Timothy Mason | |
---|---|
Born | Timothy Wright Mason 2 February 1940 |
Died | 5 March 1990 50) Rome, Italy | (aged
Nationality | English |
Other names | Tim Mason |
Known for | Arguing for a "primacy of politics" approach to Nazi Germany and for World War II being caused by an economic crisis in Germany |
Spouses | |
Parent(s) | Walter Wright Mason, Isabel Anna (Smith) Mason |
Academic background | |
Alma mater | |
Thesis | National Socialist Policies Towards the German Working Classes, 1925–1939 (1971) |
Influences | |
Academic work | |
Discipline | History |
Sub-discipline | Modern German history |
Institutions | St Peter's College,Oxford [4] |
Notable students | Peter Alter |
Main interests | Nazi Germany |
Influenced | Sir Ian Kershaw |
Timothy Wright Mason (2 February 1940 –5 March 1990) was an English Marxist historian of Nazi Germany. He was one of the founders of the History Workshop Journal and specialised in the social history of the Third Reich. He argued for the "primacy of politics," i.e.,that the Nazi government was "increasingly independent of the influence of the [German] economic ruling classes," and believed the Second World War had been triggered by an economic crisis inside Germany.
Mason was born on 2 February 1940 in Birkenhead,England,the son of schoolteachers Walter Wright Mason and Isabel Anna (Smith) Mason. He was educated at Birkenhead School [ citation needed ] and the University of Oxford. [1] He taught at Oxford from 1971 to 1984 and was twice married. He helped to found the left-wing journal History Workshop Journal. Mason specialised in the social history of the Third Reich,especially that of the working class,and his most famous books were his 1975 work Arbeiterklasse und Volksgemeinschaft (The Working Class and the National Community),a study of working-class life under the Nazis,and his 1977 book,Sozialpolitik im Dritten Reich (Social Policy in the Third Reich). Unusually for a British historian,most of his books were originally published in German.
Mason saw his role as developing history that was flexible,humane and analytical. [1] Mason wrote about historians' role in 1986:"If historians do have a public responsibility,if hating is part of their method and warning part of their task,it is necessary that they should hate precisely". [1] Mason's interests as a Marxist historian were in writing a history that was not deterministic and in revising views on fascism. [1] As part of his efforts to develop a broader picture of the Third Reich,Mason approached such topics as women in Nazi Germany,a critique of "intentionalist" views of the Third Reich and theories of generic fascism as an analytical tool. [1]
In Social Policy in the Third Reich,Mason,unlike his counterparts in East Germany,did not confine his research mostly to resistance movements within the German working class,but sought a comprehensive picture of the life of the working class and how it was viewed both by itself and by the Nazi regime. [1] Mason argued that the Nazi leadership was haunted by memories of the November Revolution of 1918 and so the dictatorship was prepared to make no small material allowances in the form of social policy,its reluctance to impose material shortages,and its hesitation to bring in a total-war economy. [1]
Besides his studies on the working class of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy,Mason was noted for his break with previous Marxist interpretations of fascism that saw fascist regimes as the servant of capitalist interests. Mason argued instead for the "primacy of politics" by which he meant that although he thought that fascist regimes were still capitalist regimes,they retained "autonomy" in the political sphere and were not dictated to by capitalist interests. [5] In a 1966 essay,Mason wrote "that both the domestic and foreign policy of the National Socialist government became,from 1936 onward,increasingly independent of the influence of the economic ruling classes,and even in some essential aspects ran contrary to their collective interests" and that "it became possible for the National Socialist state to assume a fully independent role,for the 'primacy of politics' to assert itself". [5]
Mason used the following to support his thesis:
Mason's "primacy of politics" approach differed from the traditional Marxist "primacy of economics" approach and involved him in the 1960s in a vigorous debate with the East German historians Eberhard Czichon,Dietrich Eichholtz and Kurt Gossweiler. [6] The last two historians wrote if Mason was correct,it would amount to "a complete refutation of Marxist social analysis". [6] By approaching the subject from a different angle from conservative historians such Henry Ashby Turner and Karl Dietrich Bracher,Mason's "primacy of politics" thesis reached the same conclusion about Nazi Germany:big business served the state,rather than vice versa.
