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|President of the|
United Mexican States
Presidente de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos
Seal of the Federal Government of Mexico
Mexican Presidential Standard
|Executive branch of the Mexican Government|
Office of the President of Mexico
|Residence||National Palace of Mexico|
|Seat||Mexico City, Mexico|
|Appointer||Federal Electoral Tribunal (confirmation), on behalf of the People of Mexico|
|Term length||Six years ( sexenio ), non-renewable|
|Constituting instrument||Constitution of Mexico|
|Inaugural holder||Guadalupe Victoria|
|Formation||October 10, 1824|
|Salary||MXN $108,570.92 per month, before taxes.|
|Website||Government of Mexico|
The President of Mexico (Spanish : Presidente de México), officially known as the President of the United Mexican States (Spanish : Presidente de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos), is the head of state and government of Mexico. Under the Constitution, the president is also the Supreme Commander of the Mexican armed forces. The current President is Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who took office on December 1, 2018.
Spanish or Castilian is a Romance language that originated in the Castile region of Spain and today has hundreds of millions of native speakers in the Americas and Spain. It is a global language and the world's second-most spoken native language, after Mandarin Chinese.
A head of state is the public persona who officially represents the national unity and legitimacy of a sovereign state. Depending on the country's form of government and separation of powers, the head of state may be a ceremonial figurehead or concurrently the head of government. In a parliamentary system the head of state is the de jure leader of the nation, and there is a separate de facto leader, often with the title of prime minister. In contrast, a semi-presidential system has both heads of state and government as the leaders de facto of the nation.
Head of government is a generic term used for either the highest or second highest official in the executive branch of a sovereign state, a federated state, or a self-governing colony, who often presides over a cabinet, a group of ministers or secretaries who lead executive departments. The term "head of government" is often differentiated from the term "head of state", as they may be separate positions, individuals, or roles depending on the country.
Currently, the office of the President is considered to be revolutionary, in that the powers of office are derived from the Revolutionary Constitution of 1917. Another legacy of the Revolution is its ban on re-election. Mexican presidents are limited to a single six-year term, called a sexenio. No one who has held the post, even on a caretaker basis, is allowed to run or serve again. The constitution and the office of the President closely follow the presidential system of government.
The Mexican Revolution, also known as the Mexican Civil War, was a major armed struggle, lasting roughly from 1910 to 1920, that radically transformed Mexican culture and government. Although recent research has focused on local and regional aspects of the Revolution, it was a genuinely national revolution. Its outbreak in 1910 resulted from the failure of the 35-year-long regime of Porfirio Díaz to find a managed solution to the presidential succession. This meant there was a political crisis among competing elites and the opportunity for agrarian insurrection. Wealthy landowner Francisco I. Madero challenged Díaz in the 1910 presidential election, and following the rigged results, revolted under the Plan of San Luis Potosí. Armed conflict ousted Díaz from power; a new election was held in 1911, bringing Madero to the presidency.
The Constitution of Mexico, formally the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States is the current constitution of Mexico. It was drafted in Santiago de Querétaro, in the State of Querétaro, by a constitutional convention, during the Mexican Revolution. It was approved by the Constitutional Congress on 5 February 1917. It is the successor to the Constitution of 1857, and earlier Mexican constitutions.
Sexenio is the popular term for the term limit on the President of Mexico. The president is limited to a single six-year term, and no one who holds the office even on a caretaker basis is permitted to run for or hold the office again. It is one of the country's most important political institutions because it is one of the few significant limitations on executive power in Mexico, which is strong at local, state, and national levels. The sexenio is seen as a reaction to the failed experiment of re-election in Mexico during part of the Porfiriato era (1876–1911). In addition to restricting the presidency, state governors also face this restriction; no one elected as a governor may ever hold the post again, even on an interim basis.
Chapter III of Title III of the Constitution deals with the executive branch of government and sets forth the powers of the president, as well as the qualifications for the office. He is vested with the "supreme executive power of the Union".
The executive is the organ exercising authority in and holding responsibility for the governance of a state. The executive executes and enforces law.
