Lajos Kossuth

Last updated

pronounced [ˈlɒjoʃˈkoʃut] , Hungarian: udvardi és kossuthfalvi Kossuth Lajos, Slovak: Ľudovít Košút, English: Louis Kossuth; 19 September 1802 – 20 March 1894) was a Hungarian nobleman, lawyer, journalist, politician, statesman and governor-president of the Kingdom of Hungary during the revolution of 1848–1849. [1]

Contents

With the help of his talent in oratory in political debates and public speeches, Kossuth emerged from a poor gentry family into regent-president of the Kingdom of Hungary. As the influential contemporary American journalist Horace Greeley said of Kossuth: "Among the orators, patriots, statesmen, exiles, he has, living or dead, no superior." [2] [3]

Kossuth's powerful English and American speeches so impressed and touched the famous contemporary American orator Daniel Webster, that he wrote a book about Kossuth's life. [4] He was widely honoured during his lifetime, including in Great Britain and the United States, as a freedom fighter and bellwether of democracy in Europe. Kossuth's bronze bust can be found in the United States Capitol with the inscription: Father of Hungarian Democracy, Hungarian Statesman, Freedom Fighter, 1848–1849.

Family

The house in Monok where Kossuth was born Monok (Kossuth Lajos).jpg
The house in Monok where Kossuth was born
Lajos Kossuth's earliest known portrait (1838) Kossuth 1838.jpg
Lajos Kossuth's earliest known portrait (1838)
Lajos Kossuth in 1842 Kossuth 1842.jpg
Lajos Kossuth in 1842
Early photograph of Lajos Kossuth (1847) Daguerreotype Kossuth photograph 1847.png
Early photograph of Lajos Kossuth (1847) Daguerreotype

Kossuth was born into an untitled lower noble (gentry) family in Monok, Kingdom of Hungary, a small town in the county of Zemplén in modern day Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén County of Northern Hungary. He was the eldest of five children in a Lutheran noble family of Slovak origin. His father, László Kossuth (1762–1839), belonged to the lower nobility, had a small estate and was a lawyer by profession. László Kossuth had two brothers (Simon Kossuth and György Kossuth) and one sister (Jana). The House of Kossuth originated from the county of Turóc (now partially Turiec region, Košúty, north-central Slovakia). They acquired the rank of nobility in 1263 from King Béla IV. [5] [6] [7] Kossuths married into Zathureczky, Nedeczky, Borcsány, Prónay families amongst others [8] Lajos Kossuth's father's mother was a Beniczky and her Beniczky ancestors had married into following families: Farkas, Zmeskal(1/8 polish ancestry), Révay, Pajor (1/4 German Baierle Magyarized to Pajor) and finally, Prónay. [9] Lajos Kossuth's mother, Karolina Weber (1770–1853), was born to a Lutheran family of 3/4-German and Magyarized-German (Kaltensteìn-Hidegkövy) and 1/4-unknown descent, [10] [11] living in Upper Hungary (today partially Slovakia).

Family-tree

Ancestry (Származása)
Lajos Kossuth
de Udvard et Kossuthfalva
Kossuth Lajos szinezett litografia 1848 Prinzhofer.jpg
Coloured lithograph by August Prinzhofer and Johann Rauh (c. 1848)
Governor-President of Hungary
In office
14 April 1849 11 August 1849
Family tree of [12] Lajos Kossuth [10]
Lajos

Kossuth

László Kossuth de Udvard
(Kossut, 23 June 1765– [13]
Alsódabas, 13 March 1839)
uradalmi ügyész

(financial and legal supervisor of a manor)

Pál Kossuth

de Udvard
(Kisraksa, 20 May 1738–1791) táblabíró in Turóc County

György Kossuth de Udvard [14]
Katalin Raksányi de Raksa (1701 – Kisraksa, 8 November 1759)
Beniczky Zsuzsánna de Benicze et Micsinye (Pribóc, 10 January 1737 [15]  ?)Péter Beniczky de Benicze et Micsinye [16] [17]
Éva Prónay

de Tótpróna et Blatnica


Karolina

Weber de Tyrling
(Liszka, 1770 –
Brussels, 28 December 1852)

András Weber

de Tyrling postmaster

unknown
unknown
noble ErzsébetHidegkövy (Kaltenstein)noble Tóbiás Hidegkövy (Kaltenstein) (born in Sátoraljaújhely)

pharmacist [18]

Anna Mária Musczler

Early years

The family moved from Monok to Olaszliszka in 1803, and then to Sátoraljaújhely in 1808. Lajos had four younger sisters.

Karolina Kossuth raised her children as strict Lutherans. As a result of his mixed ancestry, and as was quite common during his era, her children spoke three languages – Hungarian, German and Slovak – even in their early childhood. He studied at the Piarist college of Sátoraljaújhely and the Calvinist college of Sárospatak (for one year) and the University of Pest (now Budapest). At nineteen he entered his father's legal practice. Between 1824 and 1832 he practiced law in his native Zemplén County. His career quickly took off, thanks also to his father, who was a lawyer for several higher aristocratic families, and thus involved his son in the administration, and his son soon took over some of his father's work. He first became a lawyer in the Lutheran parish of Sátoraljaújhely, in 1827 he became a judge, and later he became a prosecutor in Sátoraljaújhely. During this time, in addition to his office work, he made historical chronologies and translations. In the national census of 1828, in which taxpayers were counted in order to eliminate tax disparities, Kossuth assisted in the organization of the census of Zemplén county. He was popular locally, and having been appointed steward to the countess Szapáry, a widow with large estates, he became her voting representative in the county assembly and settled in Pest. He was subsequently dismissed on the grounds of some misunderstanding in regards to estate funds.

Entry into national politics

Shortly after his dismissal by Countess Szapáry, Kossuth was appointed as deputy to Count Hunyady at the Diet of Hungary. The Diet met during 1825–27 and 1832–36 in Pressburg (Pozsony, present Bratislava), then capital of Hungary.

Only the upper aristocracy could vote in the House of Magnates (similar to the British House of Lords) and Kossuth took little part in the debates as a deputy of Count Hunyady. At the time, a struggle to reassert a Hungarian national identity was beginning to emerge under leaders such as Miklós Wesselényi and the Széchenyis. In part, it was also a struggle for fundamental economic and political and societal reforms against the stagnant and conservative Austrian government. Kossuth's duties to Count Hunyady included reporting on Diet proceedings in writing, as the Austrian government, fearing popular dissent, had banned published reports.

The high quality of Kossuth's letters led to their being circulated in manuscript among other liberal magnates. Readership demands led him to edit an organized parliamentary gazette (Országgyűlési tudósítások); spreading his name and influence further. Orders from the Official Censor halted circulation by lithograph printing. Distribution in manuscript by post was forbidden by the government, although circulation by hand continued.

In 1836, the Diet was dissolved. Kossuth continued to report (in letter form), covering the debates of the county assemblies. The newfound publicity gave the assemblies national political prominence. Previously, they had had little idea of each other's proceedings. His embellishment of the speeches from the liberals and reformers enhanced the impact of his newsletters. After the prohibition of his parliamentary gazette, Kossuth loudly demanded the legal declaration of freedom of the press and of speech in Hungary and in the entire Habsburg Empire. [19] [ better source needed ] The government attempted in vain to suppress the letters, and, other means having failed, he was arrested in May 1837, with Wesselényi and several others, on a charge of high treason.

After spending a year in prison at Buda awaiting trial, he was condemned to four more years' imprisonment. Kossuth and his friend Count Miklós Wesselényi were placed in separated solitary cells. Count Wesselényi's cell did not have even a window, and he went blind in the darkness. Kossuth, however, had a small window and with the help of a politically well-informed young woman, Theresa Meszlényi, he remained informed about political events. Meszlényi lied to the prison commander, telling him she and Kossuth were engaged. In reality, Kossuth did not know Meszlényi before his imprisonment, but this permitted her to visit. Meszlényi also provided books. Strict confinement damaged Kossuth's health, but he spent much time reading. He greatly increased his political knowledge and acquired fluency in English from study of the King James Version of the Bible and William Shakespeare which he henceforth always spoke with a certain archaic eloquence. While Wesselényi was broken mentally, Kossuth, supported by Terézia Meszlényi's frequent visits, emerged from prison in much better condition. His arrest had caused great controversy. The Diet, which reconvened in 1839, demanded the release of the political prisoners and refused to pass any government measures. Austrian chancellor Metternich long remained obdurate, but the danger of war in 1840 obliged him to give way.

Marriage and children

On the day of his release from the prison, Kossuth and Meszlényi were married, and she remained a firm supporter of his politics. She was a Catholic and her Church refused to bless the marriage since Kossuth, a proud Protestant, would not convert. Before their marriage it was unheard that people of different religions married. According to the traditional practice, the bride or more rarely the fiancé had to convert to the religion of his or her spouse before the wedding ceremony. However Kossuth refused to convert to Roman Catholicism, and Meszlényi also refused to convert to Lutheranism. Their mixed religious marriage caused a great scandal at the time. This experience influenced Kossuth's firm defense of mixed marriages. The couple had three children: Ferenc Lajos Ákos (1841–1914), Minister for Trade between 1906 and 1910; Vilma (1843–1862); and Lajos Tódor Károly (1844–1918).

