Rose Revolution

Last updated
Rose Revolution
Part of the Colour revolutions
Georgia, Tbilisi - Rose Revolution (2003).jpg
Demonstrators spending the night in front of the Georgian Parliament in Tbilisi
Date323 November 2003
Location
Caused byEconomic mismanagement
Electoral fraud
Political corruption
Poverty
State failure
Goals European integration
Free elections
Reintegration of Abkhazia, Adjara and South Ossetia
Resignation of Eduard Shevardnadze
Methods Widespread demonstrations
StatusEnded
Parties to the civil conflict
Lead figures

The Revolution of Roses, often translated into English as the Rose Revolution (Georgian :ვარდების რევოლუციაvardebis revolutsia), describes a pro-Western peaceful change of power in Georgia in November 2003. The revolution was brought about by widespread protests over the disputed parliamentary elections and culminated in the ouster of President Eduard Shevardnadze, which marked the end of the Soviet era of leadership in the country. The event derives its name from the climactic moment, when demonstrators led by Mikheil Saakashvili stormed the Parliament session with red roses in hand.

Georgian language official language of Georgia

Georgian is a Kartvelian language spoken by Georgians. It is the official language of Georgia.

Georgia (country) Country in the Caucasus region

Georgia is a country in the Caucasus region of Eurasia. Located at the crossroads of Western Asia and Eastern Europe, it is bounded to the west by the Black Sea, to the north by Russia, to the south by Turkey and Armenia, and to the southeast by Azerbaijan. The capital and largest city is Tbilisi. Georgia covers a territory of 69,700 square kilometres (26,911 sq mi), and its 2017 population is about 3.718 million. Georgia is a unitary semi-presidential republic, with the government elected through a representative democracy.

President of Georgia position

The President of Georgia is the constitutional Head of State of Georgia as well as the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Defense Forces. They represent Georgia in foreign relations. The constitution defines the presidential office as "the guarantor of the country’s unity and national independence."

Contents

Consisting of twenty days of protests from 3 to 23 November 2003, the Revolution triggered new presidential and parliamentary elections in Georgia, which established the United National Movement as the dominant ruling party. [1] Following the Rose Revolution, Georgia pursued a decidedly pro-Western foreign policy and declared European and Euro-Atlantic integration as its main priority; this change in trajectory contributed to Georgia's tensions with Russia, which continue to this day.

United National Movement (Georgia) political party

United National Movement is the opposition political party in the nation of Georgia.

European integration process of industrial, political, legal, economic, social and cultural integration of states wholly or partially in Europe

European integration is the process of industrial, political, legal, economic, social and cultural integration of states wholly or partially in Europe. European integration has primarily come about through the European Union and its policies.

Enlargement of NATO

Enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is the process of including new member states in NATO. NATO is a military alliance of twenty-seven European and two North American countries that constitutes a system of collective defense. The process of joining the alliance is governed by Article 10 of the North Atlantic Treaty, which allows only for the invitation of "other European States", and by subsequent agreements. Countries wishing to join have to meet certain requirements and complete a multi-step process involving political dialogue and military integration. The accession process is overseen by the North Atlantic Council, NATO's governing body.

Precipitating factors

Fragmentation of the political elite

The Citizens' Union of Georgia (CUG) had been the ruling party for most of Eduard Shevardnadze's Presidency, and represented the interests of Shevardnadze loyalists. [2] The ineffectiveness of the government and the decreasing popularity of the regime led to the defection of numerous parliamentary deputies from the ruling party in 2000. [3] The first group to leave the CUG represented the business community and would go on to form the New Rights Party (NRP) in 2000. This began the collapse of the party, as numerous party officials and deputies defected to join or form other parties. Eduard Shevardnadze himself resigned from the chairmanship of the CUG in September 2001. [4] Fatefully, Mikheil Saakashvili (the Minister of Justice) left the ruling party in September and would form the National Movement opposition party one month later. [5] The defections continued for the next two years, and left the Citizens' Union of Georgia as a far weaker party with support clustered in a few regions, and a leadership notorious for accumulating wealth illegally through their positions in government. [6] The disintegration of the party highlighted the weakness of the Shevardnadze regime and dispersed the political elite amongst a number of new parties and independent platforms.