To be eligible to serve as president, Article 82 of the Constitution specifies that the following requirements must be met:
The ban on any sort of presidential re-election dates back to the aftermath of the Porfiriato and the end of the Mexican Revolution. It is so entrenched in Mexican politics that it has remained in place even as it was relaxed for other offices. In 2014, the constitution was amended to allow Deputies and Senators to run for a second consecutive term. Previously, Deputies and Senators were barred from successive re-election. However, the president remained barred from re-election, even if it is nonsuccessive.
The porfiriato or porfirismo was a period in the history of Mexico when central power was held by Porfirio Díaz, between November 28, 1876, and May 25, 1911.
The Chamber of Deputies is the lower house of the Congress of the Union, the bicameral legislature of Mexico. The other chamber is the Senate. The structure and responsibilities of both chambers of Congress are defined in Articles 50 to 70 of the current constitution.
The Senate of the Republic, constitutionally Chamber of Senators of the Honorable Congress of the Union, is the upper house of Mexico's bicameral Congress.
The presidential term was set at four years from 1821 until 1904, when President Porfirio Díaz extended it to six years for the first time in Mexico's history, and then again from 1917 to 1928 after a new constitution reversed the change made by Diaz in 1904. Finally, the presidential term was set at six years in 1928 and has remained unchanged since then. The president is elected by direct, popular, universal suffrage. Whoever wins a simple plurality of the national vote is elected; there is no runoff election.
Former President Felipe Calderón won with 36.38% of the votes in the 2006 general election, finishing only 0.56 percent above his nearest rival, Andrés Manuel López Obrador (who contested the official results). Former President Vicente Fox was elected with a plurality of 43% of the popular vote, Ernesto Zedillo won 48% of the vote, and his predecessor Carlos Salinas won with a majority of 50%. The most recent former president, Enrique Peña Nieto won 38% of the popular vote.The current President, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, was elected in 2018 with a modern-era record of 53% share of the popular vote.
Felipe de Jesús Calderón Hinojosa, is a Mexican politician who served as President of Mexico from 1 December 2006 to 30 November 2012. He was a member of the National Action Party for thirty years before quitting the party in November 2018.
General elections were held in Mexico on Sunday, July 2, 2006.
Andrés Manuel López Obrador, commonly referred to by his initials AMLO, is a Mexican politician serving since 2018 as the 58th President of Mexico.
The history of Mexico has not been a peaceful one. After the fall of dictator Porfirio Díaz in 1910 because of the Mexican Revolution, there was no stable government until 1929, when all the revolutionary leaders united in one political party: the National Revolutionary Party, which later changed its name to the Party of the Mexican Revolution, and is now the Institutional Revolutionary Party (Spanish: Partido Revolucionario Institucional). From then until 1988, the PRI ruled Mexico as a virtual one-party state.
Toward the end of his term, the incumbent president in consultation with party leaders, selected the PRI's candidate in the next election in a procedure known as "the tap of the finger" (Spanish: el dedazo). Until 1988, the PRI's candidate was virtually assured of election, winning by margins well over 70 percent of the vote—results that were usually obtained by massive electoral fraud. In 1988, however, the PRI ruptured and the dissidents formed the National Democratic Front with rival center-left parties (now the PRD). Discontent with the PRI, and the popularity of the Front's candidate Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas led to worries that PRI candidate Carlos Salinas de Gortari would not come close to a majority, and might actually be defeated. While the votes were being counted, the tabulation system mysteriously shut down. The government declared Salinas the winner, leading to stronger than ever allegations of electoral fraud.
The PRI enacted a strict internal discipline and government presence in the country, and electoral fraud became common. After the country regained its peace, this pattern of fraud continued, with the opposition losing every election until the later part of the 20th century. The first presidential election broadly considered legitimate was the one held in 1994, when the PRI's Ernesto Zedillo took office, and in his term several reforms were enacted to ensure fairness and transparency in elections. Partly as a consequence of these reforms, the 1997 federal congressional election saw the first opposition Chamber of Deputies ever, and the 2000 elections saw Vicente Fox of a PAN/PVEM alliance become the first opposition candidate to win an election since 1911. This historical defeat was accepted on election night by the PRI in the voice of President Zedillo; while this calmed fears of violence, it also fueled questions about the role of the president in the electoral process and to whom the responsibility of conceding defeat should fall in a democratic election.
The role of unions in the new balance of power and future elections is documented in works like historian Enrique Krauze's Analysis of the Corporative System.
