Tomás Domínguez Arévalo

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The Count of Rodezno
Conde de Rodezno.png
Tomás Domínguez Arévalo

1882 [note 1]
Nationality Spanish
Known forpolitician
Political party CT

Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, 6th Count of Rodezno, [note 2] 12th Marquis of San Martin [note 3] (1882–1952) was a Spanish Carlist and Francoist politician. He is known mostly as the first Francoist Minister of Justice (1938–1939). He is also recognised for his key role in negotiating Carlist access to the coup of July 1936 and in emergence of carlo-francoism, the branch of Carlism which actively engaged in the Francoist regime.


Family and youth

Tomas Dominguez Romera NBP.09.12.33.jpg
Tomás Domínguez Romera

Tomás Domínguez y de Arévalo Romera y Fernández Navarrete was a descendant of two landowner families from the very south and from the very north of Spain. The paternal Domínguez family has been for centuries related to the Andalusian town of Carmona (Seville province). Its first representatives were noted as regidores in the 18th century and intermarried with another distinguished local family, the Romeras. [8] Their descendant was Tomás' father, Tomás Domínguez Romera (1853–1931), [note 4] who inherited the local Campo de la Plata estate. [12] He demonstrated political sympathies hardly typical for the region siding with the legitimists during the Third Carlist War [13] and had to leave the country afterwards. [14] Following the amnesty he returned to Spain and at unspecified date [note 5] he married María de Arévalo y Fernandez de Navarrete (1854–1919), [15] descendant to a Riojan-Navarrese Arévalo family. Her father, Justo Arévalo y Escudero, was a well known conservative politician; in the mid-19th century he served in the Cortes [16] and later as a long-time senator from Navarre (1876–1891). [17] As at the time of the marriage she was already condesa de Rodezno, [18] Tomás Domínguez Romera became conde consorte.

None of the sources consulted clarifies whether the couple initially settled in the Arévalo's Navarrese estate in Villafranca [note 6] or in Madrid. [note 7] In the late 1880s Tomás Domínguez Romera emerged holding major posts within the Madrid Carlist structures. In 1888 he was president of comisión de propaganda of the Madrid Junta Directiva del Circula Tradicionalista de Madrid [22] the same year elected its secretario general, [23] but when unsuccessfully running for the Cortes in the 1890s, he stood in Haro (Logroño province). [1] He emerged triumphant in 4 successive elections between 1905 and 1914, voted in from the Navarrese district of Aoiz. [24] At that time he was already member of the national Carlist executive; in 1912 he entered Junta Nacional Tradicionalista representing Castilla La Nueva, [25] [note 8] in 1913 entered comisión de Tesoro de la Tradición [27] and chaired party gatherings interchanging with the likes of Cerralbo, Feliu or de Mella. [note 9]

landscape near Villafranca Alesbes.jpg
landscape near Villafranca

It is not clear whether Tomás Domínguez Arévalo spent his early childhood in the capital or in Villafranca. He was then educated in the Jesuit Colegio de San Isidoro in Madrid, [30] at unspecified date commencing law studies at the University of Madrid; [31] he followed classes of the then Carlist political leader, Matías Barrio y Mier. It is during his academic years that Domínguez came to know Jaime Chicharro and Luis Hernando de Larramendi, active in Juventud Jaimista but also in literary and artistic circles. [32] [33] He graduated in 1904; [34] some authors, contemporary press and the official Cortes service refer to him as "abogado", [35] though none of the sources consulted confirms that he practiced as a lawyer. Urbane and gregarious, [36] in 1917 [37] Domínguez married Asunción López-Montenegro y García Pelayo, [38] descendant to a wealthy aristocratic terrateniente family from Cáceres, with its representatives holding prestigious posts in the city and in the province. [39] The couple settled in Villafranca; they had one child, María Domínguez y López-Montenegro. [40] Following the death of his mother in 1919, [41] in 1920 Tomás Domínguez Arévalo inherited the title of conde de Rodezno; [note 10] following the death of his father in 1931 he became marqués de San Martín. [note 11]

Early political career

Carlist electoral meeting, ca 1910 Jaimist meeting Vitoria 1911.JPG
Carlist electoral meeting, ca 1910

There is almost no information on Domínguez's public activity in the first decade of the 20th century; he was probably active in Juventud Jaimista and Juventud Hispanoamericana. [note 12] In 1909 he published his first work, a booklet dedicated to medieval rulers of Navarre, [46] followed by articles in scholarly reviews focusing on history of the province [note 13] and short biographical studies, also anchored in history of Navarre. [note 14] Domínguez also tried his hand in Pamplona dailies as a literary critic. [note 15] Some authors claim that his first public assignment was mayorship of Villafranca, [48] [49] [note 16] but when first running for seat in the Cortes, he was referred to by the press only as "joven abogado y escritor". [50]

Domínguez's entry into politics was facilitated by memory of his late maternal grandfather and especially by standing of his father, one of the most distinguished politicians of Navarre; [note 17] his position is dubbed as "cacicato" and the Aoiz district was considered his personal fiefdom. [53] It is not known why he decided not to renew his mandate in the 1916 campaign. Initially Domínguez Romera was to be substituted as Jaimista candidate by Joaquín Argamasilla, but in unclear circumstances the latter was replaced by Domínguez Arévalo. Argamasilla stroke back with a pamphlet, lambasting alleged alliance with the liberals and charging his substitute with flexibility bordering opportunism. [54] Though resident of another Navarrese district of Tafalla, [note 18] Domínguez Arévalo was also presented as a cuckoo candidate. [note 19] Despite the critique, he was narrowly [note 20] elected; [58] he renewed his ticket, though also marginally, in the 1918 campaign in the same district. [59]

Juan Vazquez de Mella Juan Vazquez de Mella 1906.JPG
Juan Vazquez de Mella

At that time Carlism was increasingly paralyzed by tension between its top theorist Vazquez de Mella and the claimant Don Jaime; Domínguez was counted among supporters of the former. [note 21] According to some historians [note 22] he considered orthodox Carlism a dead-end street given the Carlist dynasty was already certain to extinguish. [note 23] He shared de Mella's vision of a grand extreme-right coalition, which would be new possibilist reincarnation of Traditionalism; [62] he also considered sort of transfer of legitimist rights to the Alfonsine dynasty. [note 24] However, at the 1919 moment of breakup he decided to stay loyal to Don Jaime, [64] [note 25] even given discrepancies between him and his king were already public. [66]

In the 1919 campaign Domínguez Arévalo presented his bid in Aoiz, [67] but lost to a Maurista candidate by the smallest margin possible. [68] In 1920 the same two hopefuls competed in the same district; [69] this time Domínguez, already conde de Rodezno, lost more decisively, [note 26] the visible sign of increasingly loose Carlist grip on Navarre. A mere week after the defeat he presented his candidature to the Senate. [72] As indirect elections to the upper chamber were more about behind-the-stage party dealings rather than about seeking popular vote, the Jaimistas managed to negotiate Rodezno's success. [73] He was also re-elected for the successive term in 1922. His activity as recorded in the Senate archive was insignificant. [74] One of his few interventions referred to tariffs on cork exports, [75] the issue he was personally interested in as there was cork produced on his Andalusian Carmona estate. [76]


Rodezno with knights of the Sovereign Military Order of Malta GVV.87.11.2.JPG
Rodezno with knights of the Sovereign Military Order of Malta

Advent of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship suspended Rodezno's parliamentarian career. Having lost his senate mandate he abandoned politics and is not listed as active in any of the primoderiverista institutions, be it either Somatén, Unión Patriotica or any other organization. [note 27] However, he did not withdraw from public life. Rodezno took part in various Christian activities, contributed to cultural initiatives, remained engaged in Carlist structures and pursued his career as author and historian, at the same time dedicating his time to family and business.