Union of Citizens of Georgia political party

The Union of Citizens of Georgia was a centre-left political party established by Eduard Shevardnadze, President of Georgia from 1992–2003 and David Chantladze, former General Trade Representative of the Soviet Union to Czechoslovakia. It was established in the mid-1990s as a vehicle for modernising politicians. It became the majority grouping in the Georgian parliament following the parliamentary elections of November 1995, with Shevardnadze winning the presidency at the same time.

Eduard Shevardnadze Georgian politician and diplomat

Eduard Ambrosiyevich Shevardnadze was a Georgian politician and diplomat. He served as First Secretary of the Georgian Communist Party (GPC), the de facto leader of Soviet Georgia from 1972 to 1985 and as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union from 1985 to 1991. Shevardnadze was responsible for many key decisions in Soviet foreign policy during the Gorbachev Era including reunification of Germany. Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, he was President of Georgia from 1992 to 2003. He was forced to retire in 2003 as a consequence of the bloodless Rose Revolution.

Mikheil Saakashvili Georgian-Ukrainian politician, President of Georgia and Governor of Odessa

Mikheil Saakashvili is a Georgian and Ukrainian politician. He was the third President of Georgia for two consecutive terms from 25 January 2004 to 17 November 2013. From May 2015 until November 2016, Saakashvili was the Governor of Ukraine's Odessa Oblast. He is the founder and former chairman of the United National Movement party.

The collapse of the Citizens' Union of Georgia and more apparent public discontent with Shevardnadze allowed for the formation of numerous new parties after 2000. [7] The former ruling party showed its vulnerability in the 2002 local elections, losing decisively to independents and new parties. The local elections saw independents secure 2754 seats, with the New Rights Party (NRP) being the most successful political party, obtaining 558 parliamentary seats. The Citizens' Union of Georgia won only 70 out of approximately 4,850 parliamentary seats. [8]

Following the disastrous 2002 local elections, Shevardnadze made a concerted attempt to rebuild a political coalition that could support him. The CUG was rebuilt before the 2003 parliamentary election, which was understood to be a key trial before the 2005 presidential election. However, President Shevardnadze's popularity rating had plummeted to around 5%, undermining any attempt to revive the CUG under his leadership. The new CUG further found itself divided over internal disputes, and lacking effective leadership to replace those that had defected. [9]

Rise of non-governmental organizations

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) played a significant role in the Rose Revolution. By the end of 2000, the number of NGOs estimated to be in Georgia numbered around four thousand. The 1997 Civil Code made the registration of an NGO relatively easy, and they operated in Georgia with few restrictions. [10] Though only a small portion of those likely had influence on the government or were successful in lobbying, several had leverage in parliament. [11] While public participation in these NGOs was relatively low, they were ultimately successful in mobilizing the population to play a more active role in government. Two of the most important were the Georgian Young Lawyers Association and the Liberty Institute, both of which were active in the promotion of human rights and freedom of information legislation before the Rose Revolution. [12]

Liberty Institute is a Georgian research and advocacy organization affiliated with Ilia Chavchavadze State University.

Shevardnadze had allowed the development of NGOs before the Rose Revolution, and numerous large and relatively uninhibited NGOs were able to operate in Georgia prior to the 2003 parliamentary elections. Georgia's weak economy allowed these NGOs, who were often partially foreign funded, to pay decent salaries that would not have been available in working for the Georgian state. [13] As early as the Summer of 2002, there was great concern amongst the leaders of Georgia's most influential NGOs that Shevardnadze was not prepared to relinquish power voluntarily, and that other ways to remove him from power might be necessary. Some of these leaders hoped to make the 'Serbian scenario' a reality in Georgia, in the sense that they wanted to promote non-violent protests to force the resignation of an authoritarian leader. [14] Before the Rose Revolution, a large network of NGOs with foreign financial support already existed in the country that could later coordinate protest.

Foreign support

Foreign support for the Shevardnadze regime declined from 2000 to 2003, with notable figures outwardly calling for a more democratic transition. [15] These included George Soros, Richard Miles (the US ambassador to Georgia), and allies of the Bush administration, including a visit from James Baker (the former U.S. Secretary of State) who pressured Shevardnadze to accept parallel vote tabulation and pushed for free election standards. [16]