Journalist and political leader

Kossuth had now become a national icon. He regained full health in January 1841. In January 1841 he became editor of the Pesti Hírlap. The job was offered to him by Lajos Landerer, the owner of a big printing house company in Pest (in fact, Landerer was an undercover agent of the Vienna secret police). The government circles and the secret police believed that censorship and financial interests would curtail Kossuth's opposition, and they did not consider the small circulation of the paper to be dangerous anyway. However, Kossuth created modern Hungarian political journalism. His editorials dealt with the pressing problems of the economy, the social injustices and the existing legal inequality of the common people. The articles combined a critique of the present with an outline of the future, combining and supplementing the reform ideas that had emerged up to that point into a coherent programme. The paper achieved unprecedented success, soon reaching the then immense circulation of 7000 copies. A competing pro-government newspaper, Világ, started up, but it only served to increase Kossuth's visibility and add to the general political fervor.

Kossuth's ideas stand on the enlightened Western European type liberal nationalism (based on the "jus soli" principle, [20] [21] that is the complete opposition of the typical Eastern European ethnic nationalism, [22] which based on "jus sanguinis").

Kossuth followed the ideas of the French nation state ideology, which was a ruling liberal idea of his era. Accordingly, he considered and regarded automatically everybody as "Hungarian" – regardless of their mother tongue and ethnic ancestry – who were born and lived in the territory of Hungary. He even quoted King Stephen I of Hungary's admonition: "A nation of one language and the same customs is weak and fragile." [23]

Kossuth pleaded in the newspaper Pesti Hírlap for rapid Magyarization: "Let us hurry, let us hurry to Magyarize the Croats, the Romanians, and the Saxons, for otherwise we shall perish". [24] In 1842 he argued that Hungarian had to be the exclusive language in public life. [25] He also stated that "in one country it is impossible to speak in a hundred different languages. There must be one language and in Hungary this must be Hungarian". [26]

Kossuth's assimilatory ambitions were disapproved by Zsigmond Kemény, though he supported a multinational state led by Hungarians. [27] István Széchenyi criticized Kossuth for "pitting one nationality against another". [28] He publicly warned Kossuth that his appeals to the passions of the people would lead the nation to revolution. Kossuth, undaunted, did not stop at the publicly reasoned reforms demanded by all Liberals: the abolition of entail, the abolition of feudal burdens and taxation of the nobles. He went on to broach the possibility of separating from the House of Habsburg. By combining this nationalism with an insistence on the superiority of the Hungarian culture to the culture of Slavonic inhabitants of Hungary, he sowed the seeds of both the collapse of Hungary in 1849 and his own political demise.

In 1844, Kossuth was dismissed from Pesti Hírlap after a dispute with the proprietor over salary. It is believed that the dispute was rooted in government intrigue. Kossuth was unable to obtain permission to start his own newspaper. In a personal interview, Metternich offered to take him into the government service. Kossuth refused and spent the next three years without a regular position. He continued to agitate on behalf of both political and commercial independence for Hungary. He adopted the economic principles of Friedrich List, and was the founder of the popular "Védegylet" society whose members consumed only Hungarian industrial products. He also argued for the creation of a Hungarian port at Fiume.

Kossuth played a major role in the formation of the left-wing Opposition Party in 1847, whose programme was essentially formulated by him. Their chief political opponent was the right-wing Conservative Party, which was led by Emil Dessewffy.

In autumn 1847, Kossuth was able to take his final key step. The support of Lajos Batthyány during a keenly fought campaign made him be elected to the new Diet as member for Pest. He proclaimed: "Now that I am a deputy, I will cease to be an agitator." He immediately became chief leader of the left wing Opposition Party. Ferenc Deák was absent. As Headlam noted, his political rivals, Batthyány, István Széchenyi, Szemere, and József Eötvös, believed:

his intense personal ambition and egoism led him always to assume the chief place, and to use his parliamentary position to establish himself as leader of the nation; but before his eloquence and energy all apprehensions were useless. His eloquence was of that nature, in its impassioned appeals to the strongest emotions, that it required for its full effect the highest themes and the most dramatic situations. In a time of rest, though he could never have been obscure, he would never have attained the highest power. It was therefore a necessity of his nature, perhaps unconsciously, always to drive things to a crisis. The crisis came, and he used it to the full. [1]

The "long debate" of reformers in the press

Count Széchenyi judged the reform system of Kossuth in a pamphlet, Kelet Népe from 1841. According to Széchenyi, economic, political and social reforms must be instituted slowly and carefully so that Hungary would avoid the violent interference of the Habsburg dynasty. Széchenyi was listening to the spread of the expansion of Kossuth's ideas in Hungarian society, which did not consider good relations with the Habsburg dynasty. Kossuth believed that society could not be forced into a passive role by any reason through social change. According to Kossuth, the wider social movements can not be continually excluded from political life.

Behind Kossuth's conception of society was a notion of freedom that emphasized the unitary origin of rights, which he saw manifested in universal suffrage. In exercising political rights, Széchenyi took into account wealth and education of the citizens, thus he supported only limited suffrage similar to the Western European (British, French and Belgian) limited suffrage of the era. In 1885, Kossuth called Széchenyi a liberal elitist aristocrat while Széchenyi considered himself to be a democrat. [29]

Széchenyi was an isolationist politician while, according to Kossuth, strong relations and collaboration with international liberal and progressive movements are essential for the success of liberty. [30] Regarding foreign policy, Kossuth and his followers refused the isolationist policy of Széchenyi, thus they stood on the ground of the liberal internationalism: They supported countries and political forces that aligned with their moral and political standards. They also believed that governments and political movements sharing the same modern liberal values should form an alliance against the "feudal type" of monarchies. [31]

Széchenyi's economic policy based on Anglo-Saxon free-market principles, while Kossuth supported the protective tariffs due to the weaker Hungarian industrial sector. Kossuth wanted to build a rapidly industrialized country in his vision while Széchenyi wanted to preserve the traditionally strong agricultural sector as the main character of the economy. [32]

Work in the government

5 July 1848: The opening ceremony of the first parliament, which was based on popular representation. Batthyany, Kossuth and other members of the first responsible government are on the balcony. Orszaggyules megnyitasa 1848.jpg
5 July 1848: The opening ceremony of the first parliament, which was based on popular representation. Batthyány, Kossuth and other members of the first responsible government are on the balcony.
Kossuth inspired many Hungarians to rise up against the Austrian Empire in a speech he made in the town of Cegled on 24 September 1848. Kollarz Kossuth Cegleden 1848.JPG
Kossuth inspired many Hungarians to rise up against the Austrian Empire in a speech he made in the town of Cegléd on 24 September 1848.

Minister of Finance

The crisis came, and he used it to the full. On 3 March 1848, shortly after the news of the revolution in Paris had arrived, in a speech of surpassing power he demanded parliamentary government for Hungary and constitutional government for the rest of Austria.

He appealed to the hope of the Habsburgs, "our beloved Archduke Franz Joseph" (then seventeen years old), to perpetuate the ancient glory of the dynasty by meeting half-way the aspirations of a free people. He at once became the leader of the European revolution; his speech was read aloud in the streets of Vienna to the mob which overthrew Metternich (13 March); when a deputation from the Diet visited Vienna to receive the assent of Emperor Ferdinand to their petition, Kossuth received the chief ovation. While Viennese masses celebrated Kossuth (and from the Diet in Pressburg a delegation went to Buda and sent the news of the Austrian Revolution) as their hero, revolution broke out in Buda on 15 March; Kossuth traveled home immediately. [33] On 17 March 1848 the Emperor assented and Lajos Batthyány created the first Hungarian government, that was not anymore responsible to the King, but to the elected members of the Diet. On 23 March 1848, Pm. Batthyány commended his government to the Diet. In the new government Kossuth was appointed as the Minister of Finance.

He began developing the internal resources of the country: re-establishing a separate Hungarian coinage, and using every means to increase national self-consciousness. Characteristically, the new Hungarian bank notes had Kossuth's name as the most prominent inscription; making reference to "Kossuth Notes" a future byword.

A new paper was started, to which was given the name of Kossuth Hirlapja, so that from the first it was Kossuth rather than the Palatine or prime minister Batthyány whose name was in the minds of the people associated with the new government. Much more was this the case when, in the summer, the dangers from the Croats, Serbs and the reaction at Vienna increased.

In a speech on 11 July he asked that the nation should arm in self-defense, and demanded 200,000 men; amid a scene of wild enthusiasm this was granted by acclamation. However the danger had been exacerbated by Kossuth himself through appealing exclusively to the Magyar notables rather than including the other subject minorities of the Habsburg empire too. The Austrians, meanwhile, successfully used the other minorities as allies against the Magyar uprising.

While Croatian ban Josip Jelačić was marching on Pest, the Hungarian government was in serious military crisis due to the lack of soldiers, Kossuth used his popularity, he went from town to town rousing the people to the defense of the country, and the popular force of the Honvéd was his creation. When Batthyány resigned he was appointed with Szemere to carry on the government provisionally, and at the end of September he was made President of the Committee of National Defense. Prime minister Lajos Batthyány's desperate attempts to mediate with the Viennese royal court to achieve reconciliation and restore peace were no longer successful. Due to his unsuccessful peace missions, Batthyány slowly began to become politically isolated and increasingly lost the support of the parliament.

On 6 September, Kossuth ordered the first Hungarian banknotes to be issued to cover defence expenses.