A member of the Catholic aristocracy, Rodezno was active in the Sovereign Military Order of Malta and remained on good terms with Spanish hierarchy and the papal nuncio. [78] He forged particularly good relationship with Pedro Segura, welcoming the new bishop in Caceres, [79] 6 years later greeting him as new archbishop of Burgos during the homage celebrations in the same city, [note 28] and in 1928 taking part in Toledo celebrations following Segura's ascendance to the primate of Spain. [81] On the more practical side, adhering to Segura's knack for social action he co-organized Acción Social Diocesana in Caceres [82] and gave lectures during various initiatives like Semana Social, organized by Acción Católica. [83]

Alfonso de Borbon and Miguel Primo de Rivera Bundesarchiv Bild 102-09411, Primo de Rivera und der Konig von Spanien.jpg
Alfonso de Borbon and Miguel Primo de Rivera

Rodezno's cultural activities were strongly flavored by Carlism. In Pamplona he organized anniversary homage celebrations to veterans of the Third Carlist War, [84] in San Sebastián he took part in works of Sociedad de Estudios Vascos when preparing "La exposición de las Guerras Civiles" of the 19th century, [85] and in Madrid he co-organized fundraising and himself donated large sums to the planned monument of Vazquez de Mella. [86] However, he became most noted for his historical effort. Apart from inedita, [87] in 1928 he published La princesa de Beira y los hijos de D. Carlos [note 29] and in 1929 Carlos VII, duque de Madrid, monographs dedicated to already mythical Carlist figures; both books were widely discussed on literary pages of the Spanish press of the day. [88] Though they pursued a personal approach of the author, both remain quoted and referenced also by present-day scholars. [note 30]

Rodezno and his wife held land estates scattered across Spain: in Navarre, inherited from his mother; in Extremadura, brought into the marriage by his wife; and in Andalusia, inherited from his father. Some authors refer to him as "grande terrateniente" [90] "cacique terrateniente", [note 31] "grandee proprietor" [92] [note 32] or "prominent landowner", an exemplary case of link between landownership and power, [note 33] though exact size of his holdings is unclear and probably did not exceed 500 ha combined. [note 34] He was head of Federacion Catolico Agraria de Navarra, [100] co-founder of Asociación de Terratenientes de Navarra [101] and member of Asociacion de Propietarios de Alcornocales. [102] On behalf of some of these pressure groups he held talks with various ministers, [note 35] publishing also analytical studies on agricultural credit [105] and land ownership. [note 36] In his opinion in terms of rural property the Navarrese structure was close to ideal, almost reaching the objective "que todos los agricultores fueran propietarios"; [107] later in the republic he defended the arrendamiento structure. [93]


Don Jaime Jaime de Borbon, in El Mundo Grafico 7 10 1931 pagina 24.jpg
Don Jaime

Though mostly dormant in times of the dictatorship, during Dictablanda Carlism assumed more active stance. In June 1930 the new Navarrese junta with Rodezno its member was set up, an attempt to enforce more cautious policy towards Basque nationalism and to shift focus from foral to religious issues. [108] [109] The move might have backfired following declaration of the Republic, as the Carlists decided to forge electoral coalition with PNV; when concluded as "lista católico-fuerista" [109] it enabled Rodezno, elected from Navarre, to resume his parliamentary career in 1931. [110] [note 37] In the Cortes he was the least-Basque minded among Carlist deputies; [note 38] he ceased to support the autonomy draft when it turned out that it would not allow autonomous religious policy; [114] anyway he did not like the project as corresponding to "concepción nacionalista euzkadiana"; [115] he also voiced against the Catalan statute as unrepresentative. [116] He started to toy with the idea of an exclusively Navarrese statute; [117] In 1935 he declared that PNV revealed its true revolutionary colours in 1934 and no longer deserved alliance with the Carlists. [118]

Already in the late 1920s advocating reconciliation with the Mellistas, [119] Rodezno welcomed re-unification of three Traditionalist streams in Comunión Tradicionalista. [120] Early 1932 he was appointed to its Supreme National Junta, intended to assist the ailing Jefe Delegado, marqués de Villores. [121] After his death in May that year Rodezno was nominated its president, [122] [123] [124] effectively becoming the Carlist political leader. In 1933 the body was replaced with much smaller Delegate Junta, still headed by Rodezno. [125] [123]

Rodezno's leadership was marked by rapprochement strategy towards the Alfonsinos, [126] [127] exercised by means of alliances within Acción Popular, [note 39] Renovación Española [note 40] and Bloque Nacional, [note 41] but not within CEDA; [note 42] its objective was sort of dynastical union on Traditionalist platform. [134] [135] Though always consulted with the claimant, [136] it was popular only among the party professional politicians; among the rank-and-file it first caused grumblings and then increasingly open protest against mixing with "debris of the fallen liberal monarchy"; [137] he is referred to as leading "sector minoritario del tradicionalismo representado por Rodezno". [138] When sitting in executive bodies of the organizations mentioned, Rodezno and Pradera were getting detached from the mainstream Carlist feeling. [139] [140]

Rodezno was acutely sensitive to threat of revolution and convinced that democracy could not contain it; he responded warmly to authoritarian nationalism, covering in his opinion a broad spectrum from fascist Benito Mussolini's regime to Ramsay MacDonald's National Government; [141] though when choosing between the Italians and the British in 1935, Rodezno gave in to anglophobia and declared in the Cortes that Spanish interests in the Mediterranean lie with Italy, the ultimate objective the recovery of Tangier and, implicitly, Gibraltar [142] Hostile especially to militant republican secularism [note 43] and agrarian reform, [note 44] he remained vehement opponent in the parliament and was once hit by a flying glass in return. [92] [147] Touring the country [note 45] he boasted that "Carlist shock troops are ready to defend society against Marxist threat". [150] [151] However, he was not among those pressing an insurgent strategy. Aware of the planned Sanjurjo coup he steered clear of direct collaboration, [152] [153] which did not spare him expropriations administered by the government afterwards. [154]

Rodezno at Carlist meeting, 1932 Mitin tradicionalista.jpeg
Rodezno at Carlist meeting, 1932

Rodezno's term as the leader emphasized politics and propaganda rather than organization and militancy; [125] some scholars claim that obsolete structures of Communión, favoring "placentera y anárquica autonomia", [155] could not bear the weight of dynamically growing movement. [125] [156] This, combined with internal protest against pro-Alfonsist advances and his "tactica transaccionista y el gradualismo", [157] brought about a major challenge. When former Integrists suggested that Manuel Fal becomes president of the Junta, Rodezno proposed he rather becomes personal secretary to the claimant. [150] As Don Alfonso Carlos at that time decided to abandon plans of dynastic reconciliation, [note 46] in April 1934 Rodezno agreed to step down from leadership. [159] [160] He remained the local Navarre jefe. [161]

Conspiracy and coup

requetes in captured Donostia, 1936 Tropas del bando nacional (14 de 16) - Fondo Marin-Kutxa Fototeka.jpg
requetés in captured Donostia, 1936

Though Rodezno's supporters complained about "fascistización" of the Communion under the new leadership of Fal, [162] [note 47] Carlism firmly changed course from political negotiations to organizational build-up. [note 48] Rodezno was not appointed head of any of the newly created sections, [165] nominated to Consejo de Cultura instead. [166] [167] Fal initially considered Rodezno an acceptable leader and insisted on changing structures rather than people. He criticised Rodezno rather for lack of faith. [note 49] Re-elected to the Cortes in 1933 [169] and 1936, [170] Rodezno became chairman of the 10-men Carlist minority. [171] He was permitted to pursue talks with the Alfonsinos on the private business basis; in 1936 these contacts started to take shape of negotiating a joint insurgency. [note 50] According to one source he was on the target list of the hit-team which, in his absence, shot Calvo Sotelo instead. [173]

Rodezno played vital role in negotiating Carlist role in the military coup. Talks between Mola and Fal stalled as both failed to reach a compromise on terms of the Carlist access; [note 51] at that point the general opened parallel talks with Navarrese leaders, headed by Rodezno. [175] [176] Bypassing Fal and ready to confront him if needed, [note 52] they suggested that Navarrese issues are discussed locally and offered requeté support in return for usage of monarchist flag and assurance that Navarre would be left as Carlist political fiefdom. [180] [181] [182] Facing sort of internal rebellion, Fal considered dismissing the entire Navarrese junta. [173] [note 53] He was finally outmaneuvered when Rodezno and the Navarros assured conditional support of claimants' envoy, Don Javier; [note 54] Mola and Fal decided to act together on the basis of a vague letter, sent by pre-agreed leader of the insurgency, general Sanjurjo. [note 55]