In the three years before the Rose Revolution, foreign financial support for the regime began to become severely limited. Instead, foreign states and organizations gave financial assistance to NGOs and opposition parties within Georgia, worsening the desperate budget situation of the Shevardnadze government. The United States announced a reduction in aid, coinciding with a decision by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to suspend aid to Georgia. [17] As international support for the regime deteriorated (particularly in the West), public perceptions of Shevardnadze's political weakness increased. A significant source of funding for NGOs and election monitoring organizations came from foreign governments and individuals. The U.S. and European governments gave the OSCE (Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe) the funds to support foreign election observers. [18] The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)§ spent $1.5 million to computerize Georgia's voter rolls. The Open Society Institute (OSI), funded by George Soros, supported Mikheil Saakashvili and a network of pro-democratic organizations. The OSI additionally paid for a number of student activists to go to Serbia and learn from Serbians who had helped to topple Slobodan Milošević in 2000. [19] Western democracy promoters also circulated public opinion polls and scrutinized election data throughout Georgia. [20]

Role of the media

An important factor in the Rose Revolution was the independent television channel Rustavi-2, which served as an ally for the opposition movement for years. It was highly critical of the regime, and openly supported the opposition. [21] Georgia's broad Freedom of Information law gave media outlets the legal protection to criticize the government, making it a leader amongst the former Eastern Bloc. [22] Nonetheless, the government tried repeatedly to shut Rustavi-2 down. The station operated out of Tbilisi and managed to survive the regime's harassment and intimidation techniques. Rustavi-2 was partially financially supported, trained, and sometimes protected by USAID and the Eurasia Foundation, which often mobilized public and international support to prevent government interference in the station's reporting. [23] The broadcasts of Rustavi-2 ended up being instrumental in building the opposition and encouraging protest.

Two events in 2001 caused an outcry of public opinion against the government. In July, a popular anchor for the Rustavi-2 network, Giorgi Sanaia, was murdered. The consensus among Georgian journalists and the public was that he was killed because of his anti-government work on the Chechen conflict and corruption investigations. [24] In October, agents from the National Security Ministry raided the headquarters of Rustavi-2. The tax-raid was broadcast on television from outside the building. Upwards of seven thousand student-led protestors, many mobilized by the Liberty Institute NGO, amassed outside the headquarters and demanded the resignation of the Shevardnadze government. Shevardnadze responded by sacking his cabinet and his minister of security. [25] Importantly, this event triggered the defection of Mikheil Saakashvili and the abdication of Zurab Zhvania from their positions in the Citizens' Union of Georgia, eventually leading to the formation of the National Movement and United Democrats opposition parties. [26]

While still the target of government harassment, Rustavi-2 continued to air anti-Shevardnadze material until 2003. This included the repeated airing of Bringing Down a Dictator, a film portraying the fall of Slobodan Milošević in the nonviolent Serbian revolution. Other networks, such as Imedi television and Mze began to report on the political process more objectively, possibly influenced by Rustavi-2's defiance. [27] Rustavi-2 would eventually be the network to commission and broadcast the exit poll results of the 2003 parliamentary election, which found Saakashvili's National Movement party victorious over the pro-Shevardnadze bloc. [28]

Economic factors

The susceptibility of Shevardnadze's government and his plummeting popularity between 2000-2003 can partially be traced to economic problems and mismanagement. Beginning in 1998, actual national budget revenues began to fall far short of projections. In 1999, the Georgian state collected only 70% of its projected revenue, a state of affairs that would continue through 2003. To address this problem, the government began to use deceptive accounting techniques to mask budget deficiencies. [29] Shevardnadze's government found itself both starved of funds and unable to meet IMF standards for international loans. The IMF finally suspended its own funding for Georgia in 2002. Without access to international loans, Georgia would not be able to restructure or repay its significant debts. [30]

In the period before 2003, the growth rate of the Georgian economy fell. The 1998 economic crisis in Russia, Georgia's main energy provider and trade partner, put an end to Georgia's modest recovery. [31] While there was some economic growth in 2003, a budgetary crisis weakened the state. The Georgian government's meager program of public goods and basic services had been chronically underfunded for years. [32] By the end of 2003, debt in the form of unpaid salaries and pensions reached $120 million. Deterioration of public infrastructure was also poorly addressed by Shevardnadze's government. Georgian businesses lost an average of 110 business days per year because of failures in infrastructure (usually in the energy sector). [33] The state was unable to repair the crumbling infrastructure or consistently enforce the law. [34] Social conditions also further deteriorated, with over half of the population finding itself under the poverty line, creating even greater dissatisfaction with the Shevardnadze administration. [35]