The government meeting of 11 September, under Kossuth's leadership, adopted revolutionary decisions on finance and the military to defend the invaded homeland. Another attempt by Batthyány to form a cabinet failed, and Kossuth declared that until another government was appointed, he would retain his position as finance minister. Already on 14 September, a rapidly growing number of his supporters called in parliament for Kossuth to be given temporary dictatorial powers because of the critical and desperate war situation. [34]

Regent-President of Hungary

On 7 December 1848, the Diet of Hungary formally refused to acknowledge the title of the new king, Franz Joseph I, "as without the knowledge and consent of the diet no one could sit on the Hungarian throne" and called the nation to arms. [35] From a legal point of view, according to the coronation oath, a crowned Hungarian King could not relinquish from the Hungarian throne during his life, if the king was alive and unable do his duty as ruler, a governor (or regent with proper English terminology) had to deputize the royal duties. Constitutionally, his uncle, Ferdinand remained still the legal King of Hungary. If there was no possibility to inherit the throne automatically due to the death of the predecessor king (as Ferdinand was still alive), but the monarch wanted to relinquish his throne and appoint another king before his death, technically only one legal solution remained: the Diet had the power to depose the king and elect his successor as the new King of Hungary. Due to the legal and military tensions, the Hungarian parliament did not make that decision for Franz Joseph. This event gave to the revolt an excuse of legality. Actually, from this time until the collapse of the revolution, Lajos Kossuth (as elected regent-president) became the de facto and de jure ruler of Hungary. [35]

For the first time in the revolutionary movements of 1848, for the first time since 1793, a nation surrounded by superior counterrevolutionary forces dares to counter the cowardly counterrevolutionary fury by revolutionary passion, the terreur blanche by the terreur rouge.
For the first time after a long period we meet with a truly revolutionary figure, a man who in the name of his people dares to accept the challenge of desperate struggle, who for his nation is Danton and Carnot in one person – Lajos Kossuth

Friedrich Engels about Kossuth (January 1849) [36]

From this time he had increased amounts of power. The direction of the whole government was in his hands. Without military experience, he had to control and direct the movements of armies; he was unable to keep control over the generals or to establish that military co-operation so essential to success. Arthur Görgey in particular, whose great abilities Kossuth was the first to recognize, refused obedience; the two men were very different personalities. Twice Kossuth removed him from command; twice he had to restore him.

Declaration of Independence

The House of Lorraine-Habsburg is unexampled in the compass of its perjuries [...] Its determination to extinguish the independents of Hungary has been accompanied by a succession of criminal acts, comprising robbery, destruction of property by fire, murder, maiming [...] Humanity will shudder when reading this disgraceful page of history. [...] "The house of Habsburg has forfeited the throne".

Kossuth, In Liszt, The Weimar Years [37]

Minority rights

The percentage of ethnic Hungarians (Magyars) in Hungary in 1890. Hungarians in Hungary (1890).png
The percentage of ethnic Hungarians (Magyars) in Hungary in 1890.

Despite appealing exclusively to the Hungarian nobility in his speeches, Kossuth played an important part in the shaping of the law of minority rights in 1849. It was the first law which recognized minority rights in Europe. [38] It gave minorities the freedom to use their mother tongue within the local administration and courts, in schools, in community life and even within the national guard of non-Magyar councils. [39]

However, he did not support any kind of regional administration within Hungary based on the nationality principle. Kossuth accepted some national demands of the Romanians and the Croats, but he showed no understanding for the requests of the Slovaks. [40] Despite his father's Slovak origin and the fact that his uncle György Kossuth was the main supporter of Slovak national movement, Kossuth considered himself Hungarian and went so far as to reject the very notion of a Slovak nation in the Kingdom of Hungary. [41] [42] [43]

According to Oszkár Jászi, a huge part of the reason as to why Kossuth opposed giving large-scale autonomy (such as a separate parliament) to various ethnic groups in Hungary (such as the Romanians, Slovaks, Ruthenians, and Germans) is because he was afraid that this would be the first step towards a fragmentation and break-up of Hungary. [44] Kossuth did not believe that a Hungary that was limited to its ethnic or linguistic borders would actually be a viable state. [44]

Russian intervention and failure

During all the terrible winter that followed, Kossuth overcame the reluctance of the army to march to the relief of Vienna; after the defeat at the Battle of Schwechat, at which he was present, he sent Józef Bem to carry on the war in Transylvania.

At the end of the year, when the Austrians were approaching Pest, he asked for the mediation of William Henry Stiles, the American envoy. Alfred I, Prince of Windisch-Grätz, however, refused all terms, and the Diet and government fled to Debrecen, Kossuth taking with him the Crown of St Stephen, the sacred emblem of the Hungarian nation. In November 1848, Emperor Ferdinand abdicated in favour of Franz Joseph. The new Emperor revoked all the concessions granted in March and outlawed Kossuth and the Hungarian government, set up lawfully on the basis of the April laws.

By April 1849, when the Hungarians had won many successes, after sounding the army, he issued the celebrated Hungarian Declaration of Independence, in which he declared that "the House of Habsburg-Lorraine, perjured in the sight of God and man, had forfeited the Hungarian throne." It was a step characteristic of his love for extreme and dramatic action, but it added to the dissensions between him and those who wished only for autonomy under the old dynasty, and his enemies did not scruple to accuse him of aiming for kingship. The dethronement also made any compromise with the Habsburgs practically impossible.

For the time the future form of government was left undecided, and Kossuth was appointed regent-president (to satisfy both royalists and republicans). Kossuth played a key role in tying down the Hungarian army for weeks for the siege and recapture of Buda castle, finally successful on 4 May 1849. The hopes of ultimate success were, however, frustrated by the intervention of Tsar Nicholas I of Russia, who acted as the protector of ruling legitimism and as guardian against revolution; all appeals to the western powers were vain, and on 11 August Kossuth abdicated in favor of Görgey, on the ground that in the last extremity, the general alone could save the nation. Görgey capitulated at Világos (now Şiria, Romania) to the Russians, who handed over the army to the Austrians. Görgey was spared, at the insistence of the Russians. Reprisals were taken on the rest of the Hungarian army, including the execution of the 13 Martyrs of Arad. Kossuth steadfastly maintained until his death that Görgey alone was responsible for the humiliation.

Kossuth's calls for independence and cut off ties with the Habsburgs did not become British policy. Foreign Secretary Lord Palmerston told parliament that Britain would consider it a great misfortune to Europe if Hungary became independent. He argued that a united Austrian Empire was a European necessity and a natural ally of Britain. [45]

During this period, Hungarian lawyer George Lichtenstein served as Kossuth's private secretary. After the revolution, Lichtenstein fled to Königsberg and eventually settled in Edinburgh, where he became noted as a musician and influence on musical culture of the city. [46] [ non-primary source needed ][ better source needed ]

Escape and tour of Britain and United States

Photo of Kossuth Photo of Lajos Kossuth.jpg
Photo of Kossuth
Kossuth bought this newly built villa in London in 1851. Kossuth sold it after moving to Italy. However, the next owner transformed the villa into a concubinate. Kossuth egykori lakhelye Londonban.JPG
Kossuth bought this newly built villa in London in 1851. Kossuth sold it after moving to Italy. However, the next owner transformed the villa into a concubinate.

Kossuth's time in power was at an end. A solitary fugitive, he crossed the Ottoman frontier. He was hospitably received by the Ottoman authorities, who, supported by the British, refused, notwithstanding the threats of the allied emperors, to surrender him and other fugitives to Austria. In January 1850, he was removed from Vidin, where he had been kept under house arrest, to Shumen, and thence to Kütahya in Asia Minor. There, he was joined by his children, who had been confined at Pressburg; his wife (a price had been set on her head) had joined him earlier, having escaped in disguise.

On 10 August 1851 the release of Kossuth was decided by the Sublime Porte, in spite of threats by Austria and Russia. [47] The United States Congress approved having Kossuth come there, and on 1 September 1851, he boarded the ship USS Mississippi at Smyrna, with his family and fifty exiled followers.

The Magyar asked the crew of Mississippi to leave the shipboard at Gibraltar. [48] During his journey on board the American frigate Mississippi on his way to London, an enormous French crowd waited to welcome Kossuth at the port of Marseille. However the French authorities did not allow the dangerous revolutionary to come ashore. [49] At Marseille, Kossuth sought permission to travel through France to England, but Prince-President Louis Napoleon denied the request. Kossuth protested publicly, and officials saw that as a blatant disregard for the neutral position of the United States.

Great Britain

Lajos Kossuth Arrives at Southampton Docks Lajos Kossuth Arrives at Southampton Docks.jpg
Lajos Kossuth Arrives at Southampton Docks
Lajos Kossuth addresses the crowd from the balcony of Andrew's coach factory. Lajos Kossuth addresses the crowd from the balcony of Andrew's coach factory.jpg
Lajos Kossuth addresses the crowd from the balcony of Andrew's coach factory.
Lajos Kossuth's reception among businessmen industrialists and bankers in the Guildhall above the Bargate Kossuth in the in the Guildhall.jpg
Lajos Kossuth's reception among businessmen industrialists and bankers in the Guildhall above the Bargate

On 23 October, Kossuth landed at Southampton. At Southampton, he was greeted by a crowd of thousands outside the Mayor's balcony, who presented him with a flag of the Hungary. In his first visit in England he spent three weeks, where he was generally feted. After his arrival, the press characterized the atmosphere of the streets of London as this: "It had seemed like a coronation day of Kings". [50] [51] Contemporary reports noticed: "Trafalgar Square was 'black with people' and Nelson's Monument peopled 'up to the fluted shaft.'" [52]

Publications and Media Coverage: Kossuth's visit to the UK received extensive media coverage. Newspapers reported on his speeches, public engagements, and the general atmosphere of support surrounding his visit. His ideas and demands for Hungarian self-determination reached a wide audience, contributing to the growing awareness of the Hungarian cause in Britain.