Mason's most notable arguments were the following:
Thus,the outbreak of the Second World War was caused by structural economic problems,a "flight into war" that had been imposed by a domestic crisis. [1] The key aspects of the crisis were,according to Mason,a shaky economic recovery being threatened by a rearmament program,which was overwhelming the economy;the Nazi regime's nationalist bluster limited its options. [1] In that way,Mason articulated a Primat der Innenpolitik ("primacy of domestic politics") view of the war's origins through the concept of social imperialism. [7] Mason's thesis was in marked contrast to the Primat der Außenpolitik ("primacy of foreign politics") by which historians usually explained the war. [1] Mason believed German foreign policy was driven by domestic political considerations and that the start of the war in 1939 was best understood as a "barbaric variant of social imperialism". [8]
Mason argued,"Nazi Germany was always bent at some time upon a major war of expansion". [9] However,Mason argued that the timing of such a war was determined by domestic political pressures,especially those relating to a failing economy,and it had nothing to do with what Hitler wanted. [9] Mason believed that between 1936 and 1941,the state of the German economy,not Hitler's 'will' or 'intentions',was the most important cause of German foreign policy. [10] Mason argued that the Nazi leaders were deeply haunted by the 1918 German Revolution and so were greatly opposed to any drop in the living standards of the working-class since they feared provoking a repetition of that revolution. [10] Mason considered that by 1939,the "overheating" of the German economy,which had been caused by rearmament;the failure of various rearmament plans because of the shortages of skilled workers;industrial unrest caused by the breakdown of German social policies and the sharp drop in living standards of the German working class forced Hitler into going to war at a time and place that were not of his choosing. [11]
Mason contended that when faced with the deep socioeconomic crisis,the Nazi leadership had decided to embark upon a ruthless 'smash and grab' foreign policy of seizing territory in Eastern Europe that could be pitilessly plundered to support living standards in Germany. [12] Mason described German foreign policy as driven by an opportunistic "next victim" syndrome after the Anschluss in which the "promiscuity of aggressive intentions" was nurtured by every successful foreign policy move. [13]
In Mason's opinion,the decision to sign the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact with the Soviet Union and to attack Poland and to run of the risk of a war with the United Kingdom and France were the abandonment by Hitler of his foreign policy programme,which had been outlined in Mein Kampf ,and was forced on him by his need to stop a collapsing German economy by seizing territory abroad to be plundered. [11]
Mason's theory of a "flight into war" being imposed on Hitler generated much controversy,and in the 1980s,he conducted a series of debates with economic historian Richard Overy on the matter. Overy maintained the decision to attack Poland was not caused by structural economic problems but was the result of Hitler wanting a localised war at that particular moment. For Overy,a major problem with the Mason thesis was that it rested on the assumption that although unrecorded by the records,that information had been passed on to Hitler about Germany's economic problems. [14] Overy argued that there was a major difference between economic pressures that were inducted by the problems of the Four Year Plan and economic motives to seize raw materials,industry and foreign reserve of neighbouring states as a way of accelerating the Four Year Plan. [15] Overy asserted that the repressive capacity of the German state as a way of dealing with domestic unhappiness was also somewhat downplayed by Mason. [14] Finally,Overy argued that there is considerable evidence that the state felt that it could master the economic problems of rearmament. As one civil servant put it in January 1940,"we have already mastered so many difficulties in the past,that here too,if one or other raw material became extremely scarce,ways and means will always yet be found to get out of a fix". [16]
In a 1981 essay "Intention and Explanation:A Current Controversy About the Interpretation of National Socialism" from the book The "Fuehrer State":Myth and Reality,Mason coined the terms intentionist and functionalist as terms for historical schools regarding Nazi Germany. Mason criticised Klaus Hildebrand and Karl Dietrich Bracher for focusing too much on Hitler as an explanation for the Holocaust. Mason wrote:
In their recent essays Karl Dietrich Bracher and Klaus Hildebrand are largely concerned with the intentional actions of Hitler,which,they believe,followed with some degree of necessity from his political ideas. They formulate the question:why did the Third Reich launch a murderous war of genocide and destruction of human life on a hitherto unprecedented scale? They come in the end to the conclusion that the leaders of the Third Reich,above all Hitler,did this because they wanted to do it. This can be demonstrated by studying early manifestations of their Weltanschauung,which are wholly compatible with the worst atrocities which actually occurred in the years 1938–1945. The goal of the Third Reich was genocidal war,and,in the end,that is what National Socialism was all about. From this it seems to follow that the regime is "unique","totalitarian","revolutionary","utopian",devoted to an utterly novel principle for the public order,scientific racism. The leaders,in particular Hitler,demonstrably wanted all this,and it is thus,as Hildebrand recently suggested,wrong to talk of National Socialism;we should talk of Hitlerism. [17]
