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An 1876 engraving of the Hindu Rajputs of Delhi, from the Illustrated London News
Religions Hinduism, Islam, Christianity and Sikhism [1] [2] [3] [4]
Languages Hindi, Haryanvi, Marwari, Mewari, Bhojpuri, [5] Gujarati, Maithili, [6] Sindhi, Urdu, Punjabi, Odia, Dogri and Pahari
Region Rajasthan, Haryana, Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh, Eastern Punjab, Western Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Jammu and Kashmir, Azad Kashmir, Bihar, Odisha, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, [7] and Sindh

Rajput (from Sanskrit raja-putra, "son of a king") is a large multi-component cluster of castes, kin bodies, and local groups, sharing social status and ideology of genealogical descent originating from the Indian subcontinent. The term Rajput covers various patrilineal clans historically associated with warriorhood: several clans claim Rajput status, although not all claims are universally accepted. According to modern scholars, almost all Rajputs clans originated from peasant or pastoral communities. [8] [9] [10] [11]


The term "Rajput" acquired its present meaning only in the 16th century, although it is also anachronistically used to describe the earlier lineages that emerged in northern India from the sixth century onwards. In the 11th century, the term "rajaputra" appeared as a non-hereditary designation for royal officials. Gradually, the Rajputs emerged as a social class comprising people from a variety of ethnic and geographical backgrounds. During the 16th and 17th centuries, the membership of this class became largely hereditary, although new claims to Rajput status continued to be made in the later centuries. Several Rajput-ruled kingdoms played a significant role in many regions of central and northern India until the 20th century.

The Rajput population and the former Rajput states are found in northern, western, central and eastern India as well as southern and eastern Pakistan. These areas include Rajasthan, Haryana, Gujarat, Eastern Punjab, Western Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu, Uttarakhand, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Sindh.

The Rajput population in India was more than 120 million as of 1982. [12]



Russia Rajpoots, cultivators from Dehra Dhoon from The People of India by Watson and Kaye. Cultivators, Russia Rajpoots, Hindoos, Dehra Dhoon (NYPL b13409080-1125407).jpg
Russia Rajpoots, cultivators from Dehra Dhoon from The People of India by Watson and Kaye.

The origin of the Rajputs has been a much-debated topic among the historians. Modern historians agree that Rajputs consisted of a mixing of various different social groups including Shudras and tribals. [13] [14]

Colonial-era writers characterised them as descendants of the foreign invaders such as the Scythians or the Hunas, and believed that the Agnikula myth was invented to conceal their foreign origin. [15] According to this theory, the Rajputs originated when these invaders were assimilated into the Kshatriya category during the 6th or 7th century, following the collapse of the Gupta Empire. [16] [17] While many of these colonial writers propagated this foreign-origin theory in order to legitimise the colonial rule, the theory was also supported by some Indian scholars, such as D. R. Bhandarkar. [15] The Indian nationalist historians, such as C. V. Vaidya, believed the Rajputs to be descendants of the ancient Vedic Aryan Kshatriyas although he accepted the "Aryan Invasion theory" to explain that the solar and lunar race were "two hordes of invaders" who colonised India at different times. [18] A third group of historians, which includes Jai Narayan Asopa, theorised that the Rajputs were Brahmins who became rulers. [19]

However, recent research suggests that the Rajputs came from a variety of ethnic and geographical backgrounds [20] as well as from varnas including Shudras. [13] [14] The root word "rajaputra" (literally "son of a king") first appears as a designation for royal officials in the 11th century Sanskrit inscriptions. According to some scholars, it was reserved for the immediate relatives of a king; others believe that it was used by a larger group of high-ranking men. [21] The derivative word "rajput" meant 'horse soldier', 'trooper', 'headman of a village' or 'subordinate chief' before the 15th century. Individuals with whom the word "rajput" was associated before the 15th century were considered varna–samkara ("mixed caste origin") and inferior to Kshatriya. Over time, the term "Rajput" came to denote a hereditary political status, which was not necessarily very high: the term could denote a wide range of rank-holders, from an actual son of a king to the lowest-ranked landholder. [22] [23] [24] [25]

According to scholars, in medieval times "the political units of India were probably ruled most often by men of very low birth" and this "may be equally applicable for many clans of 'Rajputs' in northern India". Burton Stein explains that this process of allowing rulers, frequently of low social origin, a "clean" rank via social mobility in the Hindu Varna system serves as one of the explanations of the longevity of the unique Indian civilisation. [26] [27] [28]

Gradually, the term Rajput came to denote a social class, which was formed when the various tribal and nomadic groups became landed aristocrats, and transformed into the ruling class. [29] These groups assumed the title "Rajput" as part of their claim to higher social positions and ranks. [30] The early medieval literature suggests that this newly formed Rajput class comprised people from multiple castes. [31] Thus, the Rajput identity is not the result of a shared ancestry. Rather, it emerged when different social groups of medieval India sought to legitimise their newly acquired political power by claiming Kshatriya status. These groups started identifying as Rajput at different times, in different ways. Thus, modern scholars summarise that Rajputs were a "group of open status" since the eighth century, mostly illiterate warriors who claimed to be reincarnates of ancient Indian Kshatriyas – a claim that had no historical basis. Moreover, this unfounded Kshatriya status claim showed a sharp contrast to the classical varna of Kshatriyas as depicted in Hindu literature in which Kshatriyas are depicted as an educated and urbanite clan. [32] [33] [34]

During the era of the Mughal empire, "Hypergamous marriage" with the combination of service in the state army was another way a tribal family could convert to Rajput. This process required a change in tradition, dressing, ending window remarriage, etc. Such marriage of a tribal family with an acknowledged but possibly poor Rajput family would ultimately enable the non-Rajput family to become Rajput. This marriage pattern also supports the fact that Rajput was an "open caste category" available to those who served the Mughals. [35]

Rajput formation continued in the colonial era. Even in the 19th century, anyone from the "village landlord" to the "newly wealthy lower caste Shudra" could employ Brahmins to retrospectively fabricate a genealogy and within a couple of generations they would gain acceptance as Hindu Rajputs. This process would get mirrored by communities in north India. Scholars refer to this as "Rajputization" and consider it similar to Sanskritization. This process of origin of the Rajput community resulted in hypergamy as well as Female infanticide that was common in Hindu Rajput clans. German historian Hermann Kulke has coined the term "Secondary Rajputization" for describing the process of members of a tribe trying to re-associate themselves with their former tribal chiefs who had already transformed themselves into Rajputs via Rajputization and thus become Rajputs themselves. [36] [37] [14]

