [104] When the war ended in November 1918 and a general election was announced, he knew that to be a candidate in that election he needed a discharge from his bankruptcy. A payment of £34,000 in cash and bonds, and some hasty reorganisation of outstanding debts, was sufficient for an acquiescent Official Receiver to grant the discharge just in time for Bottomley to hand in his nomination papers in Hackney South. [105] In the general election on 14 December 1918 he stood as an Independent, under the slogan "Bottomley, Brains and Business", and achieved a massive victory, with almost 80 per cent of the votes cast. "I am now prepared to proceed to Westminster to run the show", he informed a local newspaper. He would be, he said, the "unofficial prime minister ... watching the government's every move" to ensure that it acted in the interests of "our soldiers, sailors and citizens". [106]

The 1918 parliament was dominated by Lloyd George's Liberal–Conservative coalition, which faced a fragmented and unorganised opposition. [107] In May 1919 Bottomley announced the formation of his "People's League", which he hoped would develop into a fully fledged political party with a programme opposing both organised labour and organised capital. [108] No mass movement emerged, but Bottomley joined with other Independent MPs to form the Independent Parliamentary Group, with a distinct policy stance including the enforcement of war reparations, the superiority of Britain over the League of Nations, exclusion of undesirable aliens, and "the introduction of business principles into government". [107] The group was reinforced through by-election victories of other Independents—including Charles Frederick Palmer, John Bull's deputy editor, until his premature death in October 1920. [109]

Bottomley was, at least for a year or so, a diligent parliamentarian who spoke on a range of issues, and from time to time teased the government as when, during the Irish Troubles, he asked whether, "in view of the breakdown of British rule in Ireland, the government will approach America with a view to her accepting the mandate for the government of that country". [110] On other occasions he helped the government, as when in January 1919, he was called upon in his role of "Soldier's Friend" to help pacify troops in Folkestone and Calais who were in a state of mutiny over delays in their demobilisation. [111] [112]


John Bull advertises Bottomley's "Victory Bonds" scheme, 12 July 1919. JohnBullCartoon1919.jpg
John Bull advertises Bottomley's "Victory Bonds" scheme, 12 July 1919.

In July 1919 Bottomley announced his "Victory Bonds Club", based on the government's latest issue of Victory Bonds. Normally, these bonds cost £5; in Bottomley's club, subscribers bought units for a minimum payment of £1, and participated in an annual draw for prizes—up to £20,000, he said—funded from accrued interest. [113] Contrary to Bottomley's public statements, not all the money subscribed was used to buy bonds. He had ambitions to become a press baron, to rival such as the Lords Rothermere and Beaverbrook.

In October 1919 he used War Bonds funds to buy two obscure newspapers, the National News and the Sunday Evening Telegram. The papers were not financially successful, and in 1921 Bottomley closed the Telegram and changed the name of the National News to Sunday Illustrated. [114] To bolster its fortunes, he transferred his Sunday Pictorial column to the Illustrated, and mounted an expensive promotional campaign, but with little benefit. The paper languished, while Bottomley lost the large income and readership that went with the Pictorial. [115] His fortunes declined further when, in 1920, Odhams revoked the pre-war partnership agreement and took full control of John Bull. Bottomley was made editor for life, but a year later Odhams terminated this arrangement with a final pay-off of £25,000, which ended Bottomley's connection with the paper. [116] [117]

Meanwhile, dogged by poor administration and inadequate accounting, the Victory Bonds Club was sliding into chaos. Public unease grew, and soon hundreds of subscribers were demanding their money back—slipshod record-keeping meant that some were repaid several times over. [118] Bottomley's position worsened when he fell out with Bigland, after refusing to finance his former associate's scheme for turning water into petrol. [119] The two had quarrelled during the war, when Bigland had attacked Bottomley in print. [120] They had later reconciled, [121] but after their second dispute Bigland turned vengeful. In September 1921 he published a leaflet describing the War Bond Club as Bottomley's "latest and greatest swindle". [122] Against the advice of his lawyers, Bottomley sued for criminal libel, and brought other charges against Bigland of blackmail and extortion. [123] The preliminary hearing, at Bow Street Magistrates' Court in October 1921, at which Bottomley's methods were revealed, proved disastrous to his credibility. [2] Nevertheless, Bigland was committed for trial at the Old Bailey on the libel charge, and to Shropshire Assizes on charges of attempted extortion. [124]