Addresses were presented to him at Southampton, Birmingham and other towns; he was officially entertained by the Lord Mayor of the City of London; at each place, he spoke eloquently in English for the Hungarian cause; and he indirectly caused Queen Victoria to stretch the limits of her constitutional power over her Ministers to avoid embarrassment and eventually helped cause the fall of the government in power.

His most notable address was before the British Parliament on February 26, 1851. The speech took place in the House of Commons and was attended by members of Parliament, foreign diplomats, and distinguished guests. His passionate oratory skills and powerful arguments for Hungarian independence resonated with the audience, earning him a standing ovation in the paliament.

Having learned English during an earlier political imprisonment with the aid of a volume of Shakespeare, his spoken English was "wonderfully archaic" and theatrical. [53] The Times , generally cool towards the revolutionaries of 1848 in general and Kossuth in particular, nevertheless reported that his speeches were "clear" and that a three-hour talk was not unusual for him; [54] and also, that if he was occasionally overcome by emotion when describing the defeat of Hungarian aspirations, "it did not at all reduce his effectiveness".

The City of London Corporation accompanied him in procession through the city, and the way to the Guildhall was lined by thousands of cheering people. He went thereafter to Winchester, Liverpool, Manchester and Birmingham; at Birmingham the crowd that gathered to see him ride under the triumphal arches erected for his visit was described, even by his severest critics, as 75,000 individuals.

Prime Minister Lord Palmerston, in particular, was sympathetic to the Hungarian struggle for independence and supported Kossuth's visit. Kossuth also met with other prominent politicians, including William Gladstone and Richard Cobden, who expressed solidarity with his cause.

However many leading British politicians tried to suppress the so-called "Kossuth mania" in Britain without any success, the Kossuth mania proved to be unstoppable. When The Times tried to fiercely attack Kossuth, the copies of the newspaper were publicly burned in public houses, coffee houses, and in other public spaces throughout the country. [55]

Back in London, he addressed the Trades Unions at Copenhagen Fields in Islington. Some twelve thousand "respectable artisans" formed a parade at Russell Square and marched out to meet him. At the Fields themselves, the crowd was enormous; but the hostile newspaper The Times estimated it conservatively at 25,000,{{full while the Morning Chronicle described it as 50,000,[ full citation needed ] and the demonstrators themselves 100,000.

The Foreign Secretary, Lord Palmerston, who had already proved himself a friend of the losing sides in several of the failed revolutions of 1848, was determined to receive him at his country house, Broadlands. The Cabinet had to vote to prevent it; Victoria reputedly was so incensed by the possibility of her Foreign Secretary supporting an outspoken republican that she asked the Prime Minister, Lord John Russell for Palmerston's resignation, but Russell claimed that such a dismissal would be drastically unpopular at that time and over that issue. When Palmerston upped the ante by receiving at his house, instead of Kossuth, a delegation of Trade Unionists from Islington and Finsbury and listened sympathetically as they read an address that praised Kossuth and declared the Emperors of Austria and Russia "despots, tyrants and odious assassins", [56] it was noted as a mark of indifference to royal displeasure. That, together with Palmerston's support of Louis Napoleon, eventually caused the Russell government to fall.

Due to Kossuth activity, the anti-Austrian sentiment became strong in Britain, when Austrian general Julius Jacob von Haynau was recognized on the street, he was attacked by British draymen on his journey in England. [57] In 1856, Kossuth toured Scotland extensively, giving lectures in major cities and small towns alike. [58]

In addition, the indignation that he aroused against Russian policy had much to do with the strong anti-Russian feeling, which made the Crimean War possible. During the Crimean War, the activism of Kossuth also intensified in London, but since Austria did not side with Russia, there was no chance of Hungarian independence being achieved with Anglo-French military help. [59] In the following years, Kossuth hoped that the conflicts between the great powers would allow the liberation of Hungary after all, and so he contacted the French Emperor Napoleon III. When Napoleon III and the Prime Minister of Sardinia, Camillo Benso, Count of Cavour, promised to help liberate Hungary in the run-up to the Franco-Sardinian-Austrian war of 1859, Lajos Kossuth founded the Hungarian National Directorate with László Teleki and György Klapka and began to organise the Hungarian Legion. Following Napoleon III's unexpected peace with Austria after his brilliant victory at Solferino, Kossuth sought to link the liberation of Hungary more and more clearly to the movement of the peoples fighting for their independence. However, Giuseppe Garibaldi's invasion of Sicily in 1860 raised new hopes. Many Hungarians fought among his Redshirts, and his successes could have led to another Italo-Austrian war. In the event, the Hungarian Legion was re-established, and Kossuth negotiated cooperation with the Italians. But the war was not fought. Although Hungary remained under Austrian rule, the decline of Habsburg power increasingly forced compromise on the Austrian government. Hungarian passive resistance and the foreign activities of the Kossuth group reinforced each other. Kossuth and the émigré movement's armed preparations and negotiations with the great powers, on the other hand, were backed by the political backdrop of a silent and passively resistant country.

United States

"When Kossuth Rode up Broadway" (New York on 6 December 1851) When Kossuth rode up Broadway. Below, left- Louis Kossuth, the great Hungarian patriot, received with cheers by 100,000 Americans upon his arrival in New York on December 6th, 1851 (NYPL Hades-1788354-1659158).jpg
"When Kossuth Rode up Broadway" (New York on 6 December 1851)
The dress parade of US. Army in New York for Kossuth on 6 December 1851 The-Reception-Of-General-Louis-Kossuth-In-New-York-City,-6th-December-1851.jpg
The dress parade of US. Army in New York for Kossuth on 6 December 1851
Grand reception of Kossuth: "the champion of Hungarian Independence" at the City Hall, New York Louis Kossuth in New York.jpg
Grand reception of Kossuth: "the champion of Hungarian Independence" at the City Hall, New York
Kossuth's admission to Freemason Grand Lodge of Cincinnati, US, 1852 (Manuscript from University of Szeged ) Kossuth szabadkomuves.jpg
Kossuth's admission to Freemason Grand Lodge of Cincinnati, US, 1852 (Manuscript from University of Szeged )

From Britain Kossuth went to the United States of America. On 6 December 1851, this revolutionary hero arrived in New York City to a reception that only Washington and Lafayette had received before. On the posters and in the news, he appeared as an ambassador of the European nations yearning for freedom and democracy, an implacable opponent of the tyranny embodied by the Habsburgs and the Russian Romanovs.

The report of The Sun about the arrival of Kossuth in New York:

Thus immediately previous to the Christmas of 1851 New York city underwent a period of Kossuth mania, and it affected the holiday presents. Every New Year's gift associated itself in some designation with Kossuth and Hungary. Restaurants abounded with Hungarian goulash, a savory dish of boiled beef and vegetables strongly infused with red peppers; and there were Kossuth cravats (formidable bands of satin or silk wound around the neck, with ends liberally folded over the shirt front), Kossuth pipes, Kossuth umbrellas, Kossuth belts and buckles, Kossuth purses, Kossuth jackets, and Kossuth braid and tassels for wearing apparel...The American Museum on Broadway "was literally covered with paintings and flags. One, a portrait of Kossuth, in the folds of Hungarian and American flags, with the words at the bottom: 'Kossuth, the Washington of Hungary.' [61]

President Millard Fillmore entertained Kossuth at the White House on 31 December 1851 and 3 January 1852. The US Congress organized a banquet for Kossuth, which was supported by all political parties. [62]

In early 1852, Kossuth, accompanied by his wife, his son Ferenc, and Theresa Pulszky, toured the American Midwest, South, and New England. Kossuth was the second foreigner after the Marquis de Lafayette to address a Joint Meeting of the United States Congress. [63] He gave a speech before the Ohio General Assembly in February 1852 that probably influenced Lincoln's Gettysburg Address: "The spirit of our age is Democracy. All for the people, and all by the people. Nothing about the people without the people - That is Democracy! [...]" [64]

Kossuth's cult spread far and wide across the continent. Even babies were named after him during his American tour. At the same time, dozens of books, hundreds of pamphlets and articles and essays, as well as about 250 poems were written to, for, or about him in the 1850s. [65]

Queen Victoria had a negative remark about the American version of Kossuth fever too: "...the popular Kossuth fever of the time to ignorance of the man in whom they (the Americans) see a second Washington, when the fact is that he is an ambitious and rapacious humbug." [66]

There is no evidence that Kossuth ever met Abraham Lincoln, although Lincoln did organize a celebration in Kossuth's honor in Springfield, Illinois, [67] [68] calling him a "most worthy and distinguished representative of the cause of civil and religious liberty on the continent of Europe". [69] Kossuth believed that by appealing directly to European immigrants in the American heartland that he could rally them behind the cause of a free and democratic Hungary. United States officials feared that Kossuth's efforts to elicit support for a failed revolution were fraught with mischief. He would not denounce slavery or stand up for the Catholic Church, and when Kossuth declared George Washington had never intended for the policy of non-interference to serve as constitutional dogma, he caused further defection. Luckily for him, it was unknown then that he entertained a proposal to raise 1,500 mercenaries, who would overthrow Haiti with officers from the US Army and Navy. Ralph Waldo Emerson praised Kossuth: "You have earned your own nobility at home. We admit you ad eundem (as they say at College). We admit you to the same degree, without new trial. We suspend all rules before so paramount a merit. You may well sit a doctor in the college of liberty. You have achieved your right to interpret our Washington." [70]

However, the issue of slavery was tearing America apart. Kossuth infuriated the abolitionists by refusing to say anything offensive to the pro-slavery establishment, which, however, did not give him much support. Abolitionists said that Kossuth's "hands off" position regarding American slavery was unacceptable. Wm. Lloyd Garrison, on behalf of the American Anti-Slavery Society, published a pamphlet "exposing the Hungarian as a self-seeking toady." [71] Kossuth left the U.S. with only a fraction of the money he had hoped to earn on his tour. [72] :198

Daguerreotype portrait by Southworth & Hawes, May 1852 Portrait of Lajos Kossuth, 1852.jpg
Daguerreotype portrait by Southworth & Hawes, May 1852

Kossuth ruined all chances for backing when he openly recommended to German Americans they should choose Franklin Pierce for president. The gaffe brought him back to London in July 1852.