Emergence as a community

Rajputs of Central India Oomuts of Nursinghur, Rajpoot tribe, Central India (NYPL b13409080-1125623).jpg
Rajputs of Central India

Scholarly opinions differ on when the term Rajput acquired hereditary connotations and came to denote a clan-based community. Historian Brajadulal Chattopadhyaya, based on his analysis of inscriptions (primarily from Rajasthan), believed that by the 12th century, the term "rajaputra" was associated with fortified settlements, kin-based landholding, and other features that later became indicative of the Rajput status. [21] According to Chattopadhyaya, the title acquired "an element of heredity" from c. 1300. [38] A later study by of 11th–14th century inscriptions from western and central India, by Michael B. Bednar, concludes that the designations such as "rajaputra", " thakkura " and " rauta " were not necessarily hereditary during this period. [38]

During its formative stages, the Rajput class was quite assimilative and absorbed people from a wide range of lineages. [29] However, by the late 16th century, it had become genealogically rigid, based on the ideas of blood purity. [39] The membership of the Rajput class was now largely inherited rather than acquired through military achievements. [38] A major factor behind this development was the consolidation of the Mughal Empire, whose rulers had great interest in genealogy. As the various Rajput chiefs became Mughal feduatories, they no longer engaged in major conflicts with each other. This decreased the possibility of achieving prestige through military action, and made hereditary prestige more important. [40]

The word "Rajput" thus acquired its present-day meaning in the 16th century. [41] [42] During 16th and 17th centuries, the Rajput rulers and their bards ( charans ) sought to legitimise the Rajput socio-political status on the basis of descent and kinship. [43] They fabricated genealogies linking the Rajput families to the ancient dynasties, and associated them with myths of origins that established their Kshatriya status. [38] [44] This led to the emergence of what Indologist Dirk Kolff calls the "Rajput Great Tradition", which accepted only hereditary claims to the Rajput identity, and fostered a notion of eliteness and exclusivity. [45] The legendary epic poem Prithviraj Raso , which depicts warriors from several different Rajput clans as associates of Prithviraj Chauhan, fostered a sense of unity among these clans. [46] The text thus contributed to the consolidation of the Rajput identity by offering these clans a shared history. [21]

Despite these developments, migrant soldiers made new claims to the Rajput status until as late as the 19th century. [39] In the 19th century, the colonial administrators of India re-imagined the Rajputs as similar to the Anglo-Saxon knights. They compiled the Rajput genealogies in the process of settling land disputes, surveying castes and tribes, and writing history. These genealogies became the basis of distinguishing between the "genuine" and the "spurious" Rajput clans. [47]

Rajput kingdoms

A royal Rajput procession, depicted on a mural at the Mehrangarh Fort in Jodhpur A royal Rajput procession.jpg
A royal Rajput procession, depicted on a mural at the Mehrangarh Fort in Jodhpur

The Rajput kingdoms were disparate: loyalty to a clan was more important than allegiance to the wider Rajput social grouping, meaning that one clan would fight another. This and the internecine jostling for position that took place when a clan leader (raja) died meant that Rajput politics were fluid and prevented the formation of a coherent Rajput empire. [49]

The first major Rajput kingdom was the Sisodia-ruled kingdom of Mewar. [20] However, the term "Rajput" has also been used as an anachronistic designation for leading martial lineages of 11th and 12th centuries that confronted the Ghaznavid and Ghurid invaders such as the Pratiharas, the Chahamanas (of Shakambhari, Nadol and Jalor), the Tomaras, the Chaulukyas, the Paramaras, the Gahadavalas, and the Chandelas. [50] [51] Although the Rajput identity did not exist at this time, these lineages were classified as aristocratic Rajput clans in the later times. [52]

In the 15th century, the Muslim sultans of Malwa and Gujarat put a joint effort to overcome the Mewar ruler Rana Kumbha but both the sultans were defeated. [53] Subsequently, in 1518 the Rajput Mewar Kingdom under Rana Sanga achieved a major victory over Sultan Ibrahim Lodhi of Delhi Sultanate and afterwards Rana's influence extended up to the striking distance of Pilia Khar in Agra. [54] [55] Accordingly, Rana Sanga came to be the most distinguished indigenous contender for supremacy but was defeated by the Mughal invader Babur at Battle of Khanwa in 1527. [56]

Legendary accounts state that from 1200 CE, many Rajput groups moved eastwards towards the Eastern Gangetic plains forming their own chieftaincies. [57] These minor Rajput kingdoms were dotted all over the Gangetic plains in modern-day Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. [58] During this process, petty clashes occurred with the local population and in some cases, alliances were formed. [57] Among these Rajput chieftaincies were the Bhojpur zamindars [59] and the taluks of Awadh. [60]

The immigration of Rajput clan chiefs into these parts of the Gangetic plains also contributed the agricultural appropriation of previously forested areas, especially in South Bihar. [61] Some have linked this eastwards expansion with the onset of Ghurid invasion in the West. [61]

Bihari Rajput villagers watching Mallah fishermen. Bihari Rajput villagers watching Mallah fishermen.jpg
Bihari Rajput villagers watching Mallah fishermen.

From as early as the 16th century, Purbiya Rajput soldiers from the eastern regions of Bihar and Awadh, were recruited as mercenaries for Rajputs in the west, particularly in the Malwa region. [62]

Mughal period

Akbar's policy

After the mid-16th century, many Rajput rulers formed close relationships with the Mughal emperors and served them in different capacities. [63] [64] It was due to the support of the Rajputs that Akbar was able to lay the foundations of the Mughal empire in India. [65] Some Rajput nobles gave away their daughters in marriage to Mughal emperors and princes for political motives. [66] [67] [68] [69] For example, Akbar accomplished 40 marriages for himself, his sons and grandsons, out of which 17 were Rajput-Mughal alliances. [70] Akbar's successors as Mughal emperors, his son Jahangir and grandson Shah Jahan had Rajput mothers. [71] The ruling Sisodia Rajput family of Mewar made it a point of honour not to engage in matrimonial relationships with Mughals and thus claimed to stand apart from those Rajput clans who did so. [72] Once Mewar had submitted and alliance of Rajputs reached a measure of stability, matrimonial between leading Rajput states and Mughals became rare. [73] Akbar's intimate involvement with the Rajputs had begun when he returned from a pilgrimage to the Chisti Sufi Shaykh at Sikri, west of Agra, in 1561. Many Rajput princesses were married to Akbar but still Rajput princess were allowed to maintain their religion. [74]