During the coup Rodezno was in Pamplona, the city easily captured by insurgents. Though Fal considered him disloyal, in late August he had no option but to include Domínguez in Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra, a newly constituted Carlist wartime executive; within this body he entered Section of General Affairs heading Delegación Política, a sub-section entrusted with handling relations with military junta and local authorities. [178] [186] [187] Rodezno settled in the emergent military headquarters in Salamanca, [note 56] but went on pursuing independent policy engineered by a local Navarrese executive, transformed into Junta Central Carlista de Guerra de Navarra. [note 57] Following death of the claimant and assumption of regential duties by his successor Don Javier, the so-called Rodeznistas [191] were visibly disappointed with Fal's confirmation as political leader in October 1936. [192] [note 58]

Carlist standard Flag of Cross of Burgundy.svg
Carlist standard

The Carlists, who initially imagined their position as equals of the military, within few months acknowledged that they were being reduced to junior role, especially that despite mobilization of their supporters, Falange attracted far more recruits. [note 59] Their attempt to safeguard autonomous standing crashed in December 1936, when following Fal's decision to set up a Carlist military academy he was summoned to Franco's headquarters and presented with the choice between firing squad and exile abroad. [note 60] Some authors speculate whether the unusual overreaction of Franco was not intended to get rid of Fal and replace him with complacent Rodezno. [196] [197] [198] At the Carlist emergency meeting the Rodeznistas enforced the decision to comply with the exile alternative, [199] [note 61] though later Rodezno himself visited Franco trying to get Jefe Delegado re-admitted. [note 62]


Francisco Franco Francisco Franco 1940 (cropped).jpg
Francisco Franco

With Fal on exile and party leadership assumed by France-based Don Javier, Rodezno emerged as "maxima figura carlista en España"; [203] Fal was not happy about Rodezno's pre-eminence and when on exile intended to send him abroad, possibly on a diplomatic mission to Vatican. [198] Starting January 1937 he and other party bigwigs were approached by the military and the Falangists about forming a monopolist state party; [note 63] the pressure started to mount later on. The Carlist leaders met 3 times to address the challenge: in Insua (February), in Burgos (March) and in Pamplona (April), all attended by Rodezno. [note 64] He and the faction he headed advocated compliance with political amalgamation, pressed by the military; [note 65] they were confronted by the Falcondistas, opting for intransigence. [note 66] As the formal party executive Junta Nacional was getting decomposed and theoretically local, Rodeznista-dominated Junta Central assumed a key role, [note 67] the balance tipped towards unification. The fusion was presented as means to build a new state, Catholic, regionalist, [note 68] social and ultimately formatted as Traditionalist monarchy. [213] [200] [214] [note 69]

On April 22 Rodezno was nominated to Secretariado Político [note 70] of the new party, Falange Española Tradicionalista, [217] one of 4 Carlists [note 71] within the 10-member body. [218] [219] [220] [221] The Falangists like Giron were extremely unhappy about its performance and composition, with very few members "fielmente el espiritu de nuestro Movimiento". [222] He and other Carlists learned of the party program only once its 21 points were announced and immediately demonstrated some unease. [note 72] His relations with Fal and Don Javier remained extremely tense, though falling short of total breakup; both considered him a fronding rebel; [224] he was held among, "maximos responsables de la actitud de rebeldia mantenida por el carlismo navarro frente a la autoridad de don Javier". [225] Rodezno's efforts to elicit authorization from the regent produced no effect. [226] During the next few months he presided over absorption into Falange rather than a fusion, [note 73] bombarded with queries and protests from Carlist rank-and-file about total predomination and arrogance of camisas azules. [228] [note 74] Possibly as a result of complaints about the Falangists' lack of give and take in October 1937 Franco called up theoretically governing structure of the party, the National Council; [note 75] Despite Fal's calls to decline, Rodezno accepted the seat and in December 1937 Don Javier expulsed him from Carlism; [234] Rodezno did not take notice. [226] Some authors claim he was expulsed already in the spring, following accepting post in Secretariado. [235]

Falangist standard Bandera FE JONS.png
Falangist standard

Rodezno's motives are unclear; apart from partisan claims that he traded Carlist principles for a few Navarrese alcaldias, [note 76] there are many conflicting interpretations offered. According to one, he feared that internal divisions within the Nationalist camp might lead to defeat in the war. [237] [note 77] According to another, he has never been a genuine Carlist and is better described as a conservative monarchist. [note 78] Some scholars claim that he was a possibilist, who realized that Traditionalism was unable to seize power single-handedly and needed coalition partners; [note 79] one more clue might have been that perceiving Carlism as rooted in family and regional values, he downplayed the issues of organization and structures. [243] Others underline that he considered the emerging system largely in line with the Carlist vision and did not think it worthwhile to be marginalized for the sake of defending second-rate discrepancies. [244] Finally, there are authors who believe that he realized neither gravity of the moment nor totalitarian nature of the new party; Rodezno – the theory goes – imagined the structure either as a new incarnation of Unión Patriotica or as a loose alliance, both permitting Carlism to maintain its proper identity; [245] immediately following announcement of the FET programme, largely a copy-paste from the original Falange 27 points, Rodezno visited Franco to voice his disgust; [246] following three months he ceased to attend sittings of the FET secretariat, considering it pointless. [247]


prison, Spain Nueva carcel celular construida en Barcelona, galeria, Arquitectura y Construccion, mayo de 1904 (cropped).jpg
prison, Spain

In January 1938 Rodezno entered the first regular Francoist government as Minister of Justice. [248] At this position he commenced work on revoking the Republican laws, focusing mostly on the laic legislation. Though the task was completed by his successor, it was Rodezno who ensured that the Church re-took a key role in a number of areas, especially education, and that intimate Church-state relations were restored. [248] [249] When setting the direction he had to overcome the Falangist resistance and outmaneuver its key exponents, Jordana and Yanguas; [250] in 1942 Rodezno managed to defeat "serranistas" drafting the future legislation. [251] He is best remembered, however, for his role in Francoist repressions. Wartime purges rested on most tortured juridical basis and produced some 72,000 executions; [252] it is difficult to tell to what extent Rodezno might be held liable, especially that most of them were carried out under military jurisdiction and before he assumed office. According to some sources, he was "responsable de la firma de unas 50.000 penas de muerte"; [253] according to scholars, there were some 51,000 death sentences administered during the first few years after the War; [254] most of that time it was Esteban Bilbao holding the post of Minister of Justice. He started to replace the chaotic practice by laying the foundations of the repressive Francoist judicial system, including massive purges in the judiciary. [255] Its first pillar, Ley de Responsabilidades Políticas, retroactive to 1934, was adopted in 1939, [note 80] supplemented by many other laws and regulations. One of them required all persons of legal age to hold a personal ID card, obligation introduced for the first time in Spanish history. [257] There were some 100,000 political prisoners [258] before he stepped down as minister in August 1939. [259] None of the sources consulted provide information on the mechanism of Rodezno leaving the office, especially whether he resigned or was dismissed.