Corruption among state officials and police, while not new, was certainly exacerbated by Georgia's lack of budget revenue. The official salary of a Georgian state minister was around 150 Lari in 1998 (approximately US$75). Low pay forced many state employees to turn to alternative sources of income, often involving corrupt activities. [36] President Shevardnadze came to be seen as a man who was unwilling to break the Soviet patterns of personal power, political corruption, and authoritarian rule embedded in traditional Soviet cadre politics. [37] Corruption had become so rampant, that off-the-record deals may have accounted for 60-70% of Georgia's total economic activity. [38] The Shevardnadze regime was not seen as being capable of addressing corruption. Opposition candidates, such as Saakashvili, could successfully gain much support with an anti-corruption political platform. [39]

Elections and protests

Georgia held parliamentary elections on November 2, 2003. At stake were 235 seats in parliament of which 135 would be decided by a nationwide proportional party-list system and 85 were "majoritarian" contests in which a first-past-the-post winner would be determined in each of Georgia's 85 electoral districts. In addition, a nationwide referendum was held on whether the future parliament should be reduced to 150 members. Voters used a separate ballot for each of these three contests, folding them together and placing them in a single envelope which was then put in the ballot box. This was not a presidential election; that was set to occur in the spring of 2005, at the expiration of President Shevardnadze's second and final term.

In July 2003, U.S. president George W. Bush sent former secretary of state James Baker to meet with both opposition leaders and President Shevardnadze. To the latter, Baker delivered a letter from Bush sternly stressing the need for free elections. Baker proposed a formula for representation of the various parties on the electoral commissions at each level. Shevardnadze agreed, but immediately began maneuvering against the Baker formula.

On 3 November the International Election Observation Mission, composed of the Parliamentary Assemblies of the OSCE and the Council of Europe, the European Parliament and the OSCE's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), concluded that the 2 November parliamentary elections in Georgia fell short of a number of OSCE commitments and other international standards for democratic elections. [40] Mikheil Saakashvili claimed that he had won the elections (a claim supported by independent exit polls). This was confirmed by an independent parallel vote tabulation (PVT) conducted by the ISFED (International Society for Fair Elections and Democracy, a local election monitoring group). Saakashvilli and the United Opposition accepted ISFED's PVT as "official" results, and urged Georgians to demonstrate against Shevardnadze's government and engage in nonviolent civil disobedience against the authorities. The main democratic opposition parties united to demand the ousting of Shevardnadze and the rerun of the elections.

In mid-November, massive antigovernmental demonstrations started in the central streets of Tbilisi, soon involving almost all major cities and towns of Georgia in a concerted campaign of civil resistance. [41] The "Kmara" ("Enough!") youth organization (a Georgian counterpart of the Serbian "Otpor!") and several NGOs, like the Liberty Institute, were active in all protest activities. Shevardnadze's government was backed by Aslan Abashidze, the semi-separatist leader of the autonomous Adjara region, who sent thousands of his supporters to hold a pro-governmental counter-demonstration in Tbilisi.

Change of power

The opposition protest reached its peak on November 22, when President Shevardnadze attempted to open the new session of parliament. This session was considered illegitimate by two of the four major opposition parties. Supporters of two of those parties, led by Saakashvili, burst into the session with roses in their hands (hence the name Rose Revolution), interrupting a speech of President Eduard Shevardnadze and forcing him to escape with his bodyguards. He later declared a state of emergency and began to mobilize troops and police near his residence in Tbilisi. However, the elite military units refused to support the government. In the evening of November 23 (St George's Day in Georgia), Shevardnadze met with the opposition leaders Saakashvili and Zurab Zhvania to discuss the situation, in a meeting arranged by Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov. After the meeting, the president announced his resignation. That prompted euphoria in the streets of Tbilisi. More than 100,000 protesters celebrated the victory all night long, accompanied by fireworks and rock concerts.

Saakashvili's inauguration as President of Georgia Amtseinführung Saakaschwili.jpg
Saakashvili's inauguration as President of Georgia

Following the resignation of Eduard Shevardnadze, new elections were planned to bring power to a new leader. The outgoing speaker of parliament, Nino Burjanadze, assumed the presidency until new elections could be held. The Supreme Court of Georgia annulled the results of the parliamentary elections. New elections happened six weeks later on January 4, 2004. Unopposed and with 96.2 percent of the vote, Saakashvili became the new president of Georgia and was inaugurated on January 25. He became the youngest European president at the age of 36. On March 28, 2004, new parliamentary elections were held, with a large majority won by the Saakashvili-supporting National Movement - Democrats, and a minority representation of the Rightist Opposition.