Aurangzeb's policy

Akbar's diplomatic policy regarding the Rajputs was later damaged by the intolerant rules introduced by his great-grandson Aurangzeb. A prominent example of these rules included the re-imposition of Jaziya, which had been abolished by Akbar. [65] However, despite imposition of Jaziya Aurangzeb's army had a high proportion of Rajput officers in the upper ranks of the imperial army and they were all exempted from paying Jaziya. [75] The Rajputs then revolted against the Mughal empire. Aurangzeb's conflicts with the Rajputs, which commenced in the early 1680s, henceforth became a contributing factor towards the downfall of the Mughal empire. [76] [65]

In the 18th century, the Rajputs came under influence of the Maratha empire. [76] [77] [78] By the late 18th century, the Rajput rulers begin negotiations with the East India Company and by 1818 all the Rajput states had formed an alliance with the company. [79]

British colonial period

Mayo College was established by the British government in 1875 at Ajmer, Rajputana to educate Rajput princes and other nobles. Monitors Mayo College Ajmer.jpg
Mayo College was established by the British government in 1875 at Ajmer, Rajputana to educate Rajput princes and other nobles.

The medieval bardic chronicles ( kavya and masnavi ) glorified the Rajput past, presenting warriorhood and honour as Rajput ideals. This later became the basis of the British reconstruction of the Rajput history and the nationalist interpretations of Rajputs' struggles with the Muslim invaders. [80] James Tod, a British colonial official, was impressed by the military qualities of the Rajputs but is today considered to have been unusually enamoured of them. [81] Although the group venerate him to this day, he is viewed by many historians since the late nineteenth century as being a not particularly reliable commentator. [82] [83] Jason Freitag, his only significant biographer, has said that Tod is "manifestly biased". [84]

In reference to the role of the Rajput soldiers serving under the British banner, Captain A. H. Bingley wrote:

Rajputs have served in our ranks from Plassey to the present day (1899). They have taken part in almost every campaign undertaken by the Indian armies. Under Forde they defeated the French at Condore. Under Monro at Buxar they routed the forces of the Nawab of Oudh. Under Lake they took part in the brilliant series of victories which destroyed the power of the Marathas. [85]

The Rajput practices of female infanticide and sati (widow immolation) were other matters of concern to the British. It was believed that the Rajputs were the primary adherents to these practices, which the British Raj considered savage and which provided the initial impetus for British ethnographic studies of the subcontinent that eventually manifested itself as a much wider exercise in social engineering. [86]

Independent India

On India's independence in 1947, the princely states, including those of the Rajput, were given three options: join either India or Pakistan, or remain independent. Rajput rulers of the 22 princely states of Rajputana acceded to newly independent India, amalgamated into the new state of Rajasthan in 1949–1950. [87] Initially the maharajas were granted funding from the Privy purse in exchange for their acquiescence, but a series of land reforms over the following decades weakened their power, and their privy purse was cut off during Indira Gandhi's administration under the 1971 Constitution 26th Amendment Act. The estates, treasures, and practices of the old Rajput rulers now form a key part of Rajasthan's tourist trade and cultural memory. [88]

In 1951, the Rajput Rana dynasty of Nepal came to an end, having been the power behind the throne of the Shah dynasty figureheads since 1846. [89]

The Rajput Dogra dynasty of Kashmir and Jammu also came to an end in 1947, [90] though title was retained until monarchy was abolished in 1971 by the 26th amendment to the Constitution of India. [91]

There have been several cases of Sati (burning a widow alive) in India from 1943 to 1987. According to an Indian scholar, there are 28 cases since 1947. Although the widows were from several different communities, Rajput widows accounted for 19 cases. The most famous of these cases is of a Rajput woman named Roop Kanwar. 40,000 Rajputs gathered on the street of Jaipur in October 1987 for supporting her Sati. A pamphlet circulated on that day attacked independent and westernised women who opposed a woman's duty of worshipping her husband as demonstrated by the practice of Sati. This incident again affirmed the low status of women in the Rajput community and the leaders of this pro-sati movement gained in political terms. [92] [93]

The Rajputs, in states such as Madhya Pradesh are today considered to be a Forward Caste in India's system of positive discrimination. This means that they have no access to reservations here. But they are classified as an Other Backward Class by the National Commission for Backward Classes in the state of Karnataka. [94] [95] [96] [97] However, some Rajputs, as with other agricultural castes, demand reservations in Government jobs. [98] [99] [100] [101]


The term "Rajput" denotes a cluster of castes, [102] clans, and lineages. [103] It is a vaguely-defined term, and there is no universal consensus on which clans make up the Rajput community. [104] In medieval Rajasthan (the historical Rajputana) and its neighbouring areas, the word Rajput came to be restricted to certain specific clans, based on patrilineal descent and intermarriages. On the other hand, the Rajput communities living in the region to the east of Rajasthan had a fluid and inclusive nature. The Rajputs of Rajasthan eventually refused to acknowledge the Rajput identity claimed by their eastern counterparts, [105] such as the Bundelas. [106] The Rajputs claim to be Kshatriyas or descendants of Kshatriyas, but their actual status varies greatly, ranging from princely lineages to common cultivators. [107]

There are several major subdivisions of Rajputs, known as vansh or vamsha, the step below the super-division jāti [108] These vansh delineate claimed descent from various sources, and the Rajput are generally considered to be divided into three primary vansh: [109] Suryavanshi denotes descent from the solar deity Surya, Chandravanshi (Somavanshi) from the lunar deity Chandra, and Agnivanshi from the fire deity Agni. The Agnivanshi clans include Parmar, Chaulukya (Solanki), Parihar and Chauhan. [110]

Lesser-noted vansh include Udayvanshi, Rajvanshi, [111] and Rishivanshi [ citation needed ]. The histories of the various vanshs were later recorded in documents known as vamshāavalīis; André Wink counts these among the "status-legitimizing texts". [112]