Francoist Spain, 1939 Entrevista entre Franco y el conde Ciano en San Sebastian en julio de 1939.jpg
Francoist Spain, 1939

It is not clear whether Rodezno's departure from the government was related to tension between the Falangists and the Carlists, though he was on rather poor terms with Serrano Suñer. Serrano described Rodezno in his memoirs as follows: "era alto, de rostro afilado, con un gesto entre triste y burlón; con su ademán mezclado de solemnidad, indolencia y cortesía. Era puntillosamente leal a sus tradiciones, aunque políticamente parecía más consecuente que creyente..." [260] The two clashed especially on issues related to centralisation and regional rights. Serrano intervened to make sure the address of Rodezno, delivered when accepting the hijo predilecto title from Navarrese diputación, is not distributed. [261] Already in early 1938 heavily disappointed with the new party, in April 1938 Rodezno complained to Franco about marginalisation of Carlism and apparently managed to extract from caudillo a fairly frank opinion; the generalissimo valued the Carlists higher than the Falangists, yet noted that they were "pocos y sin atractivo pasa los masas", while Falange enjoyed "capacidad proselitista y captadora", [262] and the emering regime in general. Rodezno admitted that "no dejaba de sentirse cierta tristeza por el desengaño y la decepción que producía la disparidad entre el esfuerzo aportado y el rumbo amenazador de las cosas para el porvenir". [263] In 1939 he moved back to Navarre. Though expelled from formally illegal Comunión Tradicionalista he was eager to take part in the movement, e.g. in 1939 he took part in the first Montejurra ascent, riding all the way to the summit on the horse. [264] [265] Some authors consider him leader of Rodeznistas, the informal collaborative faction, [266] [267] other scholars prefer to name him leader of Navarrese Carlism [268] or even of Spanish Carlism altogether. [269] In the immediate post-war period he tried to support Carlist cultural outposts, either preventing their amalgamation in the Francoist machinery, [note 81] or creating the new ones. [note 82] Some orthodox Carlists considered him indispensable, as it was with their support that Rodezno was elected vice-president of Navarrese Diputación Provincial in 1940. [274] At this post he took part in provincial battle for power against the Falangists [note 83] and clashed with some of their leaders also on the national level; in June 1939 Rodezno clashed with the Falangist pundit Gimenez Caballero, who in accused Navarre of historical disobedience and lambasted the fueros as sinister separatism. Rodezno as minister prevented the publication of his harangue in the press except Arriba, firmly controlled by Falange. [277] It is partially thanks to his efforts that Navarre was, together with Álava, the only province which retained some regional establishments. According to his account of Esteban Bilbao, he was supported by Rodezno when objecting to homogenisation designs of Minister of Economy. [278]

Though apparently overwhelmed fascistoid nature of the emerging regime [note 84] and by actual shape of the unification - up to contributing to its failure in Navarre [note 85] - Rodezno kept pursuing the collaborative line even when it became painfully evident that Carlism was entirely marginalized in the new state party. [281] In 1943 Rodezno resigned from the Navarrese government to enter the Francoist quasi-parliament, Cortes Españolas; [282] he was ensured its mandate as member of Consejo Nacional. [283] The term lasted three years and was not renewed in 1946, which suggests that at that time he had already dropped out from the Falangist executive. None of the sources consulted provides information as to if and when Rodezno ceased as member of Consejo Nacional and Junta Politica. Auto of judge Garzon raises charges based on Rodezno's role in FET between April 20, 1937 (coincides with the day of his nomination to Secretariado) and 1951 (no daily date). [284]


Don Javier on the cover of a Carlist periodical RequeteViladot.JPG
Don Javier on the cover of a Carlist periodical

Already in the 1910s Rodezno timidly advanced the idea of transferring legitimist rights to an appropriate Alfonsist candidate once the Carlist dynasty would extinguish; [64] also during the Republican years he was the most enthusiastic supporter of rapprochement within the monarchist camp and in 1935 proposed that Don Alfonso Carlos names Don Juan his legitimate heir. [158] When the last direct Carlist claimant indeed died in September 1936 Rodezno was the last to acknowledge the regency of Don Javier. At that time he was already considering another regency, this of Franco on behalf of Don Juan, [285] [200] whom he held well familiar with Traditionalist ideas. It is not clear when the two first met; during the Civil War Rodezno and the Alfonsist prince already exchanged friendly correspondence. Rodezno was in touch with Don Juan since 1937 and considered him knowledgeable of Traditionalist ideas. [286]

In the early 1940s Rodezno turned into an open advocate of Don Juan as a future Carlist king, especially once the latter inherited the Alfonsist title after his late father in 1941. Theoretically this support did not breach the rules of Don Javier's regency, which permitted forming factions around prospective candidates; in practice this mattered little, as Rodezno was already expulsed from the Comunión. [287] When the new Alfonsist claimant was assembling a team of collaborators, José María Oriol travelled to meet him in Lausanne to suggest (in vain) that Rodezno is nominated the official Alfonsist representative in Spain. [288] [289] [290] In the mid-1940s Fal mounted an offensive offering various Carlist regentialist solutions to Franco; [291] in December 1945 Fal also wrote to Don Juan asking him to acknowledge the regency of Don Javier. [292] As a response, in April 1945 Rodezno travelled to Portugal [note 86] to meet Don Juan and prepare ground for his Carlist legitimization. [294] The initiative bore fruit in February 1946, when the Alfonsist claimant signed a Rodezno co-drafted document, intended to confirm his Traditionalist spirit. Known as "Bases institucionales para la restauracion de la monarquia" or simply as "Bases de Estoril", it outlined the basics of the future monarchy. [295] They very much resembled the Traditionalist principles, though the document fell short of declaring Don Juan the legitimate Carlist claimant. [note 87]

Juan de Borbon J. de Borbon.jpg
Juan de Borbón

The 1946 "Bases de Estoril" was the last major Rodezno's initiative and little is known either about his political views or about his public activity in the very last years of his life. In 1944 he entered Real Academia de Jurisprudencia y Legislación. [296] He remained leader of informal but very significant collaborative and pro-Juanista faction of Carlism, the movement which as a whole was rapidly disintegrating into even more branches. [note 88] Though most Carlist rank-and-file remained utterly hostile to the despised Liberal dynasty, many if not the majority of Carlist pre-war leadership inclined towards accepting Don Juan. [297] Also after Rodezno's death they kept pursuing the idea of Alfonso XIII's son assuming the Carlist title. Named Rodeznistas, Juancarlistas, Juanistas or Estorilos they officially declared Don Juan the legitimate Carlist heir in 1957, the act considered climax of the earlier Rodezno's policy. In 1957 around 70 Carlist politicians travelled to Estoril and declared Don Juan the legitimate Carlist heir. The late Rodezno was considered "principal promoter" of the initiative. [298] Some authors even claim that Rodezno was present at the ceremony. [299] [300] In historiography the term "Rodeznistas" is last applied to the year 1959. [301]

Legacy and reception

old banner (now unused) Caidosfront.JPG
old banner (now unused)

During Francoism Rodezno was honored by a number of prestigious orders, like Cruz de Isabel la Católica or Cruz de San Raimundo de Peñafort; in the mid-1940s he entered Real Academia de Jurisprudencia y Legislación [302] and Real Academia de la Historia, [303] named also hijo predilecto by the province of Navarre and by his native town of Villafranca. [304] Posthumously Franco conferred upon him Grandeza de España, title currently born by his descendants. [305] Some streets and plazas were named upon him, the most prestigious one in Pamplona.

After transition to democracy the perception of Rodezno changed dramatically. In the current Spanish public discourse he is associated mostly with the most repressive phase of Francoism. [306] Naming of the Pamplona plaza was subject to heated public debate in Navarre and elsewhere following adoption of ley de Símbolos de Navarra and ley de Memoria Histórica. The 2008-2009 discussion, involving present-day political parties and related to some present-day political issues, [note 90] has eventually led to renaming the plaza to "Conde de Rodezno", an aristocratic title formally not associated with any individual, [note 91] until in 2016 it was renamed to "Plaza de la Libertad". [311] The former Pamplona mausoleum erected during Francoism to honor the fallen requetés has been renamed to "Sala de exposiciónes Conde de Rodezno" [312] but in public it prefers to be named "Sala de exposiciónes". In unrestrained cyberspace Rodezno is at times referred to as "fascist to the core". [313] In 2008 Audiencia Nacional, the Spanish high tribunal, launched formal bid to acknowledge Rodezno as guilty of crimes against humanity during his tenure as Minister of Justice and afterwards, but the motion bore no fruit due to procedural reasons. [314] Judge Baltasar Garzón was later charged with perversion of justice for launching the bid, which was defined as an error by the Supreme Court of Spain. [315] In 2010 a group of authors associated with a Pamplonese Ateneo Basilio Lacort published a vehemently militant work which presents Rodezno as a criminal. [316]

former placard (now removed) Conde de Rodezno.JPG
former placard (now removed)

In Traditionalist historiographical narration Rodezno is one of the black characters, among the likes of Rafael Maroto, Alejandro Pidal or Don Carlos Hugo. He is charged with blatant political miscalculation at best and with treason of principles and kings at worst. His vacillating stance during the Mellista crisis in 1914-1919, rapprochement towards the Alfonsinos in the Republic years or bypassing Carlist command when pushing for almost unconditional adherence to the generals' coup of 1936 are less of an issue; it is Rodezno's stance on unification and pro-Juanista lobbying which earned him most hostility from works of Partido Carlista sponsored socialismo autogestionario supporters. [note 92] Though scholars speculate on his different motives, the opinion which gained particular popularity is that he has never been a genuine Carlist, adhering to the movement mostly out of respect for his father. [note 93] None of the currently existing organizations claiming Carlist identity, be it either those pursuing a socialist path (javierocarlistas, Partido Carlista) or those attached to Traditionalist values (tronovacantista CTC, sixtinos, carloctavistas) admits deference to his name.