After the presidential election, political parties may issue challenges to the election. These challenges are heard by the Electoral Tribunal of the Federal Judicial Power; after it has heard and ruled on them, the Tribunal must either declare the election invalid, or certify the results of the elections in accordance to their rulings. Once the Tribunal declares the election valid, it issues a "Certificate of Majority" (Constancia de Mayoría) to the candidate who obtained a plurality. That candidate then becomes President-elect. The final decision is made in September, two months after the election is carried out.
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politics and government of
The 1917 Constitution borrowed heavily from the Constitution of the United States, providing for a clear separation of powers while giving the president wider powers than his American counterpart. However, this has only recently become the case in practice.
For the first 71 years after the enactment of the 1917 Constitution, the president exercised nearly absolute control over the country. Much of this power came from the de facto monopoly status of the PRI. As mentioned above, he effectively chose his successor as president by personally nominating the PRI's candidate in the next election. In addition, the unwritten rules of the PRI allowed him to designate party officials and candidates all the way down to the local level. He thus had an important (but not exclusive) influence over the political life of the country (part of his power had to be shared with unions and other groups, but as an individual he had no peers). This, and his constitutional powers, made some political commentators describe the president as a six-year dictator, and to call this system an "imperial presidency". The situation remained largely unchanged until the early 1980s, when a grave economic crisis created discomfort both in the population and inside the party, and the president's power was no longer absolute but still impressive.
An important characteristic of this system is that the new president was effectively chosen by the old one (since the PRI candidate was assured of election) but once he assumed power, the old one lost all power and influence ("no reelection" is a cornerstone of Mexican politics). In fact, tradition called for the incumbent president to fade into the background during the campaign to elect his successor. This renewed command helped maintain party discipline and avoided the stagnation associated with a single man holding power for decades, prompting Peruvian novelist Mario Vargas Llosa to call Mexico's political system "the perfect dictatorship", since the president's powers were cloaked by democratic practice.
With the democratic reforms of recent years and fairer elections, the president's powers have been limited in fact as well as in name. Vargas Llosa, during the Fox administration, called this new system "The Imperfect Democracy". The current rights and powers of the president of Mexico are established, limited and enumerated by Article 89 of the Constitution which include the following:
A decree is a legislative instrument that has an expiration date and that is issued by one of the three branches of government. Congress may issue decrees, and the President may issue decrees as well. However, they have all the power of laws, but cannot be changed except by the power that issued them. Decrees are very limited in their extent. One such decree is the federal budget, which is issued by Congress. The president's office may suggest a budget, but at the end of the day, it is Congress that decrees how to collect taxes and how to spend them. A Supreme Court ruling on Vicente Fox's veto of the 2004 budget suggests that the President may have the right to veto decrees from Congress.
Since 1997, the Congress has been plural, usually with opposition parties having a majority. Major reforms (tax, energy) have to pass by Congress, and the ruling President usually found his efforts blocked: the PRI's Zedillo by opposing PAN/PRD congressmen, and later the PAN's Fox by the PRI and PRD. The PAN would push the reforms it denied to the PRI and vice versa. This situation, novel in a country where Congress was +90% dominated by the president's party for most of the century, has led to a legal analysis of the president's power. Formerly almost a dictator (because of PRI's party discipline), the current times show the president's power as somewhat limited. In 2004, President Fox threatened to veto the budget approved by Congress, claiming the budget overstepped his authority to lead the country, only to learn no branch of government had the power to veto a decree issued by another branch of government (although a different, non jurisprudence-setting ruling stated he could return the budget with observations).
Upon taking office, the President raises his/her right arm to shoulder-level and takes the following oath:
Protesto guardar y hacer guardar la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos y las leyes que de ella emanen, y desempeñar leal y patrióticamente el cargo de Presidente de la República que el pueblo me ha conferido, mirando en todo por el bien y prosperidad de la Unión; y si así no lo hiciere que la Nación me lo demande.
I affirm to follow and uphold the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States and the laws that emanate from it, and to perform the office of President of the Republic which the people have conferred upon me with loyalty and patriotism, in all actions looking after the good and prosperity of the Union; and if I do not fulfill these obligations, may the Nation demand it of me.