Early the next year, he sent Ferenc Pulszky to meet with Pierce to obtain support for intervention in Europe. Pulszky was to also meet in secret with Lt. William Nelson USN and make plans for an expedition against Haiti and Santo Domingo. The plot ended with the failure of the Milanese riots of 1853, and Kossuth made no further efforts to win backing from the United States. [73] [74] [75] [76] [77]

London

Attempted leadership in exile

After returning from America to Europe, he lived permanently in London for eight years, where he gained many important connections in British parliamentary, writer and journalistic circles. He also liaised with circles of French, Italian, Russian, German, and Polish emigrants, most notably Giuseppe Mazzini and Stanisław Gabriel Worcell, who were influential in organizing unsubstantiated uprising attempts in the early 1850s. In the following years, Kossuth expected that the conflicts between the great powers would still make it possible to liberate Hungary, and therefore he had even several personal talks with Emperor Napoleon III in Paris.

He made a close connection with his friend Giuseppe Mazzini, by whom, with some misgiving, he was persuaded to join the Revolutionary Committee. Quarrels of a kind only too common among exiles followed.

He watched with anxiety every opportunity of once more freeing his country from Austria. An attempt to organize a Hungarian legion during the Crimean War was stopped; but in 1859, he entered into negotiations with Napoleon III, left England for Italy and began the organization of a Hungarian legion, which was to make a descent on the coast of Dalmatia. The Peace of Villafranca made that impossible. There were still significant international forces supporting the Habsburgs to maintain their empire, because Austria was seen as an important element in the balance of great powers.

Gradually, his autocratic style and uncompromising outlook destroyed any real influence among the Hungarian expatriate community. Other Hungarian exiles protested against his appearing to claim to be the only national hero of the revolution. Count Kázmér Batthyány attacked him in The Times, and Bertalan Szemere, who had been prime minister under him, published a bitter criticism of his acts and character, accusing him of arrogance, cowardice and duplicity. Hungarians were especially offended by his continuing use of the title of Regent. Kossuth considered the use of his regent title constitutionally justified until the next democratic elections in Hungary. Accordingly, he used his title until the 1869 Hungarian parliamentary election. [78]

Later years: Italy

Embittered break with Hungarian patriots

The villa where Kossuth lived in Collegno al Baraccone from 1874 until 1882. Kossuth himself is visible standing on the balcony. Kossuth villa Collegno.jpg
The villa where Kossuth lived in Collegno al Baraccone from 1874 until 1882. Kossuth himself is visible standing on the balcony.

There were still significant international forces supporting the Habsburgs to maintain their empire, because Austria was seen as an important element in the continental balance of power. However, Garibaldi's invasion of Sicily in 1860 raised new hopes for Kossuth. Many Hungarian 1848 veterans fought among the Italian soldiers, and the Italian successes could have led to another Italian-Austrian war. To this end, the Hungarian Legion was re-established, and Kossuth negotiated cooperation with the Italians.

However the promise of the international conference never took root. In 1861, Kossuth moved to Turin, Italy, had to watch Ferenc Deák guide Hungary toward a compromise with the Austrian monarchy. He did so with a bitter heart, and on the day before the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 (German: Ausgleich, Hungarian: Kiegyezés), he published an open letter condemning it and Deák. This so-called "Cassandra letter" rallied the opponents of the Compromise, but they could not prevent its adoption and subsequent continuation. [79] Kossuth blamed Deák for giving up the nation's right of true independence and asserted that the conditions he had accepted went against the interests of the state's very existence. In the letter, his vision predicted that Hungary, having bound its fate to that of the Austrian German nation and the Habsburgs, would go down with them. He adumbrated a subsequent devastating European-scale war on the Continent, which would be fueled and induced by extremist nationalism, with Hungary on the side of a "dying empire".

"I see in the Compromise the death of our nation," he wrote. [80]

From then on, Kossuth remained in Italy. He refused to follow the other Hungarian patriots, who, under the lead of Deák, negotiated the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 and the ensuing amnesty. It is doubted whether Emperor Franz Joseph would have allowed the amnesty to extend to Kossuth.

In 1874 Kossuth bought a villa in the village of Collegno with a large garden in a small hamlet called Baraccone not far from the train station, and spent his days with gardening, botanical expeditions to the Alps, writing his memoirs and receiving Hungarian guests. He was forced to sell the villa in 1882 due to financial difficulties plaguing him since he lost most of his wealth in the aftermath of the 1873 financial crisis. Reluctantly he moved back to the city of Turin. [81]

European federalism

Louis Kossuth and his sons. Lajos Todor Karoly is on the left, Ferenc on the right. Kossuth es fiai.jpg
Louis Kossuth and his sons. Lajos Tódor Károly is on the left, Ferenc on the right.
Kossuth in Turin, 1892 Kossuth Turin 1892 EllingerA.jpg
Kossuth in Turin, 1892
Lajos Kossuth's voice was recorded in Turin (Italy) on 20 September 1890.

Publicly, Kossuth remained unreconciled to the house of Habsburg and committed to a fully independent state. He expressed the idea of uniting with the Hungarian and neighbouring peoples in his plans for the future, which also contained many utopian elements, and in his equally utopian plan for the future confederation of the already liberated peoples under the name of Republics of Danubian Confederation. [82] Though elected to the Diet of 1869, he never took his seat. He continued to remain a widely popular figure, but he did not allow his name to be associated with dissent or any political cause. A law of 1879, which deprived of citizenship all Hungarians who had voluntarily been absent ten years, was a bitter blow to him. He displayed no interest in benefitting from a further amnesty in 1880. Kossuth wrote a one-volume autobiography, published in English in 1880 as Memoirs of My Exile. It mainly concerns his activities between 1859 and 1861 including his meetings with Napoleon III, his dealings with Italian statesman Count Camillo Benso di Cavour and his correspondence with the Balkan royal courts about his plans for a Danubian federation [79] or confederation. [83]

The "Kossuth party" in the Hungarian parliament

The Party of Independence and '48 was established in 1884 by a merger of the Independence Party and the Party of 1848. [84] Although Kossuth had never returned to Hungary, he was the spiritual leader of this opposition party until he died in 1894, and the party was also referred to as the "Kossuth Party" thereafter. [84] From the 1896 elections onwards, it was the main opposition to the ruling Liberal Party. The Kossuth party won the 1905, and 1906 elections, his older son Ferenc Kossuth was Minister for Trade between 1906 and 1910. However it lost the 1910 elections to the National Party of Work. Kossuth's political legacy achieved that ethnic Hungarians did not vote for the ruling pro-compromise Liberal Party in the Hungarian parliamentary elections, thus the political maintenance of the Austro-Hungarian Compromise was mostly a result of the popularity of the pro-compromise Liberal Party among the ethnic minorities. [85]

Publication of his memoirs and speeches

His wealth have fallen victim to the collapse of the financial institutions of Turin. Due to financial difficulties, he had to struggle at an old age. However, at the urging of Ignác Helfy, he began compiling the memories of his life in 1879, especially the documents relating to the history of emigration. Furthermore, he granted permission to British, American, French, and Italian publishers to print the collection of his famous speeches and political debates. The tremendous success of his books quickly restored his previous financial standing, and until his old age, he proudly maintained the self-awareness that he was still earning a living through his work. [86]


In 1890, a delegation of Hungarian pilgrims in Turin recorded a short patriotic speech delivered by the elderly Lajos Kossuth. The original recording [87] on two wax cylinders for the Edison phonograph survives to this day, barely audible [88] because of excess playback and unsuccessful early restoration attempts. Recording Kossuth's voice was one of the earliest applications of phonograph, [89] [90] and his few sentences are the earliest known recorded Hungarian speech. [91] Until the discovery of a recording of Helmuth von Moltke in 2012, Lajos Kossuth was the person with the earliest birth date from whom a sound recording was known. [92]

Death, legacy, complete works

As Headlam noted, Kossuth died in Turin, after which "his body was taken to Pest (Budapest), where he was buried amid the mourning of the whole nation, Mór Jókai delivering the funeral oration"; furthermore, a "bronze statue (was) erected by public subscription, in the Kerepesi Cemetery..." which commemorates Kossuth as "Hungary's purest patriot and greatest orator." [1]

A Hungarian language version of his complete works were published in Budapest between 1880 and 1895. [1]

Honors and memorials

In Hungary

In 1944 the Hungarian government released four postage stamps in Lajos Kossuth's honor Lajos Kossuth, Hungry issues.jpg
In 1944 the Hungarian government released four postage stamps in Lajos Kossuth's honor

The main square of Budapest with the Hungarian Parliament Building is named after Kossuth, and the Kossuth Memorial is an important scene of national ceremonies. Most cities in Hungary have streets named after Kossuth, see: Public place names of Budapest. The first public statue commemorating Kossuth was erected in Miskolc in 1898. Kossuth Rádió, the main radio station of Hungary, is named after Lajos Kossuth.