Beneath the vansh division are smaller and smaller subdivisions: kul, shakh ("branch"), khamp or khanp ("twig"), and nak ("twig tip"). [108] Marriages within a kul are generally disallowed (with some flexibility for kul-mates of different gotra lineages). The kul serves as the primary identity for many of the Rajput clans, and each kul is protected by a family goddess, the kuldevi . Lindsey Harlan notes that in some cases, shakhs have become powerful enough to be functionally kuls in their own right. [113]

Culture and ethos

The Rajput bride, illustration in The Oriental Annual, or Scenes of India (1835) The Rajpootnee Bride.jpg
The Rajput bride, illustration in The Oriental Annual, or Scenes of India (1835)

The Bengal army of the East India Company recruited heavily from upper castes such as Brahmins and Rajputs. However,after the revolt of 1857 by the Bengal sepoys, the British Indian army shifted recruitment to the Punjab. [114] The Rajputs were designated as a Martial Race in the period of the British Raj. This was a designation created by administrators that classified each ethnic group as either "martial" or "non-martial": a "martial race" was typically considered brave and well built for fighting, [115] whilst the remainder were those whom the British believed to be unfit for battle because of their sedentary lifestyles. [116]

Rajput lifestyle

Rajputs of Udaipur playing the game of Puchesee. Rajput men playing the game of Puchesee; a photo by Eugene Clutterbuck Impey, early 1860.jpg
Rajputs of Udaipur playing the game of Puchesee.

The Rajputs of Bihar were inventor of martial art form Pari Khanda, which includes heavy use of Swords and Shields.This exercise was later included in the folk dances of Bihar and Jharkhand like that of Chhau dance. [117] On special occasions, a primary chief would break up a meeting of his vassal chiefs with khanda nariyal, the distribution of daggers and coconuts. Another affirmation of the Rajput's reverence for his sword was the Karga Shapna ("adoration of the sword") ritual, performed during the annual Navaratri festival, after which a Rajput is considered "free to indulge his passion for rapine and revenge". [118] The Rajput of Rajasthan also offer a sacrifice of water buffalo or goat to their family Goddess ( Kuldevta) during Navaratri. [119] The ritual requires slaying of the animal with a single stroke. In the past this ritual was considered a rite of passage for young Rajput men. [120]

Rajputs generally have adopted the custom of purdah (seclusion of women). [76]

Rajput women could be incorporated into Mughal Harem and this defined the Mughals as overlords over the Rajput clans. The Sisodia clan of Mewar was an exception as they refused to send their women to the Mughal Harem which resulted in siege and mass suicide at Chittor. [121]

Historically, members from the Rajput ruling clans of Rajasthan have also practised polygamy and also took many women they enslaved as concubines from the battles which they won. During numerous armed conflicts in India, women were taken captives, enslaved and even sold, for example, the capture and selling of Marwar's women by Jaipur's forces in the battle between Jaipur state and Jodhpur state in 1807. The enslaved women were referred to by different terms according to the conditions imposed on them, for example, a "domestic slave" was called davri; a dancer was called a patar; a "senior female slave–retainer in the women's quarters" was called badaran or vadaran; a concubine was called khavasin; and a woman who was "permitted to wear the veil" like Rajput queens was called a pardayat. [122]

The term chakar was used for a person serving their "superior" and chakras contained complete families from specific "occupational groups" like Brahmin women, cooks, nurses, tailors, washer–women. For children born from the "illegitimate union" of Rajputs and their "inferiors", the terms like goli and darogi were used for females and gola and daroga were used for males. The "courtly chronicles" say that women who were perceived to be of "higher social rank" were assigned to the "harems of their conquerors with or without marriage". The chronicles from the Rajput courts have recorded that women from Rajput community had also faced such treatment by the Rajputs from the winning side of a battle. There are also a number of records between the late 16th to mid–19th century of the Rajputs immolating the queens, servants, and slaves of a king upon his death. Ramya Sreenivasan also gives and example of a Jain concubine who went from being a servant to a superior concubine called Paswan [122]

According to Priyanka Khanna, with Marwar's royal Rajput households, the women who underwent concubinage also included women from the Gujar, Ahir, Jat, Mali, Kayastha, and Darji communities of that region. These castes of Marwar claimed Rajput descent based on the "census data of Marwar, 1861". [123] However, the research by modern scholars on the forms of "slavery and servitude" imposed by ruling clans of Rajasthan's Rajputs between the 16th and early–19th centuries on the captured women faces hurdles because of the "sparse information", "uneven record–keeping", and "biased nature of historical records". [122] Ravana Rajput community of today was one such slave community [124] [125]

The male children of such unions were identified by their father's names and in some cases as 'dhaibhai'(foster-brothers) and incorporated into the household. Examples are given where they helped their step-brothers in war campaigns. [122] The female children of concubines and slaves got married to Rajput men in exchange for money or they ended up becoming dancing girls. The scarcity of available brides due to female infanticide led to the kidnapping of low caste women who were sold for marriage to the higher clan Rajputs. Since these "sales" were genuinely for the purpose of marriage, they were considered legal. The lower clans also faced scarcity of brides in which case they married women such as those from Gujar and Jat communities. Semi nomadic communities also married their daughters to Rajput bridegrooms for money in some cases. [126]

Female infanticide

Female Infanticide was practiced by Rajputs of low ritual status trying upward mobility as well as Rajputs of high ritual status. But there were instances where it was not practiced and instances where the mother tried to save the baby girl's life. According to the officials in the early Raj era, in Etawah(Uttar Pradesh), the Gahlot, Bamungors and Bais would kill their daughters if they were rich but profit from getting them married if they were poor. [127]

The methods used of killing the female baby were drowning, strangulation, poisoning, "Asphyxia by drawing the umbilical cord over the baby's face to prevent respiration". Other ways were to leave the infant to die without food and if she survived the first few hours after birth, she was given poison. [127] A common way to poison the baby during breastfeeding was by applying a preparation of poisonous plants like Datura, Madar or Poppy to the mother's breast. [128]

Social activists in the early nineteenth century tried to stop these practices by quoting Hindu Shastras:

"to kill one woman is equal to one hundred brahmins, to kill one child is equal to one hundred women, while to kill one hundred children is an offence too heinous for comparison". [127]