See also


  1. 1 2 Unclear. [1]
  2. sequential artistocratic title quoted after Diputacion Permanente y Consejo de la Grandeza de Espana y Titulos del Reino service, available here. However, there are conflicting views on which count in sequence he was. According to different sources, Tomás' mother was the 5th condesa de Rodezno, [2] or the 6th condesa de Rodezno. [3] [4] Yet another version, incomplete and erroneous, is pursued at Euskalnet service. [5]
  3. sequential number is unclear. He is considered the 12th marquis by the Fundacion Nacional Francisco Franco, [6] and the 13th marquis by Fz. de Bobadilla. [7]
  4. most sources wrongly claim he died in 1920, e.g., [9] however 1931 is the correct date of his death. [10] [11]
  5. probably between 1878 (the amnesty) and 1882 (birth of Tomás)
  6. compare Palacio del Conde Rodezno entry at definde service, available here
  7. also the birthplace of Tomás, the older of their two children, is disputed; most scholarly sources claim he was born Madrid; this version is repeated on the official senate site allegedly after the birth certificate reproduced, though handwriting is entirely illegible. [19] Obituaries claimed he was born in Villafranca [20] or in Pamplona; [21] both give the birth date as 1883, not 1882.
  8. some sources claim that he headed Castilla la Nueva y Extremadura. [26]
  9. like in 1911. [28] Some authors consider him a politician who betrayed Carlism in 1911, allegedly mounting a coalition with the Integrists and the Conservatives. [29]
  10. his mother held 2 titles, condesa de Rodezno and condesa de Valdellano. The first one was inherited by Tomás, the second one by his younger brother José María. [42] [43]
  11. Domínguez Romera inherited the title from maternal line in 1911. [44]
  12. later on, in 1919, he grew to vice-president of the organisation. [45]
  13. in 1912 he published Un Infante de Navarra, yerno del Cid and in 1913 De tiempos lejanos. Glosas históricas, both in Revista de Historia y Genealogia
  14. his 1915 and 1916 articles on genealogy are available online [47]
  15. see his Arturo Campión. Semblanza literaria, published in Diario de Navarra between 20.1.12 and 18.02.12
  16. his 1952 obituary also referred to him as ex-alcalde de Villafranca but specified no period of his term in office, see ABC 19.08.52, available here
  17. periodically serving also as dean of the Navarrese deputies and senators. [51] At that time the strength of Carlism was at its peak in the province, with the movement gaining 70–85% of deputy seats available and controlling the remaining pool by means of electoral alliances. Some authors maintain that Domínguez Romera was jefe of Navarrese Carlism and that his son "inherited" the post; this claim about Domínguez Romero's Navarrese jefatura is not confirmed elsewhere. Until 1916 the Navarrese jefe was Francisco Martinez, and after 1916 it was Romualdo Cesareo Sanz Escartin. [52]
  18. Villafranca was part of the Peralta zone, itself forming the Tafalla electoral district. [55]
  19. by their opponents both Domínguez Romera and Domínguez Arévalo were presented as "cuneros". [56]
  20. both candidates won in two out of 4 comarcas of the district, but Domínguez Arévalo won in more populous ones. [57]
  21. some authors claim that Domínguez was from his youth a "fiel seguidor desde su juventud de Juan Vázquez de Mella" [60]
  22. the opinion of Melchor Ferrer, approvingly repeated in Andrés Martín (2000). [61]
  23. the Carlist king Jaime III was over 50 and still a bachelor; he had no brothers and his uncle was over 70 with no descendants
  24. this stand was lambasted as "dishonor" by the orthodox Jaimistas. [63]
  25. another historian claims he followed de Mella. [65]
  26. his counter-candidate gained 55.8% of the votes. [70] [71]
  27. however, he is recorded as not particularly averse towards the dictatorship. Having learnt of his Villafranca mayorship Luis Hernando de Larramendi asked Rodezno: "pero cómo puedes soportar eso?", to which the latter replied "mira chico, el caso es mandar". [77]
  28. which at that time formed part of the Burgos archdiocese. [80]
  29. entire book available here
  30. as a historian he blamed the second wife of Carlos VII, Bertha de Rohan, for his alleged ineptitude during late phases of his life, when he "no era el arriscado caudillo de Navarra de 1873." [89]
  31. some even blame him for the 1894 events, when 800 soldiers protected estate of his grandfather during social unrest in Villafranca. [91]
  32. Blinkhorn (2008) claims also that Rodezno owned a señorio in La Rioja. [93]
  33. and quote him as examplary case of a link between landownership and power. [94]
  34. he had 502 robadas in Villafranca, divided into 47 fincas. [95] Given a robada was ca 0,09 ha his estate covered some 45 ha and was far behind largest estates in the area, exceeding even 100 ha. In Carmona he and his wife held 200 ha. [96] The estates did not make an impressive figure by national Spanish standards; as late as in 1919 duque de Peñaranda possessed 51,000 ha. [97] In the sole Cordoba district there were around 30 landholders with estates exceeding 1,000 ha [98] (surface area is listed in fanegas (fgs), a fanega differed from province to province, though one scholar suggests an average of 1 fg was 1,044 ha for the nearby Almeria province. [99]
  35. like the minister of economy, meeting with a group of "cerealistas" in 1926, [103] and the minister of infrastructure in 1930. [104]
  36. in 1926 he published La propiedad privada en Navarra, y un informe sobre reforma tributaria [106]
  37. Detailed analysis in Serrano Moreno 1988, [111] and 1989. [112]
  38. highlighting differences between "these" [Basque] provinces and Kingdom of Navarre. [113]
  39. between May 1931 and September 1932; initially the organization was named Acción Nacional. Rodezno was sitting in its National Committee until early 1932. [128] Growing uproar among the Carlist rank-and-file against its increasingly accidentalist stance has finally forced Carlist exit from the group. [129]
  40. between January 1933 and May 1934; he started working anew with Alfonsinos introducing Goicoechea as almost a Carlist. [130]
  41. already when Rodezno stepped down as Carlist leader, between December 1934 and April 1936
  42. initially Rodezno was sympathetic towards CEDA; in early 1934 he admonished Pradera for being "too violent" on them. [131] Later on his position changed and Rodezno compared them to Pidalistas, who had been swallowed by the system; [132] nevertheless, even in 1936 he expressed regret that CEDA were too mild confronting the revolution, which prevented political Carlist rapprochement with them. [133]
  43. when commenting on draft of the Republican constitution he warned that it would open an abyss between the Republic and the Catholics. [126] [143] In June 1931 he protested to authorities against measures taken against Segura. [144]
  44. by a British historian Rodezno is presented as staunch defender his own and other landowners' interests, e.g. when protesting against the agrarian reform and defending arrendamiento structure, which ensured also political domination of landowners over the tenants. [93] Also later on he opposed modest Rural Leases Act pursued by Giménez Fernandez; [145] he claimed that in Navarre the reform was not needed at all since almost all peasants were owners of the plots they worked. [146]
  45. in early 1936 he was touring the country and delivering lectures as far as Seville, Cadiz and Jerez de la Frontera in early 1932. [148] He harangued in Andalusia also in 1934 and 1935. [149]
  46. in 1935 Rodezno pressed Don Alfonso Carlos to nominate Don Juan as heredero. [158]
  47. what was meant by that was probably strong leadership and organizational build-up of the party and its satellite structures; some Carlists grumbled at uninspiring mediocre Fal compared to eloquent and gregarious Rodezno. [163]
  48. including the paramilitary. However, it was Rodezno who agreed to a send few Carlists, together with Alfonsists conspirators, to Rome; the objective was military training, negotiating financial support and arms supply. [164]
  49. "El jefe delegado ideal es Rodezno. Solo le falta fe en lo nuestro" [168]
  50. he also visited in prison Jose Antonio. [172]
  51. Fal demanded that Republican regime is replaced with corporative Catholic state, possibly a monarchy, and insurgency is directed by a directory headed by Sanjurjo and including two civilians acceptable to the Comunión. Mola insisted on Republican regime and state separated from the Church, with insurgency commanded by the military at their own discretion. [174]