Béla Bartók also wrote a symphonic poem named Kossuth, the funeral march which was transcribed for piano and published in Bartók's lifetime.

The memorials to Lajos Kossuth in the territories lost by Hungary after World War I, and again after World War II, were sooner or later demolished in neighboring countries. A few of them were re-erected following the Revolutions of 1989 by local councils or private associations. They play an important role as symbols of national identity of the Hungarian minority.[ neutrality is disputed ] Magyar Posta paid homage to Kossuth by bringing out eight postage stamps. [93] Again, a set of four stamps commemorating 50 anniversary of the death of Lajos Kossuth were issued by Hungary on 20 March 1944 [94]

In Slovakia

The most important memorial outside the present-day borders of Hungary is a statue in Rožňava, that was knocked down twice but restored after much controversy in 2004.

In Romania

The only Kossuth statue that remained on its place after 1920 in Romania stands in Salonta. The demolished Kossuth Memorial of Târgu-Mureş was re-erected in 2001 in the little Székely village of Ciumani. The Kossuth Memorial in Arad, the work of Ede Margó from 1909, was removed by the order of the Brătianu government in 1925.

In the United Kingdom

There is a blue plaque on No. 39 Chepstow Villas, the house in Notting Hill in London, where Kossuth lived from 1850 to 1859. A street in Greenwich, also in London, is named Kossuth Street after him. There is a letter of support from Kossuth on display at the Wallace Monument, near Stirling. The building of the monument, dedicated to Scottish patriot William Wallace coincided with Kossuth's visit to Scotland.

Rest of Europe

In Serbia there are two statues of Kossuth in Stara Moravica and Novi Itebej. Memorials in Ukraine are situated in Berehove and Tiachiv. Lajos Kossuth Street exists in the cities of Dnipro, Kryvyi Rih, Mukachevo, Tyachiv, Uzhhorod. The house where Kossuth lived in exile in Shumen, Bulgaria, has been turned into the Lajos Kossuth Memorial House, exhibiting documents and items related to Kossuth's work and the Hungarian Revolution. A street in the centre of the Bulgarian capital Sofia also bears his name.

The house where Kossuth lived when in exile, on Macar Street (meaning Hungarian Street in Turkish) in Kütahya, Turkey, is now a museum (Kossuth Evi Müzesi). The house is on a hill, with two stories in the back and one facing Macar Street. The walled back yard has a life size statue of Kossuth. The interior is furnished with period pieces, and houses a portrait of Kossuth and a map of his travels.

In Turin, Italy, there is a plaque on the building in which Kossuth lived, as well as a street bearing his name (Corso Luigi Kossuth).

In the United States

In 1958 the US Government issued two postage stamps honoring Lajos Kossuth; part of the Champion of Liberty commemorative series. Lajos Kossuth, 4c & 8c,1958 issues.jpg
In 1958 the US Government issued two postage stamps honoring Lajos Kossuth; part of the Champion of Liberty commemorative series.

Kossuth County, Iowa, is named in Kossuth's honor. A statue of the freedom fighter stands in front of the county Court House in Algona, Iowa, the county seat. The small towns of Kossuth, Ohio, Kossuth, Mississippi, Kossuth, Maine, Kossuth, Pennsylvania, and Kossuth, Wisconsin, as well as a populated area within the town of Bolivar, New York [96] are named in honor of Kossuth.

A bust of Kossuth sits in the United States Capitol in Washington, D.C., which also boasts a Hungarian-American cultural center called Kossuth House [97] (owned and operated by the Hungarian Reformed Federation of America). A statue of Kossuth stands in New York City on Riverside Drive at 113th Street near the Columbia University campus. Other statues of Kossuth are sprinkled throughout the US, including in University Circle in Cleveland, Ohio There is a Kossuth Park at the intersection of East 121st Street and East Shaker Boulevard, just west of Shaker Square, in Cleveland. In the Bronx, New York, Brooklyn, New York Utica, New York, Ronkonkoma, New York, Bohemia, New York, Newark, New Jersey, St. Louis, Missouri, Bridgeport, Connecticut, Haledon, New Jersey, Wharton, New Jersey, Lafayette, Indiana, and Columbus, Ohio there are streets named in honor of Kossuth. There is also a neighborhood in Dayton, Ohio known as the Kossuth Colony Historic District.

During an impassioned eulogy of Kossuth in New York, Alexander Kohut, a distinguished rabbinic scholar, took ill, and died several weeks later. [98]

The bust of Kossuth that was added to the United States Capitol in 1990 is presently displayed in that building's "Freedom Foyer" alongside busts of Václav Havel and Winston Churchill.

In Canada

Kossuth Road in Cambridge, Ontario, Canada was named in Kossuth's honor as is Kossuth Park Wainfleet, Ontario Port Colborne, Ontario.

In Kurdistan, Iraq

The main street in Rawanduz was renamed in Kossuth's honor in 2017. [99]

Memorials

Works

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Revolutions of 1848 in the Austrian Empire</span> Set of revolutions in 1848 and 1849

The Revolutions of 1848 in the Austrian Empire were a set of revolutions that took place in the Austrian Empire from March 1848 to November 1849. Much of the revolutionary activity had a nationalist character: the Empire, ruled from Vienna, included ethnic Germans, Hungarians, Poles, Bohemians (Czechs), Ruthenians (Ukrainians), Slovenes, Slovaks, Romanians, Croats, Italians, and Serbs; all of whom attempted in the course of the revolution to either achieve autonomy, independence, or even hegemony over other nationalities. The nationalist picture was further complicated by the simultaneous events in the German states, which moved toward greater German national unity.

Bratislava, currently the capital of Slovakia and the country's largest city, has existed for about a thousand years. Because of the city's strategic geographical location, it was an important European hub due to its proximity to the advanced cultures of the Mediterranean and the Orient as well as its link to the rest of Europe, which were possible by the Danube River.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ferenc Deák (politician)</span> Hungarian politician (1803–1876)

Ferenc Deák de Kehida was a Hungarian statesman and Minister of Justice. He was known as "The Wise Man of the Nation" and one of the greatest figures of Hungary's liberal movement.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">István Széchenyi</span> Hungarian noble and statesman

Count István Széchenyi de Sárvár-Felsővidék was a Hungarian politician, political theorist, and writer. Widely considered one of the greatest statesmen in his nation's history, within Hungary he is still known to many as "the Greatest Hungarian".

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Josip Jelačić</span> Ban of Croatia between 1848 and 1859

Count Josip Jelačić von Bužim was a Croatian lieutenant field marshal in the Imperial Austrian Army and politician. He was the Ban of Croatia between 23 March 1848 and 19 April 1859. He was a member of the House of Jelačić and a noted army general, remembered for his military campaigns during the Revolutions of 1848 and for his abolition of serfdom in Croatia.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Lajos Batthyány</span> Hungarian politician (1807–1849)

Count Lajos Batthyány de Németújvár was the first Prime Minister of Hungary. He was born in Pozsony on 10 February 1807, and was executed by firing squad in Pest on 6 October 1849, the same day as the 13 Martyrs of Arad.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Kingdom of Hungary (1526–1867)</span> Period of Hungarian history while under the control of the Habsburg monarchy (1526–1867)

The Kingdom of Hungary between 1526 and 1867 existed as a state outside the Holy Roman Empire, but part of the lands of the Habsburg monarchy that became the Austrian Empire in 1804. After the Battle of Mohács in 1526, the country was ruled by two crowned kings. Initially, the exact territory under Habsburg rule was disputed because both rulers claimed the whole kingdom. This unsettled period lasted until 1570 when John Sigismund Zápolya abdicated as King of Hungary in Emperor Maximilian II's favor.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Bertalan Szemere</span>

Bertalan Szemere was a Hungarian poet and nationalist who became the third Prime Minister of Hungary during the short period of the Hungarian Revolution of 1848 when Hungary was independent of rule by the Austrian Empire.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">The 13 Martyrs of Arad</span> Hungarian generals executed in 1849

The Thirteen Martyrs of Arad were the thirteen Hungarian rebel generals who were executed by the Austrian Empire on 6 October 1849 in the city of Arad, then part of the Kingdom of Hungary, after the Hungarian Revolution (1848–1849). The execution was ordered by the Austrian general Julius Jacob von Haynau.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Hungarian Revolution of 1848</span>

The Hungarian Revolution of 1848, also known in Hungary as Hungarian Revolution and War of Independence of 1848–1849 was one of many European Revolutions of 1848 and was closely linked to other revolutions of 1848 in the Habsburg areas. Although the revolution failed, it is one of the most significant events in Hungary's modern history, forming the cornerstone of modern Hungarian national identity—the anniversary of the Revolution's outbreak, 15 March, is one of Hungary's three national holidays.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Revolutions of 1848</span> Series of political upheavals in Europe

The revolutions of 1848, known in some countries as the Springtime of the Peoples or the Springtime of Nations, were a series of revolutions throughout Europe over the course of more than one year, from 1848 to 1849. It remains the most widespread revolutionary wave in European history to date.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ádám Récsey</span> Hungarian politician

Baron Ádám Récsey de Récse was a Hungarian general, joined the army of Habsburg monarchy, and briefly a politician who was appointed illegally as the Prime Minister of Hungary by King Ferdinand V during the Revolution of 1848, serving in this capacity from 3 October to 7 October 1848. Récsey countersigned his own appointment, neglecting the Diet of Hungary. He resigned when an uprising broke out in Vienna in the effects of the Hungarian Revolution. He was the only Hungarian Prime Minister who was born in the 18th century.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Mór Perczel</span>

Sir Mór Perczel de Bonyhád, was a Hungarian landholder, general, and one of the leaders of the Hungarian Revolution of 1848.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Kázmér Batthyány</span> Hungarian politician (1807–1854)

Count Kázmér Antal Ferenc Batthyány de Németújvár was a Hungarian politician, who served as Minister of Foreign Affairs during the Hungarian Revolution of 1848. At the beginning he was a conservative aristocrat politician but his views changed after a journey to Western Europe. He gradually became liberal and learnt the Hungarian language. In the House of Magnates of Hungary he supported the reforms of the industry and traffic. He also supported the protection of Hungarian products and the liberation of the serfs.