Infanticide has unintended consequences. The Rajput clans of lower ritual status married their daughters to Rajput men of higher ritual status who had lost females due to infanticide. Thus, the Rajputs of lower ritual status had to remain unmarried or resorted to other practices like marrying widows, levirate marriages(marrying brother's widow) as well as marrying low caste women such as Jats and Gujars or nomads. This resulted in widening the gap between Rajputs of low ritual status and Rajputs of high ritual status. [127]

In the late 19th century, to curb the practice, the act VIII of 1870 was introduced. A magistrate suggested:

"Let every Rajput be thoroughly convinced that he will go to jail for ten years for every infant girl he murders, with as much certainty as he would feel about being hanged if he were to kill her when grown up, and the crime will be stamped out very effectually; but so long as the Government show any hesitation in dealing rigorously with criminals, so long will the Rajpoot think he has chance of impunity and will go on killing girls like before." [127]

However, the practical application of the law faced hurdles. It was difficult to prove culpability as in some cases the Rajput men were employed at a distance although the baby girls could be killed at their connivance. In most cases, Rajput men were imprisoned only for a short time. Between 1888 and 1889, the proportion of girl children rose to 40%. However, the act was abolished in 1912 as punishments were unable to stop infanticide. A historian concludes that "the act, which only scraped the surface of the problem had been unable to civilize or bring about a social change in a cultural world devaluing girl children". In addition to Rajputs, it was observed that Jats and Ahirs also practiced infanticide. [127]

Brideprice weddings

Allen Fanger, an anthropologist from Kutztown University of Pennsylvania conducted research on certain Rajput groups in a region in Uttar pradesh (now in Uttarkhand) in the late 20th century. He studied the custom of selling their women for marriage among these Rajputs for a "brideprice". "Brideprice" is the price paid for the purchase of a bride by the groom's family to the bride's family(not the Bride herself). Joshi quotes in this context of "brideprice" among these Rajputs: "A woman is a chattel, who is purchased for one of the sons by the father of the family. The nature of the transaction is more the acquisition of a valuable article for the family than a contractual relationship between a man and a woman". Prior to the British rule in 1815, the husband had complete control over the wife and he as well as his heirs could sell her or her children as slaves. [129]

Between 1790-1815, this sale of wives and widows was taxed and a duty was applied to their export. Fanger writes: "This right to sell a wife, a widow, or her children eventually ceased under the British, but the custom was not completely eliminated. Berremen has reported this kind of "traffic in women" in the nearby district of Garhwal, among the culturally similar Garhwali Rajputs (1963:74-75), and in the 1960s I found this practice still occurring in a village near Pakhura." The Thul-Jat, Rajput males could also take Rajput women as concubines, what was marriage for a Rajput was simply getting a concubine for a Thul-Jat. A Rajput woman sold for "brideprice" was allowed to marry another man as long as the original husband was reimbursed and could also "run off with another man" and legitimize the union with her lover by reimbursing the original husband. However, since the beginning of the 20th century, dowry trends had begun to replace "bridemoney". [129]

These Rajput groups of Uttarkhanda today were formally classified Shudra but had successfully converted to Rajput status during the rule of Chand Rajas (that ended in 1790). Similarly, the Rajputs of Gharwal were originally of low ritual status and did not wear the sacred thread until the 20th century. However, as they had already successfully achieved the Rajput identity earlier, Fanger concludes that Sanskritization does not explain the change in trend from brideprice to dowry . According to him, opportunities to observe orthodox customs brought about this change in custom. Secondly, the contribution of the Rajput woman in agricultural labor decreased due to more male employment hence brideprice was not necessary. Thus brideprice marriages that were traditional and with little attention to any Brahmanical rituals slowly changed to dowry marriages in the 20th century, except for the poorer Rajputs. A Rajput man admitted to Fanger that although he had bought all his three wives he had given his daughter in marriage as "kanyadan" , without accepting money as it would mean he was selling her and added "we do not do this anymore". [129]


Alcoholism is considered a problem in the Rajput community of Rajasthan and hence Rajput women do not like their men drinking alcohol. It was reported in a 1983 study of alcoholism in India that it was customary for Rajput men (not all) in northern India to drink in groups. The women would at times be subjected to domestic violence such as beating after these men returned home from drinking. [130]

During the British rule their love for pork, i.e. wild boar, was also well known and the British identified them as a group based on this. [131] [132]

Opium usage

The Indian Rajputs fought several times for the Mughals but needed drugs to enhance their spirit. They would take a double dose of opium before fighting. Muslim soldiers would also take opium. [133] Mughals would give opium to their Rajput soldiers on a regular basis in the 17th century. [134] During the British rule, Opium addiction was considered a serious demoralising vice of the Rajput community. [135] Arabs brought opium to Indian in the 9th century. The Indian Council of Medical Research on "Pattern and Process of Drug and alcohol use in India" , states that opium gives a person enhanced physical strength and capacity. Studies of K.K.Ganguly, K. Sharma, and Krishnamachari, on opium usage also mention that the Rajputs would use opium for important ceremonies, relief from emotional distress, for increasing longevity and for enhancing sexual pleasure. [136]


By the late 19th century, there was a shift of focus among Rajputs from politics to a concern with kinship. [137] Many Rajputs of Rajasthan are nostalgic about their past and keenly conscious of their genealogy, emphasising a Rajput ethos that is martial in spirit, with a fierce pride in lineage and tradition. [138]

Rajput politics

Rajput politics refers to the role played by the Rajput community in the electoral politics of India. [139] [140] [ better source needed ] In states such as Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Uttrakhand, Jammu, Himachal Pradesh, and Gujarat, the large populations of Rajputs gives them a decisive role. [141] [142] [143] [ better source needed ]


The term Rajput painting refers to works of art created at the Rajput-ruled courts of Rajasthan, Central India, and the Punjab Hills. The term is also used to describe the style of these paintings, distinct from the Mughal painting style. [144]

According to Ananda Coomaraswamy, Rajput painting symbolised the divide between Muslims and Hindus during Mughal rule. The styles of Mughal and Rajput painting are oppositional in character. He characterised Rajput painting as "popular, universal and mystic". [145]

See also

Related Research Articles


Jauhar, sometimes spelled Jowhar or Juhar, is the act of mass self-immolation by women in parts of the Indian subcontinent, to avoid capture, enslavement and rape by foreign invaders, when facing certain defeat during a war. Some reports of jauhar mention women committing self-immolation along with their children. This practice was historically observed in northwest regions of India, with most famous jauhars in recorded history occurring during wars between Hindu Rajput kingdoms in Rajasthan and the Muslim Turko-Mongol armies. Jauhar originated from the sati ritual, the process of widow burning, and sometimes referred in scholarly literature as jauhar sati. However jauhar is performed during war, usually when there was no chance of victory. The practice was accompanied by saka, or a last stand in battle.