Mason wrote that part of the explanation of National Socialism required a broader look at the period,rather than focusing entirely upon Hitler. [18] Mason wrote that as part of the investigation of the broader picture,historians should examine the economic situation of Germany in the late 1930s: [19]
In anticipating and accounting for the war of expansion in the late 1930s the explanatory power of pressures which in their origin were economic was apparent to many actors and observers. Thus the argument that the decisive dynamic towards expansion was economic does not in the first instance depend upon the imposition of alien analytical categories on a recalcitrant body of evidence,nor in the first instance upon the theoretical construction of connections between "the economy" and "politics". For the years 1938–39 a very wide variety of different types of sources materials discuss explicitly and at length the growing economic crisis in Germany,and many of the authors of these memoranda,books and articles could see the need to speculate then about the relationship between this crisis and the likelihood of war. The view that this was a major problem was common to many top military and political leaders in Germany,to top officials in Britain,to some German industrialists and civil servants,to German exiles and members of the conservative resistance,and to non-German bankers and academics. [20] [ verification needed ]
Mason was a leading advocate of comparative studies in fascism and,in the 1980s,strongly criticised the German philosopher Ernst Nolte for comparing the Holocaust to events that Mason regarded as totally unrelated to Nazi Germany,such as the Armenian genocide and the Khmer Rouge genocide. By contrast,Mason argued that there was much to learn by comparing Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy to produce a theory of generic fascism. In Mason's view,Nazism was only part of a wider fascist phenomenon:
If we can do without much of the original contents of the concept of "fascism",we cannot do without comparison. "Historicization" may easily become a recipe for provincialism. And the moral absolutes of Habermas,however politically and didactically impeccable,also carry a shadow of provincialism,as long as they fail to recognize that fascism was a continental phenomenon,and that Nazism was a peculiar part of something much larger. Pol Pot,the rat torture and the fate of the Armenians are all extraneous to any serious discussion of Nazism;Mussolini's Italy is not. [21]
In 1985,Mason decided that the government of Margaret Thatcher was the harbinger of fascism,advised trade union leaders to start making preparations to go underground and moved to Italy. After battling severe depression for many years,he died by suicide[ citation needed ] in Rome on 5 March 1990. [1]
Fascism is a far-right, authoritarian, ultranationalist political ideology and movement, characterized by a dictatorial leader, centralized autocracy, militarism, forcible suppression of opposition, belief in a natural social hierarchy, subordination of individual interests for the perceived good of the nation or race, and strong regimentation of society and the economy. Opposed to anarchism, democracy, pluralism, egalitarianism, liberalism, socialism, and Marxism, fascism is placed on the far-right wing within the traditional left–right spectrum.
The Nazi Party, officially the National Socialist German Workers' Party, was a far-right political party in Germany active between 1920 and 1945 that created and supported the ideology of Nazism. Its precursor, the German Workers' Party, existed from 1919 to 1920. The Nazi Party emerged from the extremist German nationalist, racist and populist Freikorps paramilitary culture, which fought against communist uprisings in post–World War I Germany. The party was created to draw workers away from communism and into völkisch nationalism. Initially, Nazi political strategy focused on anti–big business, anti-bourgeois, and anti-capitalist rhetoric; it was later downplayed to gain the support of business leaders. By the 1930s, the party's main focus shifted to antisemitic and anti-Marxist themes. The party had little popular support until the Great Depression, when worsening living standards and widespread unemployment drove Germans into political extremism.
The German Labour Front was the national labour organization of the Nazi Party, which replaced the various independent trade unions in Germany during the process of Gleichschaltung or Nazification.
Diplomatic history deals with the history of international relations between states. Diplomatic history can be different from international relations in that the former can concern itself with the foreign policy of one state while the latter deals with relations between two or more states. Diplomatic history tends to be more concerned with the history of diplomacy, but international relations concern more with current events and creating a model intended to shed explanatory light on international politics.
Richard James Overy is a British historian who has published on the history of World War II and Nazi Germany. In 2007, as The Times editor of Complete History of the World, he chose the 50 key dates of world history.
Strasserism is an ideological strand of Nazism which adheres to revolutionary nationalism and to economic antisemitism, which conditions are to be achieved with radical, mass-action and worker-based politics that are more aggressive than the politics of the Hitlerite leaders of the Nazi Party. Named after brothers Gregor and Otto Strasser, the ideology of Strasserism is a type of Third Position, right-wing politics in opposition to Communism and to Hitlerite Nazism.
Konrad Ernst Eduard Henlein was a Sudeten German politician in Czechoslovakia before World War II. After Germany invaded Czechoslovakia he became the Gauleiter and Reichsstatthalter of Reichsgau Sudetenland under the occupation of Nazi Germany.