  52. he considered purely a Carlist rising "a ludicrous dream" and nurtured no doubt that alliances are needed; Republic should be overthrown as first objective, with further goals to be discussed later. [177] What interested him was not so much the total victory of Carlism – attractive as that was – as obtaining of certain minimum gains plus control over their own corner of Spain. [178] [179]
  53. some authors claim that Fal refrained from taking steps against the Navarrese junta conscious that also the Navarrese rank-and-file were more than enthusiastic to join the insurgency regardless of the terms agreed. [183]
  54. who initially opposed compromising 100 years of Carlist history in exchange for local ayuntamientos. [184]
  55. its basic lines were that Carlists may conditionally use monarchical flag, provisional government would be apolitical with civilian members, Republican legislation rectified, parties would be abolished and "new state" would be built. [185]
  56. Fal, heading the Military Section, settled in Toledo. [188]
  57. some scholars claim JCCNG was "liderada por el conde de Rodezno", [189] though other authors maintain that it was formally headed by Berasain. Its official constituting document does not contain the name of Rodezno at all. [190]
  58. the rodeznista-controlled El Pensamiento Navarro wrote that "monarchists live even if kings die", a rather ambiguous statement given Carlists had a regent not a monarch now. [193]
  59. compare graphs and tables in Parejo Fernández (2008). [194]
  60. details in del Burgo Tajadura (1992). [195]
  61. Canal (2000) gives the date as January 1937. [200]
  62. noting that though he considered the idea of a Carlist military academy tempting, at the same time he did not approve of the way Fal pursued it. [201] [202]
  63. the first meeting recorded was with Sancho Davila in early January 1937. [204]
  64. early March Rodezno moved to his Caceres estate and remained there until April 12, when he was summoned to Burgos by Franco. No scholar clarifies the reasons for his temporary withdrawal. [205] [206]
  65. according to his own account, when summoned to Burgos on April 12 he told Franco that in Portugal it had not been necessary to create partido unico, to which Franco replied that Salazar did not enjoy popular support. The caudillo made clear that unification would not be transitory phase but an ultimate objective. [207]
  66. most thorough account of Carlist response to the unification threat in Bernaldo (1996); [208] somewhat less detailed but still very informative chapters in Pérez (2008). [209]
  67. Bernaldo (1996) prefers to talk about "carlismo regional" prevailing over "carlismo nacional"; [210] he also notes that one of the factors enhancing position of JCCGN over JNG was that there were still new requeté tercios being formed in Navarre in the spring of 1937
  68. "organización estatal que reconozca las peculiaridades regionales" [211] Until mid-1937 Rodezno believed that decentralised vision based on "autarquias regionales" was possible and called not to revert to "centralismo liberal". [212]
  69. most Carlists might have understood this as future instauration of a Carlist dynasty, e.g. the Borbón-Parmas, the Borbón-Habsburgos or other, Rodezno has probably meant a dynastical accord with the Alfonsinos, most likely with Franco nominated regent for Don Juan de Borbón.
  70. some authors refer to this body as Junta Política or Secreteria General. [215] In official Francoist document the body was referred to as "Secretariado o Junta Política". [216]
  71. the other three were Luis Arellano, Tomás Dolz de Espejo and Jose Luiz Mazon
  72. he was also susprised and concerned by detention of Manuel Hedilla. Franco assured Rodezno that Traditionalist doctrine will be embodied in outlook of the new party "en su dia" [223]
  73. opinions of Payne, Canal, Blinkhorn, and Fraser, approvingly referred by Pérez (2008). [227]
  74. detailed discussion in Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, especially the chapter Conflictos y tensiones durante el periodo de integracion. Un analisis estadistico, pp. 91-105. The province where most formal complaints were received was the Integrist stronghold, Seville (220), followed by Navarre (169) and the Catalan provinces, Cadiz and Ourense (60-90). [229]
  75. at this point Secretariado Politico ceased to function; [230] in fact, Rodezno ceased to take part in its sittings already in August 1937. [231] Within its ranks the Carlists were even worse-off, only 11 of them among its 50 members. [226] Canal (2000) claims there were 12 Carlists, [232] while Payne (1987) claims the correct number is 13. [233]
  76. dubbed "el traidor por unas alcaldías". [236]
  77. though he does not mention Rodezno personally, also Payne points to this feature. [238] Putting common goal against particularisms on the Nationalist side is also confronted with internal power struggle within the Republican camp. [239] [240]
  78. version coined mostly by Melchor Ferrer, Historia del Tradicionalismo Español, vol XXIX, referred after Martorell Pérez 2008, p. 183; another scholar seems to adhere, noting that Rodezno also sided with "corriente conservadora autoritaria" rather than with "populismo tradicionalista". [241]
  79. according to this approach, unlike ideologically driven Fal, Rodezno was above all a realist who considered that ideal of a purely Carlist seizure of power as a dream. Alliances were inevitable and as its result, Carlists might have to settle for the second-best option. This does not necessarily boil down to the "dead-end street" vision of Carlism; Rodezno viewed it as a spiritual and ideological force guiding a new formation, built possibly on a new monarchist but fundamentally Traditionalist platform. [242]
  80. though the law itself was drafted by Gónzalez Bueno. [256]
  81. he took part in the plot intended to counter takeover of El Pensamiento Navarro by the Francoist press conglomerate by converting it into a formally commercial newspaper, owned by a company named Editorial Navarra; Rodezno became its primary shareholder with 600 shares, other major owners were Luis Arellano (150 shares), and the Baleztena brothers (50 each). [270] [271]
  82. he founded and became the first president of Principe de Viana, formally the cultural institution managed by the Navarrese provincial government. [272] [273]
  83. detailed discussion in Bari (2013), [275] and Etxeberria (2006). [276]
  84. at one point in 1938 he told Franco: "mi general, la doctrina tradicionalista no es el fascismo". [279]
  85. he anyway acknowledged that "un año habia bastado para apreciar que era imposible de fraguar la unificación y menos en Navarra, donde el desengaño cundia entre los nuestros". [280]
  86. monarchist alliance concept was made easier by Don Javier's unhappy absence in 1944-1945, when he was held captive in the Nazi concentration camp. [293]
  87. "religion, unidad, monarquia, and representacion organica". [292]
  88. carloctavistas, sivattistas, javieristas, rodeznistas
  89. picture taken in 2007. For 2012 banner, see here
  90. like the question of Navarrismo and the Basque role in Navarre
  91. it might refer to Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, but also to his father Tomás Domínguez Romera, his maternal grandfather Justo Arévalo y Escudero or previous holders of the title from the Jiménez-Navarro family. [307] [308] [309] [310]
  92. like Clemente 1977, [317] 1999, [318] and 2011, [319] or Pérez-Nievas Borderas 1999, [320] to scholarly discourse flavored by political sympathies like Martorell Pérez 2009, [321] to orthodox Traditionalist discourse of Alcalá 2001. [322]
  93. "Rodezno no sentía el carlismo, no pensó nunca en su triunfo y, con su característica ligereza, podría decirse que lo aceptaba como aquel personaje de Valle Inclán que lo quería declarar monumento nacional (...) Sus opiniones pro-alfonsinas acrecentaban el confusionismo de unos y los recelos de los leales. Cuando al fin dio el paso definitivo, reconociendo públicamente como su Rey al pretendiente Don Juan, coronaba una historia política de una lógica implacable, pero aquel día perdía la única virtud que, en los salones aristocráticos, tenía el Conde de Rodezno: el mantenerse leal a la dinastía legítima", opinion of Melchor Ferrer quoted after Martorell Pérez 2009. [323]

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Victoriano José Martínez Berasáin (1886-1960) was a Spanish Carlist politician, noted particularly in his native Navarre. He is best known for his role during anti-Republican conspiracy of early 1936 and during first months of the Civil War, when he headed the regional wartime Carlist executive. In 1936-1938 he was the provincial leader of Falange Española Tradicionalista; in 1939 he served as vice-president of Diputación Foral de Navarra. During two successive terms of 1955-1960 he was holding a seat a in the Cortes. He is also acknowledged as an amateur photographer.