Maratha (caste) Indian caste found predominantly in Maharashtra

The Maratha caste was originally formed in the earlier centuries from the amalgamation of families from the peasant (Kunbi), shepherd (Dhangar), blacksmith (Lohar), Sutar (carpenter), Bhandari, Thakar and Koli castes in Maharashtra. Many of them took to military service in the 16th century such as the Deccan sultanates or the Mughals. Later in the 17th and 18th centuries, they served in the armies of the Maratha empire, founded by the Maratha king Shivaji Bhonsale I. Some were granted fiefs by the rulers for their service.

Khatri Punjabi trading caste in the Indian subcontinent

Khatri is a predominantly Hindu caste of northern India and Pakistan, mostly from the Punjab region, that provided many significant figures in Sikhism, including all of the Sikh Gurus.

The Bhonsle are a prominent group within the Maratha clan system. Traditionally a warrior clan, they have claimed a descent from Sisodia Rajputs, although this is contested.

Kayastha denotes a cluster of disparate communities broadly categorised by the regions of India in which they were traditionally located—the Chitraguptavanshi Kayasthas of North India, the Chandraseniya Kayastha Prabhus of Maharashtra and the Bengali Kayasthas of Bengal. Some specialised as scribes, keepers of public records and accounts, and administrators of the state.


The Sisodia is an Indian Rajput clan, who claim Suryavanshi lineage. A dynasty belonging to this clan ruled over the kingdom of Mewar in Rajasthan. The name of the clan is also transliterated as Sesodia, Shishodia, Sishodia, Shishodya, Sisodya, Sisodia or Sisodiya.

Kurmi Hindu agricultural caste of India

Kurmi is a Hindu cultivator caste of the eastern Gangetic plain in northern India.


Chauhan, Chouhan, Chohan, or Chohhan, is a surname of the Rajput caste from north India.

The Parihar, also stated to as Pratihar, and Parhar in Punjab are one of the main gotra of the Rajput caste of India. They claim descent from the mythological Agnivanshi dynasty and, according to Muhnot Nainsi, comprised 35 branches in the 17th century. Some married chiefs from the Kachwaha caste during the Mughal era and, according to the Mancaritra Raso, during that same era some Parihars fought as part of the army of Man Singh I on behalf of the Mughal emperor Akbar.

The Maratha clan system refers to the network of 96 clans of families and essentially their surnames, within the Maratha caste of India. The Marathas primarily reside in the Indian state of Maharashtra, with smaller regional populations in other states.

Muslim Rajputs descendants of Rajputs who are followers of Islam

Muslim Rajputs are the descendants of Rajputs of Northern regions of the Indian subcontinent who are followers of Islam. Today, Muslim Rajputs can be found in present-day Northern India and eastern parts of Pakistan. They are further divided into different clans.


The Bundelas are a Rajput clan of central India. The families belonging to this clan ruled several small states in the Bundelkhand region from the 16th century.The Rajputs claim to be Kshatriyas or descendants of Kshatriyas, but their actual status varies greatly, ranging from princely lineages to common cultivators.


Gurjar or Gujjar is an ethnic agricultural and pastoral community of India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. They were known as Gurjaras during the medieval times, a name which is believed to have been an ethnonym in the beginning as well as a demonym later on. Although traditionally they have been involved in agriculture, Gurjars are a large heterogeneous group that is internally differentiated in terms of culture, religion, occupation, and socio-economic status. The historical role of Gurjars has been quite diverse in society, at one end they have founded kingdom, districts, cities, towns, and villages, and at the other end, they are also nomads with no land of their own.

The Charan are a caste living in the Rajasthan and Gujarat states of India, as well as Sindh and Balochistan provinces of Pakistan.

Koli people Ethnic Indian group

The Koli people are an ethnic Indian group in Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Karnataka and Jammu and Kashmir states.

Maheshwari, also spelled Maheshvari, is a Hindu caste of India, originally from what is now the state of Rajasthan. Their traditional occupation is that of commerce and as such they form part of the wider Bania occupation-based community that also includes castes such as the Khandelwals, Oswals and Agrawals. The Banias of Rajasthan are often known as Marwaris, and are also known as Mahajans, a term which community members prefer because Bania can have negative connotations and imply a lower social position than that which they believe themselves to hold. There is a community of Meghwar people in the state of Gujarat who also sometimes use the Maheshwari name but these people are Dalits, unrelated to the Banias, and adopt the name to signify their devotion to the god Siv.

The Jat people are a community of traditionally non-elite peasants in Northern India and Pakistan. Originally pastoralists in the lower Indus river-valley of Sindh, Jats migrated north into the Punjab region in late medieval times, and subsequently into the Delhi Territory, northeastern Rajputana, and the western Gangetic Plain in the 17th and 18th centuries. Of Hindu, Muslim and Sikh faiths, they are now found mostly in the Indian states of Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh and the Pakistani provinces of Sindh and Punjab.

Bihari Rajput

Bihari Rajputs refers to the people of Rajput community of the eastern state Bihar and adjoining region of Uttar Pradesh. Babu Saheb is a term or sobriquet used mainly in the Indian states of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Jharkhand to describe members of the Rajput caste who traditionally formed part of the royalty and feudal elite respectively. The term is used interchangeably with Thakur, which is also used for the Rajput caste.

Rajputization Process of coalescing diverse communities into the Rajput community

Modern historians agree that Rajputs consisted of a mix of various different social groups including Shudras and tribals. Rajputization explains the process by which such diverse communities coalesced into the Rajput community.