The libel trial began on 23 January 1922; to prevent further damaging disclosures in court, Bottomley's lawyers offered no evidence, and Bigland was discharged. [125] The extortion case went ahead in Shrewsbury on 18 February 1922, at the end of which it took the jury only three minutes to find Bigland not guilty. Bottomley, himself now under police investigation, was ordered to pay the costs of the trial. A few days afterwards, he was summoned to appear at Bow Street, on charges of fraudulent conversion of Victory Bond Club funds. After a brief hearing he was committed for trial at the Old Bailey. [126]

Final years

Bottomley in court, after his sentencing; a depiction by the Illustrated London News Bottomley-court.jpg
Bottomley in court, after his sentencing; a depiction by the Illustrated London News

Bottomley's trial began on 19 May 1922, before Mr Justice Salter. As the case was beginning, Bottomley secured the agreement of the prosecuting counsel, Travers Humphreys, to a 15-minute adjournment each day so that he, Bottomley, could drink a pint of champagne, ostensibly for medicinal purposes. [127] He faced 24 fraud charges, involving amounts totalling £170,000. [128] The prosecution produced evidence that he had regularly used Victory Bonds Club funds to finance business ventures, private debts and his expensive lifestyle. [129] [130]

Bottomley, who defended himself, claimed that his legitimate expenses in connection with the club, and repayments made to Victory Bonds Club members, exceeded total receipts by at least £50,000: "I swear I have never made a penny out of it. I swear before God that I have never fraudulently converted a penny of the Club's money". [131] The weight of evidence suggested otherwise; Salter's summing up, described by a biographer as "masterly; lucid and concise, yet complete", [132] went heavily against Bottomley, and the jury required only 28 minutes to convict him on all but one of the charges. He was sentenced to seven years' penal servitude. [133] Humphreys commented later: "It was not I that floored him, but Drink". [134]

After the dismissal of his appeal in July, Bottomley was expelled from the House of Commons. The Leader of the House, Sir Austen Chamberlain, read out a letter in which Bottomley insisted that, however unorthodox his methods, he had not been guilty of conscious fraud; he accepted that his predicament was entirely his own fault. Chamberlain then moved Bottomley's expulsion, which was carried without dissent. One member expressed regret, "remembering the remarkable position which he [had] occupied in the country". [135] Bottomley spent the first year of his sentence in Wormwood Scrubs where he sewed mailbags, [n 6] and the remainder in Maidstone Prison where, although conditions were squalid, he was given lighter work. [138] He was released on 29 July 1927, after serving just over five years, and returned to The Dicker, still his family home, owned at the time of his bankruptcy by his son-in-law, Jefferson Cohn. [139] [140]

Although now 67 years old and in indifferent health, Bottomley tried to resurrect his business career. He raised sufficient capital to start a new magazine, John Blunt, as a rival to John Bull, but the new venture lasted little more than a year before closing, having lost money from the start. [141] In September 1929 he began an overseas lecture tour, which failed utterly, as did an attempt at a British tour during which he was received with indifference or hostility. By 1930 he was again bankrupt; his wife Eliza died that year, after which Bottomley's former son-in-law Jefferson Cohn (who owned it) evicted him from The Dicker. [142] [n 7] For the remaining years of his life he lived with his long-time mistress, the actress Peggy Primrose, whom Bottomley, in his years of riches, had vainly tried to promote to stardom. [144]

Bottomley's last public venture was an engagement at the Windmill Theatre in September 1932, where he performed a monologue of reminiscences that, according to Symons, puzzled rather than amused his audience. [142] Following a health breakdown, he lived with Primrose in quiet poverty until his final illness.


Bottomley died at the Middlesex Hospital on 26 May 1933 at the age of 73, and his body was cremated at Golders Green Crematorium a few days later. A large crowd heard the Reverend Basil Bourchier express the hope that "no one here today will forget what Mr Bottomley did to revive the spirits of our men at the Front". [145] Four years later, in accordance with Bottomley's wishes, Primrose scattered his ashes on the Sussex Downs. [146]


If [Bottomley] had a humbug of his own, he made mincemeat of the humbug of others, excoriating the more extreme claims made on behalf of the League of Nations, dismissing most forces in international politics except those based on power and ridiculing the naivest sorts of Labour claim to have discovered an inexhaustible supply of wealth and wages.