After being elected, Saakashvili wasted no time in passing a series of legislation and reforms. Criticized as being very "pro-western," his agenda was able to improve the country's economy and launch a new anti-corruption campaign. He was able to bring the country's rating according to the World Bank from 122nd to 18th in the world by expanding the banking sector by 40 percent, increasing foreign investment to $3 billion, and maintaining an annual growth of 9.5%. [ citation needed ]

International involvement

Many countries watched Georgia transition from an autocracy to a democracy, but the key players were primarily Russia and the United States. Russia was suspected of being involved in Georgia's affairs from the beginning as it was assumed to have been involved in various coup and assassination attempts of Shevardnadze. Georgia, a state that was previously under Soviet influence, took independence in the 1990s, but saw much disarray in the form of separatist Groups, particularly those that were Russian-backed.

The United States felt the revolution was a good opportunity to make a serious attempt in the establishment of democracy not only in Georgia, but the region it was in. The U.S. Agency for International Development was reported to have spent $1.5 million on modernizing Georgia's voting system. They also invested in 3,000 election observers throughout the country.[ citation needed ] [42]

One of the biggest forms of international involvement was with George Soros and the Open Society Foundation located in the United States.[ citation needed ] [42] A non-governmental organization that's mission is to promote democracy, human rights, and reform in various areas, such as the economy helped in the making of Kmara, a student movement that was brought to Serbia by the foundation to get insight for the resistance, particularly training in nonviolent methods of protest.[ clarification needed ] [42] Translating as "Enough," it resembled a Serbian organization that played a heavy role in the Bulldozer Revolution that happened three years prior and which ended the presidency of Slobodan Milošević in Yugoslavia.[ citation needed ]

A significant source of funding for the Rose Revolution was the network of foundations and NGOs associated with Hungarian-American billionaire financier George Soros. The Foundation for the Defense of Democracies reports the case of a former Georgian parliamentarian who alleges that in the three months prior to the Rose Revolution, "Soros spent $42 million ramping-up for the overthrow of Shevardnadze. [43] Speaking in T'blisi in June 2005, Soros said, "I'm very pleased and proud of the work of the foundation in preparing Georgian society for what became a Rose Revolution, but the role of the foundation and my personal has been greatly exaggerated." [44]

Among the personalities who worked for Soros' organizations who later assumed positions in the Georgian government are:

Former Georgian Foreign Minister Salomé Zourabichvili wrote:

These institutions were the cradle of democratization, notably the Soros Foundation ... all the NGOs which gravitate around the Soros Foundation undeniably carried the revolution. However, one cannot end one's analysis with the revolution and one clearly sees that, afterwards, the Soros Foundation and the NGOs were integrated into power.

Salomé Zourabichvili, Herodote (magazine of the French Institute for Geopolitics), April, 2008

The amount of international involvement created a variety of conspiracy theories. The most popular implies that the United States was responsible for the overthrow of Shevardnadze. Many non-governmental organizations from the U.S. were in Georgia actively educating the people on human rights and the ideals of democracy. Also, the U.S. Ambassador in Georgia at the time, Richard Miles was also the U.S. Ambassador in Belgrade coincidentally during the Bulldozer Revolution.

Adjara

In May 2004, the so-called "Second Rose Revolution" took place in Batumi, Adjara. After months of extreme tension between Saakashvili's government and Aslan Abashidze, the virtual dictator of the autonomous region, thousands of Adjarans, mobilized by the United National Movement and Kmara, protested against Abashidze's policy of separatism and militarization. Abashidze used security forces and paramilitary groups to break up the demonstrations in the streets of Batumi and Kobuleti. However, he failed to suppress the protests, and they grew in size and scope. On May 6, 2004 (again St George's Day), protesters from all Ajara gathered in Batumi despite being dispersed by force the day before. Georgian Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania and Interior Minister Giorgi Baramidze negotiated with Adjaran Interior Minister Jemal Gogitidze to withdraw his forces from the administrative border at the Choloki River and led Georgian Special Forces into the region. Abashidze bowed to the inevitable, resigned in the same evening and left for Moscow. President Saakashvili visited Batumi the next day and was met by celebrating Adjarans.