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  99. Mudgal, Vipul (22 February 2016). "The Absurdity of Jat Reservation". The Wire. Archived from the original on 30 May 2016. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
  100. "Rajputs demanding reservation threaten to disrupt chintan shivir". The Hindu. 16 January 2013. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
  101. "After Jats, Rajputs of western UP want reservation in govt posts". Hindustan Times. 28 April 2016. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
  102. Lawrence A. Babb (1975). The Divine Hierarchy: Popular Hinduism in Central India . Columbia University Press. p.  15. ISBN   978-0-231-08387-4. The term Rajput denotes a cluster of castes that are accorded Kshatriya status in the varna system.
  103. Lawrence A Babb (2004). Alchemies of Violence: Myths of Identity and the Life of Trade in Western India. SAGE. p. 17. ISBN   978-0-7619-3223-9. ...the region's erstwhile ruling aristocracy, a cluster of clans and lineages bearing the label 'Rajput'.
  104. Ayan Shome 2014, p. 196.
  105. Catherine B. Asher & Cynthia Talbot 2006, p. 99 (Para 3): "...Rajput did not originally indicate a hereditary status but rather an occupational one: that is, it was used in reference to men from diverse ethnic and geographical backgrounds, who fought on horseback. In Rajasthan and its vicinity, the word Rajput came to have a more restricted and aristocratic meaning, as exclusive networks of warriors related by patrilineal descent and intermarriage became dominant in the fifteenth century. The Rajputs of Rajasthan eventually refused to acknowledge the Rajput identity of the warriors who lived farther to the east and retained the fluid and inclusive nature of their communities far longer than did the warriors of Rajasthan."
  106. Cynthia Talbot 2015, p. 120 (Para 4): "Kolff's provocative thesis certainly applies to more peripheral groups like the Bundelas of Cenral India, whose claims to be Rajput were ignored by the Rajput clans of Mughal-era Rajasthan, and to other such lower-status martial communities."
  107. "Rajput". Encyclopædia Britannica.
  108. 1 2 Shail Mayaram 2013, p. 269.
  109. Rolf Lunheim (1993). Desert people: caste and community—a Rajasthani village. University of Trondheim & Norsk Hydro AS. Retrieved 24 August 2013.
  110. Maya Unnithan-Kumar (1997). Identity, Gender, and Poverty: New Perspectives on Caste and Tribe in Rajasthan. Berghahn Books. p. 135. ISBN   978-1-57181-918-5 . Retrieved 24 August 2013.
  111. Makhan Jha (1 January 1997). Anthropology of Ancient Hindu Kingdoms: A Study in Civilizational Perspective. M.D. Publications Pvt. Ltd. pp. 33–. ISBN   978-81-7533-034-4 . Retrieved 24 August 2013.
  112. André Wink (2002). Al-Hind, the Making of the Indo-Islamic World: Early Medieval India and the Expansion of Islam 7Th-11th Centuries. BRILL. pp. 282–. ISBN   978-0-391-04173-8 . Retrieved 24 August 2013.
  113. Lindsey Harlan 1992, p. 31.
  114. Heather Streets (2004). Martial Races: The Military, Race and Masculinity in British Imperial Culture, 1857–1914. Manchester University Press. p. 26. ISBN   978-0-7190-6962-8.
  115. Rand, Gavin (March 2006). "Martial Races and Imperial Subjects: Violence and Governance in Colonial India 1857–1914". European Review of History. 13 (1): 1–20. doi:10.1080/13507480600586726. S2CID   144987021.
  116. Streets, Heather (2004). Martial Races: The military, race and masculinity in British Imperial Culture, 1857–1914. Manchester University Press. p. 241. ISBN   978-0-7190-6962-8 . Retrieved 20 October 2010.
  117. Chowdhary, Charu. "7 Interesting Martial Art Forms in India". India.com. Retrieved 26 August 2020.
  118. Narasimhan, Sakuntala (1992). Sati: widow burning in India (Reprinted ed.). Doubleday. p.  122. ISBN   978-0-385-42317-5.
  119. Hiltebeitel, Alf; Erndl, Kathleen M. (2000). Is the Goddess a Feminist?: The Politics of South Asian Goddesses. Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press. p. 77. ISBN   978-0-8147-3619-7.
  120. Lindsey Harlan 1992, p. 88.
  121. Richard M. Eaton (25 July 2019). India in the Persianate Age: 1000-1765. Penguin Books Limited. pp. 139–. ISBN   978-0-14-196655-7. Only the Sisodia clan of Mewar in southern Rajasthan proudly claiming pre-eminence among the Rajput clans, refused to send its women to the Mughal Harem, resulting in the siege and mass suicide at Chittor.
  122. 1 2 3 4 Sreenivasan, Ramya (2006). "Drudges, Dancing Girls, Concubines: Female Slaves in Rajput Polity, 1500–1850". In Chatterjee, Indrani; Eaton, Richard M. (eds.). Slavery and South Asian History. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press. pp. 136–161. ISBN   978-0253116710. OCLC   191950586.
  123. Khanna, Priyanka (2011). "Embodying Royal Concubinage: Some Aspects of Concubinage in Royal Rajput Household of Marwar, (Western Rajasthan) C. 16". Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. 72: 337–345. ISSN   2249-1937. JSTOR   44146726.
  124. D. D. Gaur (1978). Constitutional Development of Eastern Rajputana States. Usha. p. 49. OCLC   641457000. These slave communities were known by various names, such as Darogas, Chakars, Hazuris, Ravana- Rajputs, Chelas, Golas and Khawas.
  125. Lindsey Harlan (1992). Religion and Rajput Women: The Ethic of Protection in Contemporary Narratives. University of California Press. pp. 145, 167. ISBN   978-0-520-07339-5.
  126. Malavika Kasturi (March 2004). Harald Fischer-Tiné; Michael Mann (eds.). Colonialism as Civilizing Mission: Cultural Ideology in British India. Anthem Press. pp. 128–. ISBN   978-1-84331-363-2. If not, these children became dancing girls or were sold off to other Rajputs as wives.[...]Female infanticide had unintended consequences. [...]The scarcity of girls in many clans of higher status led to the kidnapping of women of lower castes, who were sold to high ranking clans for matrimonial purposes.[...]In some cases women from semi-nomadic communities were married to Rajput bridegrooms of this level in exchange for bride wealth
  127. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Harald Fischer-Tiné; Michael Mann (2004). Colonialism as Civilizing Mission: Cultural Ideology in British India. Anthem Press. pp. 124–140. ISBN   978-1-84331-092-1.
  128. Manmohan Kaur (1968). Role of Women in the Freedom Movement, 1857-1947. Sterling Publishers. p. 9. ( iii )Amongst the Rajputs it was a common practice that a mother's breast was smeared with the preparation of 'dhatura ' or Mudar plant or the poppy . The infant drank the milk along with the poison