Maurice Cowling: The Impact of Labour: 1920–1924 [108]

Bottomley's obituaries dwelt on the common theme of wasted talent: a man of brilliant natural abilities, destroyed by greed and vanity. "He had personal magnetism, eloquence, and the power to convince", wrote his Daily Mail obituarist. "He might have been a leader at the Bar, a captain of industry, a great journalist. He might have been almost anything". [147] The Straits Times of Singapore thought that Bottomley could have rivalled Lloyd George as a national leader: "Though he deserved his fate, the news of his passing will awaken the many regrets for the good which he did when he was Bottomley the reformer and crusader and the champion of the bottom dog". [148] A later historian, Maurice Cowling, pays tribute to Bottomley's capacity and industry, and to his forceful campaigns in support of liberty. [108] In his sketch for the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography , Morris delivers a different judgement: "[H]e claimed to serve the interests of others, but sought only his own gratification". [2]

Among Bottomley's principal biographers, Hyman suggests that his financial fecklessness and disregard for consequences may have originated from his deprived background and sudden acquisition of wealth in the 1890s. "Success went to his head and he started spending money like a drunken sailor and could never break the habit." It was a wonder, says Hyman, that he stayed out of prison as long as he did. [149] G. R. Searle speculates that Bottomley was protected from prosecution because of his knowledge of wider scandals in the government, particularly after Lloyd George's coalition assumed power in 1916. [150] Symons acknowledges Bottomley's "wonderfully rich public personality" but suggests that there was no substance behind the presentation: throughout his adult life, Bottomley was "more a series of public attitudes than a person". [151] Matthew Engel in The Guardian notes his ability to charm the public even while swindling them; one victim, cheated of £40,000, apparently insisted: "I am not sorry I lent him the money, and I would do it again". If London had had a mayor in those days, says Engel, Bottomley would have won in a landslide. [152]

Cultural depictions

Notes and references


  1. Hooley's and Bottomley's paths would cross several times in future years; they were inmates together in Wormwood Scrubs prison in 1922. [50]
  2. Under English law, the Lord Mayor and aldermen of the City of London were empowered to act as magistrates. [67]
  3. The historian G. R. Searle has observed that Smith, later Lord Birkenhead, always had a soft spot for Bottomley, in whom he may have seen certain of his own characteristics. [77]
  4. The farthing was the smallest coin in UK legal tender, worth one quarter of a pre-1971 penny. Its award as damages was a recognised gesture of contempt. [82]
  5. Hyman quotes a summary, provided by The Daily News, of the financial details of a meeting in Swindon. Total takings after Entertainment Tax were £125, of which £88 went to Bottomley and the balance (£37) to a servicemen's benevolent fund. [94] Messinger records that Bottomley generally pocketed between 65 and 85 per cent of the proceeds of these meetings. [93]
  6. Bottomley's stint sewing mailbags is the source of what Symons terms the best-known of all Bottomley stories. A visitor, variously described as a Home Office inspector, a personal friend, a prison chaplain, etc., observed him at work, and remarked "Ah, Bottomley, sewing?" – to which he replied at once: "No, reaping". Symons believes that "in spite of its apocryphal sound", the story is essentially true, and illustrates Bottomley's wit and resilience. [136] [137]
  7. In 1979 The Dicker was acquired by St Bede's School to house the newly established St Bede's Senior School. [143]