  1. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 249.
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  5. Euskalnet
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  16. official Cortes service, available here
  17. official Senate service, available here
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  19. here
  20. ABC (Seville version) 12.08.52, available here
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  24. official Cortes service, available here
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  27. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 458.
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  29. Clemente 2011, p. 232.
  30. La Voz 03.05.29, available here; the college closed one Jesuits were expulsed in the early days of the Second Republic, see another alumni meeting 23 years later, ABC 03.06.52, available here
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  53. "en Navarra tambien existieron cacicatos estables, como el de los carlistas condes de Rodezno en el distrito de Aoiz", Maria del Mar Larazza, Navarra, [in:] José Varela Ortega (ed.), El poder de la influencia: geografía del caciquismo en España (1875-1923), Madrid 2001, ISBN   9788425911521, p. 443
  54. "este señor hubiera logrado el apoyo de los elementos independientes del mismo modo como ha conseguido la ayuda fervorosa de los jefes liberales de Navarra sin tener por eso la desgracia de ser sospechoso entre los suyos", quoted after Jesús María Fuente Langas, Elecciones de 1916 en Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 51 (1990), p. 951
  55. Jesús María Zaratiegui Labiano, Efectos de la aplicación del sufragio universal en Navarra. Las elecciones generals de 1886 y 1891, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 57 (1996), p. 222; currently it is part of the Tudela merindad, compare real estate Definde service available here
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  59. 1918 file at official Cortes service, available here
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  61. Andrés Martín 2000, p. 181–182.
  62. Andrés Martín 2000, p. 181
  63. Andrés Martín 2000, p. 182
  64. 1 2 Andrés Martín 2000, p. 182.
  65. Clemente 1999, p. 21.
  66. José Luis Orella Martínez, El origen del primer católicismo social Español [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2012, p. 182
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  68. out of two competitors running, his counter-candidate gained 50.52% of votes, see his 1919 file at official Cortes service here
  69. La Libertad 12.12.20, available here
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  71. La Acción 20.12.20, available here
  72. El Globo 29.12.20, available here
  73. official Senate site, available here
  74. Diario de sesiones bookmark at the Senate site here
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  76. Madrid Cientifico 1929, p. 8, available here
  77. Larramendi 2000, p. 30
  78. El Imparcial, 26.06.288
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  81. El Siglo Futuro 25.01.28, available here
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  83. Revista católica de cuestiones sociales November 1930, p. 56, available here
  84. El Sol 25.05.26, available here
  85. El Sol 16.07.27, available here
  86. La Epoca 12.12.29, available here
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  88. "Ia obra, repetimos, es de valor histórico y biográfico" – as noted with reservation by one of the papers, anxious not to be suspected of Carlist leaning, La Voz 07.03.30, available here
  89. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 305.
  90. Javier Dronda Martínez, Con Cristo o contra Cristo. Religión y movilización antirrepublicana en navarra (1931-1936), Tafalla 2013, ISBN   9788415313311, p. 163
  91. Floren Aoiz, El jarrón roto: la transición en Navarra: una cuestión de Estado, Tafalla 2005, ISBN   8481363294, 9788481363296, p. 31
  92. 1 2 Blinkhorn 2008, p. 128.
  93. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 80.
  94. Ralph Gibson, Landownership and Power in Modern Europe, London 1991, ISBN   9780049400917, p. 229
  95. Ramón Lapeskera, Villafranca, a merced de las ideologías del Capital, [in:] Revista del Centro de Estudios Merindad de Tudela 4 (1992), p. 84
  96. Alvarez Rey 1993, p. 140
  97. Antonio Manuel Moral Roncal, Aristocracia y poder económico en la España del siglo XX, [in:] Vegueta 7 (2003), p. 157
  98. p. 80-81
  99. here, p. 88
  100. La Correspondencia de España 20.11.23, available here
  101. Gorka Pérez de Viñaspre, José María Pérez Bustero, Vascones, Tafalla 2002, ISBN   9788481362343, p. 496
  102. Madrid Cientifico 1930, p. 8, available here
  103. El Siglo Futuro 17.06.26, available here
  104. Heraldo de Madrid 25.03.30, available here and also minister of economy in 1930, Heraldo de Madrid 09.12.30, available here
  105. Madrid Cientifico 1924, available here
  106. El Siglo Futuro 15.04.26, available here
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  109. 1 2 Blinkhorn 2008, p. 54.
  110. 1931 file at official Cortes service here
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  113. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 58.
  114. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 65.
  115. Dronda Martínez 2013, p.332
  116. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 81.
  117. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 82.
  118. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 205.
  119. Fuente Langas 1994, p. 425
  120. "Fue uno de los principales agentes de la reunificación de las tres familias de la Comunión: jaimistas, mellistas e integristas", Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, Conde de Rodezno, Ministro de Justicia y Consejero Nacional entry [in:] Fundación Nacional Francisco Franco service, available here
  121. Canal 2000, p. 295.
  122. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 73-74.
  123. 1 2 Canal 2000, p. 304.
  124. Vallverdú 2008, p. 90.
  125. 1 2 3 Blinkhorn 2008, p. 133.
  126. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 66.
  127. Dronda Martínez 2013, p. 376
  128. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 52, 68.
  129. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 68.
  130. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 107.
  131. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 126.
  132. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 130.
  133. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 196.
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  135. Eduardo González Calleja, La violencia y sus discursos. Los límites de la "fascistización" de la derecha española durante el régimen de la II República, [in:] Ayer 71 (2008), p. 110
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  137. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 85-87.
  138. Eduardo González Calleja, Aproximación a las subculturas violentas de las derechas antirrepublicanas españolas (1931-1936), [in:] Pasado y Memoria 2 (2003), p. 123
  139. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 97, 110, 134-135.
  140. Canal 2000, p. 289.
  141. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 143.
  142. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 164.
  143. Dronda Martínez 2013, p. 376
  144. Antonio Manuel Moral Roncal, 1868 en la memoria carlista de 1931: dos revoluciones anticlericales y un paralelo, [in:] Hispania Sacra, 59/119 (2007), p. 335
  145. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 195.
  146. Dronda Martínez 2013, p. 105
  147. Canal 2000, p. 318.
  148. Leandro Álvarez Rey, La contribución del carlismo vasconavarro a la formación del tradicionalismo en Andalucía (1931-1936), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 10 (1988), p. 26
  149. Álvarez Rey 1988, p. 30
  150. 1 2 Calleja & Aróstegui 1994, p. 40.
  151. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 185.
  152. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 89-90, 326f.
  153. Vallverdú 2008, p. 107-108.
  154. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 128, 92.
  155. González Calleja 2008, p. 100
  156. Vallverdú 2008, p. 157.
  157. Canal 2000, p. 311.
  158. Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 257-258.
  159. Vallverdú 2008, p. 278.
  160. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 137-138.
  161. Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 20.
  162. González Calleja 2008, p. 100
  163. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 215.
  164. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 136.
  165. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 207-208.
  166. Eduardo González Calleja, La prensa carlista y falangista durante la Segunda República y la Guerra Civil (1931-1937), [in:] El Argonauta Espanol 9 (2012), p. 5
  167. Vallverdú 2008, p. 163.
  168. Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 237.
  169. 1933 file at official Cortes service here