The Mexican Presidential sash has the colors of the Mexican flag in three bands of equal width, with green on top, white in the center, and red on the bottom, worn from right shoulder to left waist; it also includes the National Seal, in gold thread, to be worn chest-high. In November 2018, a reform was made on Article 34 reordering the colors of the sash. A new sash was made putting the colors of the sash back to the previous order that was used from 1924 through 2009.In swearing-in ceremonies, the outgoing President turns in the sash to the current President of the Chamber of Deputies, who in turn gives it to the new President after the latter has sworn the oath of office. The sash is the symbol of the Executive Federal Power, and may only be worn by the current President.
According to Article 35 of the Law on the National Arms, Flag, and Anthem, the President must wear the sash at the swearing-in ceremony, when he makes his annual State of the Union report to Congress, during the commemoration of the Grito de Dolores on September 15 of each year, and when he receives the diplomatic credentials of accredited foreign ambassadors and ministers. He is also expected to wear it "in those official ceremonies of greatest solemnity". The sash is worn from right shoulder to left hip, and should be worn underneath the coat. The only exception is during the swearing-in ceremony, when it is worn over the coat so that the out-going president may easily take the sash off and drape it over the incoming president (Article 36).
In addition to the Presidential Sash, each president receives a Presidential Flag; the flag has imprinted the words Estados Unidos Mexicanos in golden letters and the national coat of arms also in gold.
Since the beginning of his term, the official residence of president Andrés Manuel López Obrador has been the National Palace, a building facing the Mexico City Zócalo . The President also has the use of Chapultepec Castle, formerly an Imperial palace of the Second Mexican Empire, and afterwards the official residence of Mexican Presidents until the Presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas in 1937.
The National Palace is also the formal seat of the Executive Power, and had been the official seat of power in Mexico since early colonial times, until it was moved in 1937 to Los Pinos.
Article 84 of the Mexican Constitution states that "in case of absolute absence of a President" the following should happen:
No person who has already served as President, whether elected, Provisional, Interim, or Substitute, can be designated as Provisional, Interim, or Substitute President.
The designation of the Secretary of the Interior as the immediate successor dates to August 2012, when the changes to the Constitution were published in the Official Diary.
The succession provisions have come into play only twice since the current constitution was enacted. In 1928, after the assassination of president-elect Álvaro Obregón, Congress appointed Emilio Portes Gil as Interim President; Portes Gil served in the position for 14 months while new elections were called. Pascual Ortiz Rubio was elected President in the special elections that followed in 1930, but he resigned in 1932. Abelardo L. Rodríguez was then appointed Interim President to fill out the remainder of Ortiz Rubio's term (under current law Rodríguez would be Substitute President, but at the time there was no distinction between Interim, Substitute, and Provisional Presidents).
There are six living former presidents. The most recent former president to die was Miguel de la Madrid (1982–1988), on 1 April 2012.
Former presidents of Mexico continue to carry the title "President" until death but are rarely referred by it; they are commonly called ex-Presidents. They are also given protection by the Estado Mayor Presidencial . Prior to 2018, former presidents also received a lifetime pension, though they could refuse it, as Ernesto Zedillo did. However, the pensions were abolished and terminated in 2018.
Contrary to what happens in many other countries, former presidents of Mexico do not continue to be important national figures once out of office, and usually lead a discreet life. This is partly because they do not want to interfere with the government of the new president and partly because they may not have a good public image. This tradition can be traced back to the presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas. Former president Plutarco Elías Calles had personally selected Cárdenas as his successor, and had hoped to control things from behind the scenes as he had for the previous five years. However, when Cárdenas showed he was going to rule in fact as well as in name, Calles publicly criticized him, prompting Cárdenas to have Calles escorted out of the country by military police. Cárdenas himself remained silent on the policies of his successor Manuel Ávila Camacho, establishing a tradition that former presidents do not interfere with their successors.