The March Constitution, also called Imposed March Constitution or Stadion Constitution, was a constitution of the Austrian Empire promulgated by Minister of the Interior Count Stadion between 4 March and 7 March 1849. Though declared irrevocable, it was eventually revoked by the New Year's Eve Patent of Emperor Franz Joseph I on 31 December 1851. The Stadion Constitution emphasized power for the monarch; it also marked the way of the neo-absolutism in the Habsburg ruled territories. It preempted the Kremsier Constitution of the Kremsier Parliament. This state of affairs would last until the October Diploma of 20 October 1860 and the later February Patent of 26 February 1861.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Slovak Uprising of 1848–49</span> 19th-century uprising of Slovaks against Hungarian rule

The Slovak Uprising , Slovak Volunteer Campaigns or Slovak Revolt was an uprising of Slovaks in Western parts of Upper Hungary with the aim of equalizing Slovaks, democratizing political life and achieving social justice within the 1848–49 revolutions in the Habsburg Monarchy. It lasted from September 1848 to November 1849. In October 1848, Slovak leaders replaced their original Hungaro-federal program by Austro-federal, called for the separation of a Slovak district from the Kingdom of Hungary and for the formation of a new autonomous district within the framework of the Habsburg Monarchy.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Pál Almásy</span> Hungarian lawyer and politician

Pál Almásy de Zsadány et Törökszentmiklós was a Hungarian lawyer and politician, who served as Speaker of the House of Representatives in 1849.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">László Csány</span>

László Csány was a Hungarian politician, who served as Minister of Public Works and Transport in 1849. He is a martyr of the Hungarian Revolution of 1848.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Hungarian State</span> 1849 unrecognised state in Central Europe

The Hungarian State was a short-lived unrecognised state that existed for 4 months in the last phase of the Hungarian Revolution of 1848–49.

The Opposition Party was a political party that came to prominence during the 1848–49 revolution in Hungary. By contemporary political standards, they represented the far-left in the Hungarian parliament. It's leading political figure was Lajos Kossuth.