  1. "Horatio Bottomley". Financial Times. Archived from the original on 19 September 2018. Retrieved 19 September 2018.
  2. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Morris, A.J.A. (January 2011). "Bottomley, Horatio William". The Oxford Dictionary of National Biography Online edition. Archived from the original on 14 July 2014. Retrieved 16 June 2014.(subscription or UK public library membership required)
  3. Messinger, p. 201
  4. Royle, Edward (January 2011). "Holyoake, George Jacob". The Oxford Dictionary of National Biography Online edition. Retrieved 16 June 2014.(subscription or UK public library membership required)
  5. Royle, Edward (January 2011). "Bradlaugh, Charles". The Oxford Dictionary of National Biography Online edition. Retrieved 16 June 2014.(subscription or UK public library membership required)
  6. Symons, p. 15
  7. Hyman, pp. 8–9
  8. 1 2 3 Parris, p. 80
  9. Hyman, pp. 10–11
  10. Hyman, pp. 13–16
  11. Hyman, pp. 18–19
  12. Hyman, p. 20
  13. Hyman, p. 21
  14. Messinger, p. 202
  15. 1 2 Symons, p. 17
  16. Dictionary of World Biography: The 20th Century A- GI: Volume VII, ed. Frank N. Magill, Routledge, 1999, p. 382
  17. Paris 1918: The War Diary of the British Ambassador, the 17th Earl of Derby, ed. David Dutton, Liverpool University Press, p. 12
  18. Symons, p. 114
  19. Australian Press Association (19 February 1930). "Second marriage. Horatio Bottomley's daughter". The Brisbane Courier. p. 10.
  20. Hyman, pp. 26–27
  21. 1 2 Messinger, p. 203
  22. Hyman, p. 28
  23. Symons, pp. 18–19
  24. Robb, p. 116
  25. Porter, Dilwyn (January 2011). "Marks, Harry Hananel". The Oxford Dictionary of National Biography Online edition. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 17 June 2014.(subscription or UK public library membership required)
  26. Hyman, p. 29
  27. Symons, p. 3
  28. 1 2 Hyman, pp. 30–31
  29. 1 2 Taylor 2013, p. 218
  30. Cook, p. 80
  31. 1 2 3 4 Hyman, pp. 31–35
  32. Symons, p. 7
  33. Hyman, p. 36
  34. Taylor 2013, p. 219
  35. Symons, pp. 26–33
  36. Hyman, pp. 50–51
  37. Symons, p. 36
  38. Symons, p. 48
  39. 1 2 Hyman, p. 56
  40. Hyman, pp. 57–58
  41. Hyman, pp. 59 and 61
  42. Symons, pp. 41–42
  43. Hyman, p. 58
  44. Symons, p. 20
  45. Hyman, pp. 72–74
  46. 1 2 3 Robb, p. 110
  47. 1 2 Hyman, pp. 80–82
  48. Symons, pp. 64–65
  49. Symons, pp. 112–13
  50. Searle 1987, p. 11
  51. "Worst Britons". www.newstatesman.com. Archived from the original on 19 September 2018. Retrieved 19 September 2018.
  52. 1 2 "King's Speech (Motion for an Address)". Hansard online. 20 February 1906. pp. cols. 282–302. Archived from the original on 17 March 2016. Retrieved 2 July 2016.
  53. Symons, p. 70
  54. Hyman, p. 76
  55. Symons, pp. 71–72
  56. Hyman, p. 77
  57. "Domestic Servants". Hansard online. 25 August 1909. pp. col. 2092. Archived from the original on 26 March 2016. Retrieved 2 July 2016.
  58. Harrison, p. 111
  59. Hyman, pp. 78–79
  60. Symons, p. 75
  61. Hyman, pp. 83–84
  62. Symons, p. 78
  63. Hyman, p. 94
  64. Symons, pp. 76–77
  65. Symons, p. 79
  66. Hyman, p. 86
  67. Halsbury, p. 575
  68. Symons, pp. 87–96
  69. Taylor 2013, p. 255
  70. Hyman, p. 119
  71. Parris, Matthew (11 August 2001). "He was a shameless liar and thief. He went to Wormwood Scrubs. He was a lovable scallywag". The Spectator. p. 31. Archived from the original on 17 December 2014. Retrieved 2 July 2016.
  72. Symons, p. 98
  73. Cowling, p. 52
  74. Hyman, pp. 126–27
  75. Hyman, p. 130
  76. 1 2 3 Messinger, pp. 206–07
  77. Searle 1987, p. 341
  78. Symons, pp. 134–35
  79. Hyman, p. 134
  80. Hyman, pp. 133–34
  81. Symons, pp. 137–39
  82. Rolph, p. 77