For example, Ernesto Zedillo holds important offices in the United Nations and in the private sector, but outside of Mexico. It is speculated he lives in a self-imposed exile to avoid the hatred of some of his fellow members of the PRI for having acknowledged the PRI's defeat in the 2000 presidential election. Carlos Salinas also lived in a self-imposed exile in Ireland, but returned to Mexico. He campaigned intensely to have his brother, Raúl Salinas, freed after he was jailed in the early days of Zedillo's term, accused of drug trafficking and planning the assassination of José Francisco Ruiz Massieu. Carlos Salinas also wrote a book on neo-liberal Mexico, secured a position with the Dow Jones Company in the United States, and worked as a professor at several prestigious universities in that country. Felipe Calderón was given a contract to work as a professor for Harvard University in 2013, but he returned to Mexico in 2014. It was rumored that he would look after the then newly created Humanist Party;this fact was eventually denied by his wife.
Along with Felipe Calderón, three other surviving former presidents (Luis Echeverría, Vicente Fox, and Enrique Peña Nieto) still live in Mexico. On June 30, 2006, Echeverría was placed under house arrest under charges of genocide for his role as Secretary of the Interior during the 1968 Tlatelolco massacre.The house arrest was lifted in 2009.
The Politics of Mexico take place in a framework of a federal presidential representative democratic republic whose government is based on a congressional system, whereby the President of Mexico is both head of state and head of government, and of a multi-party system. The federal government represents the United Mexican States and is divided into three branches: executive, legislative and judicial, Anahis term as established by the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States, published in 1917. The constituent states of the federation must also have a republican form of government based on a congressional system as established by their respective constitutions.
Carlos Salinas de Gortari is a Mexican economist and politician affiliated with the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) who served as President of Mexico from 1988 to 1994. He is widely regarded as the most influential politician in Mexico over the last 30 years. Earlier in his career he worked in the Budget Secretariat eventually becoming Secretary. He was the PRI presidential candidate in 1988, and was declared elected on 6 July 1988 after a controversial electoral process and accusations of electoral fraud.
The Institutional Revolutionary Party is a Mexican political party founded in 1929 that held uninterrupted power in the country for 71 years from 1929 to 2000, first as the National Revolutionary Party, then as the Party of the Mexican Revolution, and finally renaming itself as the Institutional Revolutionary Party in 1946.
The National Action Party, founded in 1939, is a conservative political party in Mexico, one of the three main political parties in Mexico. Since the 1980s, it has been an important political party winning local, state, and national elections. In 2000, PAN candidate Vicente Fox was elected president for a six-year term; in 2006, PAN candidate Felipe Calderón succeeded Fox in the presidency. During the period 2000-2012, both houses of the Congress of the Union contained PAN pluralities, but the party had a majority in neither. In the 2006 legislative elections the party won 207 out of 500 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 52 out of 128 Senators. In the 2012 legislative elections, the PAN won 38 seats in the Senate, and 114 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. The members of this party are colloquially called Panistas.
Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas Solórzano is a prominent Mexican politician. He is a former Head of Government of the Federal District and a founder of the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD). He ran for the presidency of Mexico three times. His 1988 loss to the Institutional Revolutionary Party candidate by the narrowest of margins had long been considered a direct result of obvious electoral fraud, later acknowledged by President Miguel de la Madrid. He previously served as a Senator, having been elected in 1976 to represent the state of Michoacán and also as the Governor of Michoacán from 1980 to 1986.
The President of Colombia, officially known as the President of the Republic of Colombia is the head of state and head of government of Colombia. The office of president was established upon the ratification of the Constitution of 1819, by the Congress of Angostura, convened in December 1819, when Colombia was the "Gran Colombia". The first president, General Simón Bolívar, took office in 1819. His position, initially self-proclaimed, was subsequently ratified by Congress.
Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León, is a Mexican economist and politician. He was President of Mexico from 1 December 1994 to 30 November 2000, as the last of the uninterrupted 71-year line of Mexican presidents from the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI).
Miguel de la Madrid Hurtado was a Mexican politician affiliated with the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) who served as the 52nd President of Mexico from 1982 to 1988. During his presidency, de la Madrid introduced sweeping neoliberal economic policies in Mexico, beginning an era of market-oriented presidents in that country. His administration was criticized for its slow response to the 1985 Mexico City earthquake, and the handling of the controversial 1988 Presidential elections in which the PRI candidate Carlos Salinas de Gortari was declared winner, amid accusations of electoral fraud.
The Party of the Democratic Revolution is a social democratic political party that had been one of the three major political parties in Mexico over the last several decades, the others being the Institutional Revolutionary Party and the National Action Party.