International effects

The Orange Revolution, which followed the disputed November 2004 Ukrainian presidential election, is said to have been partly inspired by the Georgian Rose Revolution. [45]

See also

Related Research Articles

Nino Burjanadze Georgian politician

Nino Burjanadze is a Georgian politician and lawyer who served as Chairperson of the Parliament of Georgia from November 2001 to June 2008. As the first woman she has served as the acting head of state of Georgia twice; the first time from 23 November 2003 to 25 January 2004 in the wake of Eduard Shevardnadze's resignation during the Rose Revolution, and again from 25 November 2007 to 20 January 2008, when Mikheil Saakashvili stepped down to rerun in the early presidential elections. She withdrew into opposition to Saakashvili as the leader of the Democratic Movement-United Georgia party in 2008. In October 2013, she ran for president in the October 2013 election. She ran against 22 candidates and ended third with 10 percent of the vote.

Zurab Zhvania Prime Minister of Georgia

Zurab Zhvania was a Georgian politician, who served as Prime Minister of Georgia and Speaker of the Parliament of Georgia. Zhvania began his political career at young age, making his first political steps as a member of Green Party, in the beginning of 90s. In 1992 Zhvania was elected chairman of Eastern European Green's and was first Eastern European to serve at the post. In 1993 Zhvania made first serious steps in Georgian politics as he was elected as General Secretary of Citizen's Union. From that point Zhvania served important role in Georgian politics until his death in 2005. 1995 he became the chairman of parliament and maintained the post till his resignation in 1999, which was followed with discharge of other ministers, whom Zhvania suspected in Corruption. From 1993 till 2003 Zhvania remained in opposition fighting against Shevardandze's government. In 2003, Zhvania united with other opposition leaders, mainly Burdjanadze and Saakashvili, held non-violent protests against the government. Protests ended with resignation of Shevardnadze and election of Saakashvili as the president. Zhvania became prime minister and served the post until his death in 2005.

2003 Georgian parliamentary election

Parliamentary elections were held in Georgia on 2 November 2003 alongside a constitutional referendum. According to statistics released by the Georgian Election Commission, the elections were won by a combination of parties supporting President Eduard Shevardnadze.

Kmara organization

Kmara was a civic youth resistance movement in Georgia, active in the protests prior to and during the November 2003 Rose Revolution, which toppled down the government of Eduard Shevardnadze. Consciously modeled on the Serbian nongovernmental organization (NGO) Otpor!, which had been instrumental in defeating Slobodan Milošević's regime in 2000, the Kmara members were trained and advised by the influential Georgian NGO Liberty Institute and funded by the United States-based Open Society Institute (OSI). The movement was a hybrid of social movement and virtual NGO, which was highly successful in mobilizing the young Georgians, mostly students, against Shevardnadze's rule. Although Kmara was allied with the opposition parties, especially Mikheil Saakashvili's United National Movement, its behavior and tactics were nonpartisan, focusing on criticizing corruption and failures of the Shevardnadze regime, rather than promoting any particular politician or political party.

Vano Merabishvili Georgian politician

Ivane "Vano" Merabishvili is a Georgian politician and former Prime Minister of Georgia from 4 July to 25 October 2012. A former NGO activist, he became directly involved in Georgia's politics in 1999 and emerged as one of the government's most influential members after the 2003 Rose Revolution, especially as Georgia's Minister of Internal Affairs.

Zurab Noghaideli Prime Minister of Georgia (2.2005-11.2007)

Zurab Noghaideli is a Georgian businessman and a politician who served as the Prime Minister of Georgia from February 2005 until he resigned, citing health problems, on 16 November 2007. In December 2008, Noghaideli withdrew into opposition, setting up the Movement for Fair Georgia party.

The Adjara crisis refers to a political crisis in Georgia's Adjaran Autonomous Republic, then led by Aslan Abashidze, who refused to obey the central authorities after President Eduard Shevardnadze's ousting during the Rose Revolution of November 2003. The crisis threatened to develop into military confrontation as both sides mobilized their forces at the internal border. However, Georgia's post-revolutionary government of President Mikheil Saakashvili managed to avoid bloodshed and with the help of Adjaran opposition reasserted its supremacy. Abashidze left the region in exile in May 2004 and was succeeded by Levan Varshalomidze.

Irina Sarishvili-Chanturia, is a Georgian NGO leader, formerly actively involved in national politics.

The New Rights Party (NRP), also translated as New Conservative Party (NCP), is a liberal conservative party in Georgia. It is an associate member of the International Democrat Union and applicant of the European People's Party.

Industry Will Save Georgia

Industry Will Save Georgia is a centre-right conservative political party in Georgia.