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 Wikisource-logo.svg One or more of the preceding sentences incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain:  Headlam, James Wycliffe (1911). "Kossuth, Lajos". In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica . Vol. 15 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 916–918.
  2. "Hungarian President Louis Kossuth Concerning the Centralization of Power". Captainjamesdavis.net. 27 February 2014. Archived from the original on 30 June 2017. Retrieved 19 November 2017.
  3. "Kossuth County EDC". Kossuth-edc.com. Archived from the original on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 19 November 2017.
  4. Webster, Daniel (1851). Sketch of the Life of Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary: Together with the Declaration of Hungarian Independence; Kossuth's Address to the People of the United States; All His Great Speeches in England; and the Letter of Daniel Webster to Chevalier Hulsemann. Stringer & Townsend.
  5. Vas (1976). Kossuth Lajos élete. Magvető kiadó. p. 835.
  6. Parenička, Pavel (14 November 1990). "Košút versus Kossuth". Slovenské Národné Noviny. Archived from the original on 25 October 2008. Retrieved 4 February 2008.
  7. Chmelár, Eduard (2007). "Filozofia slovenských dejín (2): Zrodenie národa". Slovo (38). Archived from the original on 13 February 2009. Retrieved 4 February 2008.
  8. "I. | Turul 1883-1950 | Kézikönyvtár".
  9. "Péter Beniczky". 26 April 2022.
  10. 1 2 "Kossuth család. (Kossuthfalvi és udvardi.) | Nagy Iván: Magyarország családai | Kézikönyvtár".
  11. Macartney, Carlile Aylmer (2015). "Lajos Kossuth: Hungarian political leader". The Encyclopædia Britannica (online) [Dale Hoiberg, ed.] Retrieved 13 September 2015.
  12. Révay Nagy Lexikona: Lovas–Mons. Vol. XII. Budapest: Révai Brothers Literary Institute. 1915.
  13. https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:KSTL-RHH
  14. "Dániel Kossuth de Udvard". 27 April 2022.
  15. https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:KH7B-J9Y
  16. "Tamás Beniczky, de Benicze". 6 November 1475.
  17. Vö.: Nagy Iván: Magyarország családai czímerekkel és nemzékrendi táblákkal: I. kötet (Aaron - Benyovszky). Pest: Friebeisz István. 1857. 296. o. III. tábla, Zsuzsa, a IV. Péter (Prónay Évától)
  18. Vö.: Nagy Iván: Magyarország családai czímerekkel és nemzékrendi táblákkal: V. kötet (Haagen - Justh). Pest: Ráth Mór. 1859. 110. o.: "Hidegkőy család: Hidegkőy előbb Klatenstein Tóbiás 1792-ben kelt czimeres nemes levél által nemesittetett meg. (...)"
  19. Kossuth, Louis : Encyclopedia of African American History, 1619–1895: From the Colonial Period to the Age of Frederick Douglass Oxford Reference. Oxfordreference.com. 6 April 2006. ISBN   9780195167771 . Retrieved 7 November 2012.[ better source needed ]
  20. Motyl, Alexander J. (2000). Encyclopedia of Nationalism. Vol. 2. Elsevier. p. 276. ISBN   9780080545240.
  21. Finkelman, Paul (1995). His Soul Goes Marching On: Responses to John Brown and the Harpers Ferry Raid . University Press of Virginia. p.  148. ISBN   9780813934600.
  22. Andrea Friedli; Aline Gohard-Radenkovic; Francois Ruegg (2017). Nation-Building and Identities in Post-Soviet Societies: New Challenges for Social Sciences Volume 47 of Freiburg Studies in Social Anthropology/Freiburger Sozialanthropologische Studien Series Freiburg Studies in Social Anthropology/ Freiburger Sozialanthropologische Studien Volume 47 of Freiburger Sozialanthropologische Studien. LIT Verlag Münster. p. 75. ISBN   9783643802187.
  23. Romsics, Ignác; Béla K. Király. Geopolitics in the Danube Region: Hungarian Reconciliation Efforts, 1848–1998. p. 107.
  24. Ioan Lupaș. The Hungarian Policy of Magyarization (p. 14). The Center for Transylvanians Studies
  25. "The Hungarian Liberal Opposition's Approach to Nationalities and Social Reform". Mek.oszk.hu. Retrieved 19 September 2015.
  26. Laszlo Deme. The radical left in the Hungarian revolution of 1848; accessed 31 October 2017.
  27. Matthew P. Fitzpatrick. Liberal Imperialism in Europe; accessed 31 October 2017.
  28. Peter F. Sugar, Péter Hanák, Tibor Frank. A History of Hungary; accessed 31 October 3017.
  29. Mihály Lackó: Széchenyi és Kossuth vitája, Gondolat, 1977.
  30. Lacko p. 47
  31. "Hungary's Place in Europe: Liberal–Conservative Foreign Policy Disputes in the Reform Era". 29 July 2023. Archived from the original on 30 July 2023. Retrieved 30 July 2023.
  32. Gróf Széchenyi István írói és hírlapi vitája Kossuth Lajossal [Count Stephen Széchenyi's Literary and Publicistic Debate with Louis Kossuth], ed. Gyula Viszota, 2 vols. (Budapest: Magyar Történelmi Társulat, 1927–1930)
  33. Peter F. Sugar, Péter Hanák, Tibor Frank: A History of Hungary (Indiana University Press, 1994) p. 213
  34. György Ráthkay (1850). Kossuth parlamenti élete. Heckenast Gusztáv sajátja. p. 95.
  35. 1 2 Wikisource-logo.svg One or more of the preceding sentences incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain :  Phillips, Walter Alison (1911). "Hungary". In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica . Vol. 13 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 917.
  36. Hal Draper; Ernest Haberkern (2010). Karl Marx's Theory of Revolution, Volume 5. NYU Press. p. 41. ISBN   9781583675229.
  37. Alan Walker (1997). Franz Liszt: The Weimar years, 18481861. Vol. 2 (2nd ed.). Cornell University Press. pp. 63–64. ISBN   9780801497216.
  38. Laszlo Peter, Martyn C. Rady, Peter A. Sherwood: Lajos Kossuth sent word...: Papers delivered on the occasion of the bicentenary of Kossuth's birth (p. 101)
  39. Richard Frucht: Eastern Europe, Volume I, (an introduction to the people lands and culture) p. 354. ISBN   1-57607-800-0
  40. Krej?í, Oskar (2005). Geopolitics of the Central European Region: The View from Prague and Bratislava. VEDA, Publishing House of the Slovak Academy of Sciences. ISBN   9788022408523 . Retrieved 19 September 2015 via Google Cărţi.
  41. "Wherever we look in Hungary, there is no entity that would constitute a Slovak nationality/nation." ("Bármerre tekintünk is Magyarországon, sehol sem látunk anyagot ily tót nemzetiségre."); A. B. [Lajos Kossuth], "Visszapillantás a szláv mozgalmakra." Pesti Hírlap, 26 June 1842.
  42. "Kossuth rejected the very idea of a Slovak nation [...]."; Piotr Stefan Wandycz, The Price of Freedom: A History of East Central Europe from the Middle Ages to the Present. 2001.
  43. "Though partly Slovak by birth, he [Lajos Kossuth] denied the existence of a Slovak nation [...]."; A[lan] J[ohn] P[ercivale] Taylor, From Napoleon to Lenin: Historical Essays. 1966.
  44. 1 2 Albert, Eleanor. "Kossuth and the Treaty of Trianon". Foreign Affairs. Retrieved 21 April 2019.
  45. Klari Kingston, "Gunboat liberalism: Palmerston, Europe and 1848 " History Today 47.2 (1997): 37–43 at p 41
  46. Musical Times. Vol. 34. 1893. Retrieved 9 February 2012.[ non-primary source needed ][ better source needed ]
  47. "TimesMachine: Thursday September 18, 1851". The New York Times. Retrieved 21 April 2019.
  48. Donald A. Clark, The Notorious "Bull" Nelson: Murdered Civil War General (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 2011), 23–30.
  49. Paul Lendvai (2021). The Hungarians: A Thousand Years of Victory in Defeat. Princeton University Press. p. 249. ISBN   9780691200279.
  50. Phineas Camp Headley: The Life of Louis Kossuth: Governor of Hungary, p. 241, Publisher: Miller, Orton & Mulligan, 1856
  51. Maria Bucur, Nancy Meriwether Wingfield: Staging the Past: The Politics of Commemoration in Habsburg Central Europe, 1848 to the Present p. 256, ISBN   9781557531612
  52. Freifeld, Alice (2000). Nationalism and the Crowd in Liberal Hungary, 1848–1914, p. 112, Washington, DC, Woodrow Wilson Center Press, ISBN   9780801864629
  53. Hague Academy of International Law: Recueil Des Cours, Volume 326 p. 20, Publisher Hachette, 2007
  54. See: Hague Academy of International Law: Recueil Des Cours
  55. Michael Diamond (2004). Victorian Sensation: Or the Spectacular, the Shocking and the Scandalous in Nineteenth-Century Britain, Anthem Nineteenth-Century Series. Anthem Press. pp. 47–50. ISBN   9780857289308.
  56. Jasper Ridley: Lord Palmerston, Publisher Pan Macmillan (2013), ISBN   9781447244196
  57. David Paterson (2001). Liberalism and Conservatism, 1846–1905, Heinemann advanced history. Heinemann. p. 112. ISBN   9780435327378.
  58. Victuallers (10 December 2022), English: County Hotel, 3-11 High Street, Selkirk (hotel building in Selkirk, Scottish Borders, Scotland, UK) , retrieved 10 December 2022
  59. Ignác Romsics (1998). Nemzet, nemzetiség és állam Kelet-Közép- és Délkelet-Európában a 19. és 20. században. Napvilág Kiadó. ISBN   9639082139.
  60. "Kossuth Lajos felvételi kérelme a szabadkõmûves páholyba". Sk-szeged.hu. Retrieved 7 November 2012.
  61. "Daytonian in Manhattan: The 1928 Kossuth Monument – Riverside Drive at 113th Street". Daytoninmanhattan.blogspot.be. 28 May 2013. Retrieved 19 September 2015.
  62. Lester H. Brun (2003). Chronological History of U.S. Foreign Relations: 1607–1932. Routledge. p. 164. ISBN   9780415939157.
  63. Matthew J. Mancini (2006). Alexis de Tocqueville and American Intellectuals: From His Times to Ours . Rowman & Littlefield. p.  68. ISBN   9780742523449.
  64. ""All For the People, and All By the People"–Lajos Kossuth's Fight for Hungarian Independence ohiohistoryhost.org". Archived from the original on 14 April 2019. Retrieved 15 April 2019.
  65. Steven B. Várdy, Ph.D.: (2008) "A Celebrated, Disillusioned Hungarian Revolutionary's Visit to Pittsburgh in 1852", p. 20
  66. Bernard Porter: The Refugee Question in Mid-Victorian Politics, p. 106, Publisher: Cambridge University Press (2008) ISBN   9780521088152
  67. Thomas L. Krannawitter (2010). Vindicating Lincoln: Defending the Politics of Our Greatest President. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN   9780742559738.
  68. Lincoln, Abraham; Cuomo, Mario Matthew; Holzer, Harold (2004). Lincoln on Democracy. Fordham Univ Press. p. 50. ISBN   9780823223459.
  69. Lincoln, Abraham; Cuomo, Mario Matthew; Holzer, Harold (2004). Lincoln on Democracy. Fordham Univ Press. p. 376. ISBN   9780823223459.
  70. Ralph Waldo Emerson: Address to Kossuth at Concord, May 11, 1852
  71. Garrison, Wm. Lloyd (1852). A letter to Louis Kossuth concerning freedom and slavery in the United States : in behalf of the American Anti-Slavery Society. Boston: R. F. Wallcut, for the American Anti-Slavery Society.
  72. DeCaro, Louis (2002). "Fire from the Midst of You": A Religious Life of John Brown. New York: NYU Press. ISBN   978-0814719220 . Retrieved 1 August 2020.
  73. Donald S. Spencer, Louis Kossuth and Young America A Study in Sectionalism and Foreign Policy 1848–1852 (Colombia, 1977)
  74. John H. Komlus, Louis Kossuth in America 1851–1852 (Buffalo, 1973)
  75. Francis and Theresa Pulszky, "White, Red, Black: Sketches of American Society", Living Age 37 (9 April 1853)
  76. Steven Béla Várdy, "Kossuth's Effort to Enlist America into the Hungarian Cause," Duquesne University Hungarian Studies (2002)
  77. Thomas Kabdebo, Diplomat in Exile Francis Pulsky's Political Activities in England 1849–1860 (New York, 1979)
  78. Tanárky Gyula (1961). A Kossuth-emigráció szolgálatában. Tanárky Gyula naplója (1849–1866).
  79. 1 2 Encyclopædia Britannica Kossuth
  80. "An Era of Light and Shadow". Hungarianhistory.com. Retrieved 19 September 2015.
  81. László Csorba: A turini remete, in: Rubicon
  82. A „Dunai Szövetség” tervezete (1862. május 1.)
  83. Krej?í, Oskar (2005). Geopolitics of the Central European Region: The View from Prague and Bratislava. VEDA, Publishing House of the Slovak Academy of Sciences. ISBN   9788022408523 . Retrieved 19 September 2015 via Google Cărţi.
  84. 1 2 Vincent E McHale (1983) Political parties of Europe, Greenwood Press, p. 509 ISBN   0-313-23804-9
  85. András Gerő (2014). Nationalities and the Hungarian Parliament (1867–1918) Archived 25 April 2019 at the Wayback Machine .
  86. József Révai (1947). Lajos Kossuth. Szikra. p. 45.
  87. Archived 27 October 2005 at the Wayback Machine
  88. Video on YouTube
  89. McWhirter, Norris (1999). Norris McWhirter's book of millennium records: the story of human achievement ... Book People. ISBN   9781856136860 . Retrieved 19 September 2015 via Google Books.
  90. Attali, Jacques (1985). Noise: The Political Economy of Music. Manchester University Press. ISBN   9780719014710 . Retrieved 19 September 2015 via Google Books.
  91. Hungarian Digest. 10 September 2010. Retrieved 19 September 2015 via Google Books.
  92. Patrick Feaster (19 May 2012), "The 1880s Speak: Recent Developments in Archeophony", Annual Conference of the Association for Recorded Sound Collections, Rochester, New York, retrieved 21 November 2021
  93. 1 July 1932, Scott Catalog # 475, 30 filler; on 15 March 1947, Scott Catalog # 821, 40 filler; on 15 March 1952, Scott Catalog # 990, 20 filler this stamp shows Kossuth and speech at Debrecen; 17 February 1994, Scott Catalog # 3424, 19 forint in the Personalities series,
  94. Scott # 621-24, denominations 4,20,30,50 filler
  95. "8-cent Lajos Kossuth single". US Post Office / Smithsonian National Postal Museum. Retrieved 25 December 2023.
  96. "Kossuth Populated Place Profile / Allegany County, New York Data".
  97. "Kossuthhouse.org". Kossuthhouse.org. Archived from the original on 18 October 2015. Retrieved 19 September 2015.
  98. Singer, Isidore; George Alexander Kohut; Cyrus Adler. "Kohut, Alexander". Jewish Encyclopedia.
  99. "Kurdish poetry anthology published in Hungarian". Daily News Hungary. 24 February 2017. Retrieved 4 April 2017.

Further reading

Political offices
Preceded by
post created
Minister of Finance
1848
Succeeded by
Preceded by
Lajos Batthyány
as Prime Minister
President of the Committee of National Defence
1848–1849
Succeeded by
Bertalan Szemere
as Prime Minister
Preceded by
post created
Governor-President of Hungary
1849
Succeeded by
Artúr Görgey
as acting civil and military authority