Luis Donaldo Colosio Murrieta was a Mexican politician, economist, and PRI presidential candidate, who was assassinated at a campaign rally in Tijuana during the Mexican presidential campaign of 1994.
The Confederation of Mexican Workers is the largest confederation of labor unions in Mexico. For many years, it was one of the essential pillars of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional, which ruled Mexico for more than seventy years. However, the CTM began to lose influence within the PRI structure in the late 1980s, as technocrats increasingly held power within the party. Eventually, the union found itself forced to deal with a new party in power after the PRI lost the 2000 general election, an event that drastically reduced the CTM's influence in Mexican politics.
Víctor Manuel Camacho Solís was a Mexican politician who served in the cabinets of presidents Miguel de la Madrid and Carlos Salinas. Born in Mexico City to Manuel Camacho Lopez and Luz Solís, he belonged to the Frente Amplio Progresista. At first he was affiliated with the PRI, later with the Party of the Democratic Center and then with the Party of the Democratic Revolution.
The Mexican Office for Domestic Affairs is the public ministry concerned with the country's domestic affairs, the presenting of the president's bills to Congress, their publication and certain issues of national security. The country's principal intelligence agency, CISEN, is directly answerable to the Secretary of the Interior. The Secretary is a member of the President's Cabinet and is, given the constitutional implications of the post, the most important Cabinet Member. Additionally, in the absence of the President, the Secretary of Interior assumes the job of the President and so, in this matter, the Secretary is similar to a Vicepresident. The Office is practically equivalent to Ministries of the Interior in most other countries and is occasionally translated to English as Ministry, Secretariat or Department of the Interior.
The National Democratic Front was a coalition of left-wing Mexican political parties created in 1988 presidential elections, and that is the immediate antecedent of the Party of the Democratic Revolution. It was result of an agglutination of small political left and center-left forces with dissident members of Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). Their candidate for the presidential election was Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas.
Manlio Fabio Beltrones Rivera is a Mexican economist and elected official, member of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) party, and a federal deputy since September 1, 2012. He was the president of the Senate during its 2006-2007 session and was reelected to that position for the 2010-2011 term. He served as governor of Sonora from October 22, 1991 to September 12, 1997. He served two terms as federal deputy. He was the President of the Chamber of Deputies in 2004-2005. From 2015 to June 2016, he was the president of the Institutional Revolutionary Party.
The Maximato was a period in the historical and political development of Mexico from 1928 to 1934. Named after former president Plutarco Elías Calles's sobriquet el Jefe Máximo, the Maximato was the period when Calles continued to exercise power, but did not hold the presidential office. The six-year period was the term that president-elect Alvaro Obregón would have served had he not been assassinated directly after the July 1928 elections. There needed to be some kind of political solution to the presidential succession crisis. Calles could not hold the presidency again, due to restrictions on re-election without an interval out of power, but he remained the dominant figure in Mexico.
With President Carlos Salinas de Gortari's economic and political reforms, the NAFTA agreement, Mexico was getting propelled as an important player in the world economy. When an unsolved ethnic situation was brewing in the Mexican county, that is when the Zapatistas uprising happened. The Mexican Government started immediate peace talks. In the early days of the new government administration, President Ernesto Zedillo took a series of erratic decisions that completely broke with the previous administration's agreements and with his own action plan previously defined.
General elections were held in Mexico on 1 July 2018. Voters elected a new President of Mexico to serve a term of five years and ten months, 128 members of the Senate for a period of six years and 500 members of the Chamber of Deputies for a period of three years. It was one of the largest election days in Mexican history, with most of the nation's states holding state and local elections on the same day, including nine governorships, with over 3,400 positions subject to elections at all levels of government. It was the most violent campaign Mexico has experienced in recent history, with 130 political figures killed since September 2017.
The Spanish presidential transition is a rarely used term outside of Spanish politics due to the character of parliamentary monarchy that the country has. However, because of in Spain, the English-term "Prime Minister" is not used, this change of power is called in the country a presidential transition, because the Prime Minister of Spain is called Presidente del Gobierno de España. This is because when the first executive branch appeared in representation of the Monarch, it was called to the head of the government, President of the Council of Ministers.