2008 Georgian parliamentary election

Parliamentary elections were held in Georgia on May 21, 2008. President Mikheil Saakashvili proposed a referendum on bringing them forward from October to April after the 2007 Georgian demonstrations. The referendum was held at the same time as the early presidential election on 5 January 2008; according to exit polls, voters were largely in favour of having the elections in spring.

Republican Party of Georgia Georgian political party

The Republican Party of Georgia, commonly known as the Republicans, is a political party in Georgia active since 1978. Until March 2016, the party was a part of the Georgian Dream coalition that won the 2012 election, defeating the United National Movement.

Zurab Adeishvili Union of Citizens of Georgia politician

Zurab Adeishvili is a Georgian lawyer and politician, serving as the Minister of Justice of Georgia from November 2008 to October 2012.

Vakhtang "Loti" Kobalia is a retired Georgian colonel involved in the civil war of the early 1990s in which he commanded forces loyal to the ousted President Zviad Gamsakhurdia.

Zviad Dzidziguri is a Georgian politician. He has been the chairman of the Conservative Party of Georgia since 2004 and a vice-speaker of the Parliament of Georgia since 2012.

Tina Khidasheli Georgian politician and lawyer

Tinatin "Tina" Khidasheli is a Georgian jurist and politician. A Republican Party member and former civil society activist, she was appointed as Georgia's Minister of Defense on 1 May 2015, becoming the country's first ever female defense minister. She resigned on 1 August 2016, after her party decided to leave the ruling Georgian Dream coalition.

Mikheil Machavariani is a Georgian politician, former First Deputy Chairman of the Parliament of Georgia, and one of the leaders of The United National Movement opposition party that led widespread protests over the disputed parliamentary elections in Georgia leading to the Rose Revolution in Georgia in November 2003.