  83. Hyman, pp. 136–38
  84. Parris, p. 81
  85. Symons, pp. 145–149
  86. Searle 2004, p. 723
  87. Symons, pp. 173–74
  88. Messinger, p. 208
  89. Wussow, p. 74
  90. Searle 1987, p. 241
  91. 1 2 Monger, p. 234
  92. Searle 2004, p. 768
  93. 1 2 3 Messinger, pp. 209–10
  94. Symons, p. 183
  95. Wussow, p. 73
  96. Hyman, p. 162
  97. Symons, pp. 168–69
  98. Lentin, p. 40
  99. Symons, pp. 199–200
  100. Messinger, p. 211
  101. Hyman, p. 192
  102. Monger, p. 235
  103. Purdue, A. W. (15 November 2012). "Book review: Patriotism and Propaganda in First World War Britain: The National War Aims Committee and Civilian Morale". The Times Higher Education Supplement. Archived from the original on 16 October 2014. Retrieved 2 July 2016.
  104. Hyman, p. 133
  105. Symons, p. 205
  106. Hyman, pp. 194–95
  107. 1 2 Symons, pp. 222–24
  108. 1 2 3 Cowling, p. 53
  109. Symons, p. 221
  110. "Government Policy". Hansard online. 3 May 1920. pp. col. 1701. Archived from the original on 17 March 2016. Retrieved 2 July 2016.
  111. Taylor 1970, p. 187
  112. Sewell, Rob (16 May 2013). "1919: Britain on the Brink of Revolution". International Marxist Tendency. Archived from the original on 17 June 2014. Retrieved 30 June 2014.
  113. Hyman, pp. 195–96
  114. Symons, pp. 213–14
  115. Hyman, p. 212
  116. Symons, pp. 230–31
  117. Hyman, p. 232
  118. Hyman, pp. 197–98 and 208–09
  119. Robb, p. 111
  120. Hyman, pp. 168–69
  121. Hyman, pp. 181–82
  122. Symons, p. 236
  123. Parris, p. 83
  124. Hyman, p. 231
  125. Symons, p. 243
  126. Hyman, pp. 249–51
  127. Humphreys, p. 219
  128. Hyman, pp. 253 and 272
  129. Symons, pp. 249–51
  130. Hyman, p. 255
  131. Hyman, p. 258
  132. Hanbury, H.G.; Mooney, Hugh. "Salter, Sir Arthur Clavell". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography Online edition. Retrieved 2 July 2014.(subscription or UK public library membership required)
  133. Symons, p. 254
  134. Humphreys, p. 218
  135. "Mr Bottomley Expelled the House". Hansard online. 1 August 1922. pp. col. 1285–88. Archived from the original on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 2 July 2016.
  136. Symons, p. 260
  137. Hyman, p. 279
  138. Hyman, p. 280
  139. Symons, pp. 114, 262
  140. Hyman, pp. 282–83
  141. Hyman, pp. 286–87
  142. 1 2 Symons, pp. 270–71
  143. "Why Does Anyone Want To Go To Your School?" (PDF). The Headmasters' and Headmistresses' Conference. Archived (PDF) from the original on 14 July 2014. Retrieved 3 July 2014.
  144. Hyman, pp. 199–200 and 288
  145. Hyman, pp. 289–90
  146. Symons, p. 273
  147. Daily Mail obituary, May 1933, quoted in Hyman, p. 290
  148. "Death of Horatio Bottomley". The Straits Times. 27 May 1933. p. 13. Archived from the original on 14 July 2014. Retrieved 5 July 2014.
  149. Hyman, pp. 291–92
  150. Searle 1987, p. 338
  151. Symons, p. 274
  152. Engel, Matthew (30 November 1999). "Absolute bounders we have loved". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 21 September 2016. Retrieved 2 July 2016.
  153. Stanton B. Garner (1999). Trevor Griffiths: Politics, Drama, History. University of Michigan Press. p. 105.
  154. "BBC Radio 4 Extra - Allen Saddler - Man of the People". BBC. Retrieved 27 July 2022.


Horatio Bottomley
Bottomley addressing a WWI recruiting rally in Trafalgar Square, London, September 1915
Member of Parliament
for Hackney South
In office
28 December 1918 1 August 1922
Parliament of the United Kingdom
Preceded by Member of Parliament for Hackney South
Succeeded by
Preceded by Member of Parliament for Hackney South
expelled 1 August 1922 after fraud conviction
Succeeded by

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