The causes of World War II have been given considerable attention by historians. The immediate precipitating event was the invasion of Poland by Nazi Germany on September 1, 1939, and the subsequent declarations of war on Germany made by Britain and France, but many other prior events have been suggested as ultimate causes. Primary themes in historical analysis of the war's origins include the political takeover of Germany in 1933 by Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party; Japanese militarism against China, which led to the Japanese invasion of Manchuria and the Second Sino-Japanese War; Italian aggression against Ethiopia, which led to the Second Italo-Ethiopian War; Soviet Union desire to reconquer old territory of Russian Empire, which led to the Soviet invasion of Poland, the Soviet occupation of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, the occupation of the Baltic states and the Winter War.
As a political term, social imperialism is the political ideology of people, parties, or nations that are, according to Soviet leader Vladimir Lenin, "socialist in words, imperialist in deeds". Some academics use this phrase to refer to governments that engage in imperialism meant to preserve the domestic social peace.
Volksgemeinschaft is a German expression meaning "people's community", "folk community", "national community", or "racial community", depending on the translation of its component term Volk. This expression originally became popular during World War I as Germans rallied in support of the war, and many experienced "relief that at one fell swoop all social and political divisions could be solved in the great national equation". The idea of a Volksgemeinschaft was rooted in the notion of uniting people across class divides to achieve a national purpose, and the hope that national unity would "obliterate all conflicts - between employers and employees, town and countryside, producers and consumers, industry and craft".
Sir Ian Kershaw is an English historian whose work has chiefly focused on the social history of 20th-century Germany. He is regarded by many as one of the world's foremost experts on Adolf Hitler and Nazi Germany, and is particularly noted for his biographies of Hitler.
Hans Mommsen was a German historian, known for his studies in German social history, for his functionalist interpretation of the Third Reich, and especially for arguing that Adolf Hitler was a weak dictator. Descended from Nobel Prize-winning historian Theodor Mommsen, he was a member of the Social Democratic Party of Germany.
Klaus Hildebrand is a German liberal-conservative historian whose area of expertise is 19th–20th-century German political and military history.
Karl Dietrich Bracher was a German political scientist and historian of the Weimar Republic and Nazi Germany, born in Stuttgart. During World War II, he served in the Wehrmacht and was captured by the Americans while serving in Tunisia in 1943. Bracher was awarded a Ph.D. in the classics by the University of Tübingen in 1948 and subsequently studied at Harvard University from 1949 to 1950.Bracher taught at the Free University of Berlin from 1950 to 1958 and at the University of Bonn since 1959.
Detlev Peukert was a German historian, noted for his studies of the relationship between what he called the "spirit of science" and the Holocaust and in social history and the Weimar Republic. Peukert taught modern history at the University of Essen and served as director of the Research Institute for the History of the Nazi Period. Peukert was a member of the German Communist Party until 1978, when he joined the Social Democratic Party of Germany. A politically engaged historian, Peukert was known for his unconventional take on modern German history, and in an obituary, the British historian Richard Bessel wrote that it was a major loss that Peukert had died at the age of 39 as a result of AIDS.
Historians and other scholars disagree on the question of whether a specifically fascist type of economic policy can be said to exist. David Baker argues that there is an identifiable economic system in fascism that is distinct from those advocated by other ideologies, comprising essential characteristics that fascist nations shared. Payne, Paxton, Sternhell et al. argue that while fascist economies share some similarities, there is no distinctive form of fascist economic organization. Gerald Feldman and Timothy Mason argue that fascism is distinguished by an absence of coherent economic ideology and an absence of serious economic thinking. They state that the decisions taken by fascist leaders cannot be explained within a logical economic framework.
Nazi Germany was an overwhelmingly Christian nation. A census in May 1939, six years into the Nazi era after the annexation of Austria and Czechoslovakia into Germany, indicates that 54% of the population considered itself Protestant, 41% considered itself Catholic, 3.5% self-identified as Gottgläubig, and 1.5% as "atheist". Protestants were over-represented in the Nazi Party's membership and electorate, and Catholics were under-represented.
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Nazism, formally National Socialism, is the far-right totalitarian socio-political ideology and practices associated with Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party (NSDAP) in Germany. During Hitler's rise to power in 1930s Europe, it was frequently referred to as Hitler Fascism and Hitlerism. The later related term "neo-Nazism" is applied to other far-right groups with similar ideas which formed after the Second World War when the Third Reich collapsed.