References

  1. https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/sr167.pdf
  2. Wheatley, Jonathan (2005). Georgia From National Awakening to Rose Revolution. Burlington, VT: Ashgate. pp. 85, 155.
  3. Welt, Cory (2006). "Georgia's Rose Revolution: From Regime Weakness to Regime Collapse". Center for Strategic and International Studies.
  4. Bunce, Valerie (2011). Defeating Authoritarian Leaders in Postcommunist Countries. NY: Cambridge University Press. p. 156.
  5. Welt, Cory (2006). "Georgia's Rose Revolution: From Regime Weakness to Regime Collapse". Center for Strategic and International Studies.
  6. Welt, Cory (2006). "Georgia's Rose Revolution: From Regime Weakness to Regime Collapse". Center for Strategic and International Studies.
  7. Bunce, Valerie (2011). Defeating Authoritarian Leaders in Postcommunist Countries. NY: Cambridge University Press. p. 157.
  8. Welt, Cory (2006). "Georgia's Rose Revolution: From Regime Weakness to Regime Collapse". Center for Strategic and International Studies.
  9. Fairbanks, Charles (2004). "Georgia's Rose Revolution". Journal of Democracy. 2. 15: 113. doi:10.1353/jod.2004.0025.
  10. Wheatley, Jonathan (2005). Georgia From National Awakening to Rose Revolution. Burlington, VT: Ashgate. p. 145.
  11. Wheatley, Jonathan (2005). Georgia From National Awakening to Rose Revolution. Burlington, VT: Ashgate. pp. 146–147.
  12. Wheatley, Jonathan (2005). Georgia From National Awakening to Rose Revolution. Burlington, VT: Ashgate. p. 146.
  13. Tudoroiu, Theodor (2007). "Rose, Orange, and Tulip: The Failed post-Soviet Revolutions". Communist and Post Communist Studies. 40 (1): 322. doi:10.1016/j.postcomstud.2007.06.005.
  14. Wheatley, Jonathan (2005). Georgia From National Awakening to Rose Revolution. Burlington, VT: Ashgate. p. 179.
  15. Bunce, Valerie (2011). Defeating Authoritarian Leaders in Postcommunist Countries. NY: Cambridge University Press. p. 155.
  16. Welt, Cory (2006). "Georgia's Rose Revolution: From Regime Weakness to Regime Collapse". Center for Strategic and International Studies.
  17. Welt, Cory (2006). "Georgia's Rose Revolution: From Regime Weakness to Regime Collapse". Center for Strategic and International Studies.
  18. Fairbanks, Charles (2004). "Georgia's Rose Revolution". Journal of Democracy. 2. 15: 113. doi:10.1353/jod.2004.0025.
  19. Fairbanks, Charles (2004). "Georgia's Rose Revolution". Journal of Democracy. 2. 15: 113. doi:10.1353/jod.2004.0025.
  20. Bunce, Valerie (2011). Defeating Authoritarian Leaders in Postcommunist Countries. NY: Cambridge University Press. p. 155.
  21. Welt, Corey. "Causes of the Rose Revolution". Presented to the United States Agency for International Aid: 8.
  22. Anable, David (2006). "The Role of Georgia's Media and Western Aid in the Rose Revolution". The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics. 11 (7): 14. doi:10.1177/1081180x06289211.
  23. Anable, David (2006). "The Role of Georgia's Media and Western Aid in the Rose Revolution". The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics. 11 (7): 15–16. doi:10.1177/1081180x06289211.
  24. Fairbanks, Charles (2004). "Georgia's Rose Revolution". Journal of Democracy. 2. 15: 113. doi:10.1353/jod.2004.0025.
  25. Anable, David (2006). "The Role of Georgia's Media and Western Aid in the Rose Revolution". The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics. 11 (7): 16–17. doi:10.1177/1081180x06289211.
  26. Anable, David (2006). "The Role of Georgia's Media and Western Aid in the Rose Revolution". The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics. 11 (7): 17. doi:10.1177/1081180x06289211.
  27. Anable, David (2006). "The Role of Georgia's Media and Western Aid in the Rose Revolution". The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics. 11 (7): 20. doi:10.1177/1081180x06289211.
  28. de Wall, Thomas (2010). The Caucasus: An Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 192.
  29. Papava, Vladimer (2006). "The Political Economy of Georgia's Rose Revolution". Orbis. 50 (4): 660. doi:10.1016/j.orbis.2006.07.006.
  30. Welt, Corey. "Causes of the Rose Revolution". Presented to the United States Agency for International Aid: 8.
  31. Bunce, Valerie (2011). Defeating Authoritarian Leaders in Postcommunist Countries. NY: Cambridge University Press. p. 154.
  32. de Wall, Thomas (2010). The Caucasus: An Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 192.
  33. Taylor, John (2004). "Economic Freedom and Georgia's Rose Revolution". Presented to the Caucasus Business School.
  34. Tudoroiu, Theodor (2007). "Rose, Orange, and Tulip: The Failed post-Soviet Revolutions". Communist and Post Communist Studies. 40 (1): 320. doi:10.1016/j.postcomstud.2007.06.005.
  35. Papava, Vladimer (2006). "The Political Economy of Georgia's Rose Revolution". Orbis. 50 (4): 661. doi:10.1016/j.orbis.2006.07.006.
  36. Wheatley, Jonathan (2005). Georgia From National Awakening to Rose Revolution. Burlington, VT: Ashgate. pp. 85, 155.
  37. Tudoroiu, Theodor (2007). "Rose, Orange, and Tulip: The Failed post-Soviet Revolutions". Communist and Post Communist Studies. 40 (1): 320. doi:10.1016/j.postcomstud.2007.06.005.
  38. Tudoroiu, Theodor (2007). "Rose, Orange, and Tulip: The Failed post-Soviet Revolutions". Communist and Post Communist Studies. 40 (1): 319–321. doi:10.1016/j.postcomstud.2007.06.005.
  39. Taylor, John (2004). "Economic Freedom and Georgia's Rose Revolution". Presented to the Caucasus Business School.
  40. OSCE Parliamentary Assembly President Visits Georgia. Civil Georgia. 21 Nov.'03
  41. Stephen Jones, "Georgia's "Rose Revolution" of 2003: Enforcing Peaceful Change", in Adam Roberts and Timothy Garton Ash (eds.), Civil Resistance and Power Politics: The Experience of Non-violent Action from Gandhi to the Present. Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press, 2009, pp. 317-334. ISBN   978-0-19-955201-6.
  42. 1 2 3 Mitchell, Lincoln (October 2004). "Georgia's Rose Revolution". Current History. 103: 346 via Academic Commons Columbia.
  43. http://www.defenddemocracy.org/in_the_media/in_the_media_show.htm?doc_id=225687
  44. "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2009-02-07. Retrieved 2009-10-16.CS1 maint: Archived copy as title (link)
  45. Bunce, V.J & Wolchik, S.L. International diffusion and postcommunist electoral revolutions Communist and Post-Communist Studies (2006) V.39 No 3 p. 283-304

Further reading