  129. 1 2 3 Allen C. Fanger. "Marriage Prestations Among the Rajputs of the Kumaon Himalayas". The mankind quarterly - Volume 32(Volunu XXXII, Number 1-2, Fall/Winter 1991): 43–56. p.43[...]This research was partially funded by the Kutztown University of Pennsylvania Research Committee and the Department of Anthropology and Sociology.[...][p.43]PakhuRa Rajputs, as nearly all of the Rajputs in rural Kumaon, formerly were known as Khas-Rajputs, Khasiya or Khasiya and probably had Sudra rank[...][p.44]In the case of dowry, the kin of the bride provide her with property "... as a type of pre-mortem inheritance..." (Goody 1973:1). [...]Brideprice, by contrast, is a transaction in which property passes from the kin of the groom to the kin of the bride. I want to emphasize the kinof the bride rather than the bride herself[...] [p.47]The Thuljats did not allow any remarriage of widows or divorced women. Thul-jat Rajput males, however, could take Rajput women as concubines or secondary wives. Presumably, these "marriages" were done according to Rajput customs. I might point out here that what was marriage for the Rajput may have been merely the acquisition of a concubine for the Thul-jat. [p.47,48][...]Joshi, a keen observer of Kumaoni social organization, remarked that among the Khasa (i.e., Rajputs), "A woman is a chattel, who is purchased for one of the sons by the father of the family. The nature of the transaction is more the acquisition of a valuable article for the family than a contractual relationship between a man and a woman" (1929: 108). Prior to British rule (from 1815), a husband acquired almost complete control over his wife and her offspring. Indeed, a husband or his heirs had the right to sell her and her children into slavery. During the period of Gurkha rule over Kumaon (1790-1815), a tax was levied on the sale of wives and widows, and a duty was placed on their export (Joshi 1929:110; Walton 1911:132-133). This right to sell a wife, a widow, or her children eventually ceased under the British, but the custom was not completely eliminated. Berremen has reported this kind of "traffic in women" in the nearby district of Garhwal, among the culturally similar Garhwali Rajputs(1963:74-75), and in the 1960s I found this practice still occurring in a village near Pakhura."[...][p51]' "Sanskiitization is the process by which a 'low' Hindu caste... changes its customs, ritual,ideology, and way of life in the direction of a high... caste. Generally such changes are followed by a claim to a higher position in the caste hierarchy than that traditionally conceded to the claimant caste by the local community" (Srinivas 1966:6).' Sanwal (1976:43-44) reports that the Khasa were elevated from Sudra to Rajput status during the reign of the Chand rajas (which ended in 1790). Pauw (1896:12) and Berreman (1963:130) indicate that the Rajputs of Garhwal were without the sacred thread (a traditional high caste ritual marker) until the twentieth century. [...] First of all, the Khasa long ago had achieved Rajput status.* This is clear from the fact that they are generally acknowledged to be Rajputs rather than Khasa or Sudra. [...][p.54]Although the Rajputs of today were formerly classified as Khasa and Sudra, there is little evidence of a jati-wide social mobility movement. In fact, they long ago successfully achieved their current Rajput status and rank. nevertheless, opportunities to observe orthodox role models of Rajput and Hindu behavior have dramatically increased in the twentieth century and undoubtedly constitute an important consideration in the change of marriage customs.Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  130. Jim Orford; et al., eds. (2013). Coping with Alcohol and Drug Problems: The Experiences of Family Members in Three Contrasting Cultures. Routledge. p. 15. ISBN   978-1-134-70273-2.
  131. Lindsey Harlan (1992). Religion and Rajput Women: The Ethic of Protection in Contemporary Narratives. University of California Press. p. 158. ISBN   9780520073395. Many women do not like their husbands to drink much alcohol; they consider alcoholism a problem in their community particularly because Rajput drinking is sanctioned by tradition.
  132. Mahesh Rangarajan, K; Sivaramakrishnan, eds. (6 November 2014). Shifting Ground: People, Animals, and Mobility in India's Environmental History. Oxford University Press. p. 85. ISBN   9780199089376. The British defined Rajputs as a group in part by their affinity for wild pork.
  133. Abraham Eraly (17 July 2007). The Mughal World. Penguin Books Limited. pp. 386–. ISBN   978-81-8475-315-8.
  134. Archana Calangutcar. "MARWARIS IN OPIUM TRADE: A JOURNEY TO BOMBAY IN THE 19th CENTURY". Proceedings of the Indian History Congress Vol. 67 (2006-2007): 745–753. JSTOR   44147994. In the seventeenth century the. Mughals followed a practice of giving opium to the Rajput soldiers regularlyCite journal requires |journal= (help)
  135. Anil Chandra Banerjee (1980). The Rajput States and British Paramountcy. Rajesh Publications. p. 47. Addiction to opium was one of the most demoralising features of Rajput society
  136. Dr.K.K.Ganguly, Scientist , Indian Council of Medical Research Headquarters, New Delhi (2008). "Pattern and Process of Drug and alcohol use in India - Bulletin(vol 38, No 1-3)". Indian Council Medical research.Cite journal requires |journal= (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  137. Kasturi, Malavika (2002). Embattled Identities Rajput Lineages. Oxford University Press. p. 2. ISBN   978-0-19-565787-6.
  138. Lindsey Harlan 1992, p. 27.
  139. "Caste politics in North, West and South India before Mandal : The low caste movements between sanskritisation and ethnicisation" (PDF). Kellogg.nd.edu. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 18 March 2015.
  140. Dipankar Gupta. "The caste bogey in election analysis". The Hindu. Retrieved 17 March 2015.
  141. "Changing Electoral Politics in Delhi". google.co.in. Retrieved 17 March 2015.
  142. "Elections in India: The vote-bank theory has run its course". Asiancorrespondent.com. 7 February 2012. Retrieved 18 March 2015.
  143. "Rajasthan polls: It's caste politics all the way". The Times of India. 13 October 2013.
  144. Karine Schomer 1994, p. 338.
  145. Saleema Waraich (2012). "Competing and complementary visions of the court of the Great Mogor". In Dana Leibsohn; Jeanette Favrot Peterson (eds.). Seeing Across Cultures in the Early Modern World. Ashgate. p. 88. ISBN   9781409411895.


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