  170. 1936 file at official Cortes service here
  171. Vallverdú 2008, p. 174.
  172. Manuel Ferrer Muñoz, Navarra y País Vasco, 1936: conspiración contra la República, [in:] Vasconia. Cuadernos de Sección Historia-Geografía 22 (1994), p. 254
  173. 1 2 Blinkhorn 2008, p. 249.
  174. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 144-145.
  175. Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 32-33.
  176. Mercedes Peñalba Sotorrío, Entre la boina roja y la camisa azul, Estella 2013, ISBN   9788423533657, pp. 20-21
  177. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 238-239.
  178. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 269.
  179. Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 35.
  180. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 246-7.
  181. Canal 2000, p. 326.
  182. Vallverdú 2008, pp. 309-310
  183. Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 39.
  184. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 248.
  185. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 247-250.
  186. Canal 2000, p. 332.
  187. Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 219.
  188. Burgo Tajadura 1992, p. 492.
  189. Manuel Martorell Pérez, Navarra 1937-1939: el fiasco de la Unificación, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 69 (2008), p. 437
  190. Ricardo Ollaquindia Aguirre, La Oficina de Prensa y Propaganda Carlista de Pamplona al comienzo de la guerra de 1936, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 56 (1995), p. 499
  191. Iker Cantabrana Morras, Lo viejo y lo nuevo: Díputación-FET de las JONS. La convulsa dinámica política de la "leal" Alava (Primera parte: 1936-1938), [in:] Sancho el Sabio 21 (2004), p. 167
  192. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 273.
  193. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 266.
  194. José Antonio Parejo Fernández, Falangistas y requetés: historia de una absorción violenta, [in:] María Encarna Nicolás Marín, Carmen González Martínez (eds.), Ayeres en discusión: temas clave de Historia Contemporánea hoy, Madrid 2008, ISBN   9788483717721, pp. 4-5, 9
  195. Burgo Tajadura 1992.
  196. Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 238-239.
  197. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 32.
  198. 1 2 Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 303.
  199. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 277.
  200. 1 2 Canal 2000, p. 338.
  201. Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 34
  202. Burgo Tajadura 1992, p. 502.
  203. Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 304.
  204. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 282.
  205. Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 261, 270.
  206. Maximiliano Garcia Venero, Historia de la Unificacion, Madrid 1970, p. 86
  207. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 272.
  208. Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 241-301.
  209. Martorell Pérez 2008, p. 28-50, and Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, pp. 30-47
  210. Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 241-247.
  211. Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 273.
  212. Xosé Manoel Núñez Seixas, La región y lo local en el primer franquismo, [in:] Stéphane Michonneau, Xosé M. Núñez Seixas (eds.), Imaginarios y representaciones de España durante el franquismo, Madrid, 2014, ISBN   9788415636656, p. 135
  213. Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 252, 273.
  214. Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, p. 45
  215. Mercedes Peñalba Sotorrio, La Secretaría General del Movimiento como pilar estructural del primer franquismo, 1937-1945, [in:] Miguel Ángel Ruiz Carnicer (ed), Falange. Las culturas políticas del fascismo en la España de Franco (1936-1975), Zaragoza 2013, ISBN   9788499112169
  216. Boletin Oficial de la Provincia de Soría 28.04.37, available here
  217. Garcia Venero 1970, p. 109
  218. Cantabrana Morras 2004, p. 167
  219. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 291.
  220. Canal 2000, p. 339.
  221. Garcia Venero 1970, p. 109
  222. Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, p. 83
  223. Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, p. 54
  224. Martorell Pérez 2008, p. 41
  225. Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Organizacion, actividad y bases del carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo [in:] Geronimo de Uztariz 19 (2003), p. 101
  226. 1 2 Blinkhorn 2008, p. 293.
  227. Martorell Pérez 2008, p. 11
  228. Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 294.
  229. Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 96
  230. Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, p. 81
  231. Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, p. 133
  232. Canal 2000, p. 340.
  233. Payne 1987, p. 178.
  234. Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 297.
  235. José Carlos Clemente Muñoz, El carlismo en el novecientos español (1876-1936), Madrid 1999, ISBN   9788483741535, p. 90
  236. Clemente 2011, p. 232
  237. Burgo Tajadura & 2013 293.
  238. Stanley G. Payne, Prólogo, [in:] Navarra fue la primera 1936-1939, Pamplona 2006, ISBN   8493508187
  239. Stanley G. Payne, The Spanish Civil War, Cambridge 2012, ISBN   9781107002265, chapter Second Counterrevolution? The Power Struggle in the Republican Zone (p. 169-182)
  240. Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain; The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939, London 2006, ISBN   9780143037651, chapter The Civil War within Civil War (pp. 263-274)
  241. Dronda Martínez 2013, p. 95
  242. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 296.
  243. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 153–154.
  244. Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 99
  245. Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 275.
  246. Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, p. 54
  247. Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, p. 133
  248. 1 2 Blinkhorn 2008, p. 294.
  249. Dronda Martínez 2013, p. 388
  250. Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 329.
  251. Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 415.
  252. Payne 1987, p. 219.
  253. Diario de Navarra 10 March 2009, available here
  254. Payne 2012, p. 245
  255. Payne 2012, p. 246
  256. Payne 1987, p. 221-222.
  257. Payne 1987, p. 220.
  258. Payne 1987, p. 221.
  259. Canal 2000, p. 343.
  260. El Conde de Rodezno (1883-1952) entry [in:] Guerra civil española dia a dia service 27.12.12, available here.
  261. Martorell Pérez 2008, p. 176
  262. Javier Tusell, Franco en la Guerra Civil, Madrid 1992, ISBN   9788472236486, p. 298
  263. Martorell Pérez 2008, p. 170
  264. Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962-1977, Pamplona 1997; ISBN   9788431315641, p. 287
  265. Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, Navarra y el carlismo durante el régimen de Franco: la utopía de la identidad unitaria, [in:] Investigaciones históricas: Época moderna y contemporánea, 17 (1997), p. 309
  266. Villanueva Martínez 2003
  267. Jeremy MacClancy, The Decline of Carlism, Reno 2000, ISBN   9780874173444, p. 76
  268. Burgo Tajadura 2013, p. 291: "principal dirigente de los Carlistas Navarros"
  269. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 299: "leadership of Spain's Carlists rested unchallengeably with Rodezno and his mainly Navarrese circle".
  270. Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 115
  271. González Calleja 2012, p. 29
  272. Enciclopedia navarra
  273. Alvaro Baraibar Etxeberria, Una visión falangista de la foralidad navarra, [in:] Gerónimo de Uztariz 2006, p. 13
  274. Villanueva Martínez 2003, pp. 103, 113
  275. Maria del Mar Larazza Micheltorena, Alvaro Baraibar Etxeberria, La Navarra sotto il Franchismo: la lotta per il controllo provinciale tra i governatori civili e la Diputacion Foral (1945-1955), [in:] Nazioni e Regioni, Bari 2013, pp. 101-120,
  276. Etxeberria 2006, pp. 12-13. "Conde de Rodezno, dentro de la Diputacion o despu.s de haber cesado en ella a voluntad propia, dio a este organismo una influencia, una prepotencia y una brillantez", opinion quoted after Baraibar Etxeberria 2006, p. 19
  277. Baraibar Etxeberria 2006, pp. 10, 33
  278. Entrevista a Esteban Bilbao, [in:] Esfuerzo común 102 (1969)
  279. Javier Tusell, Franco en la guerra civil, Barcelona 1992, ISBN   9788472236486, p. 298, referred after Stanley G. Payne, El Carlismo en la politica espanola, [in:] Stanley G. Payne (ed.), Identidad y nacionalismo an la España contemporanea: el carlismo, 1833-1975, Madrid 2002, ISBN   8487863469, p. 111
  280. Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, p. 86
  281. Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, p. 90
  282. 1943 file on the official Cortes service
  283. ABC 24.11.42, available here
  284. Garzon, pp. 140-141
  285. Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 273, 252.
  286. Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 306.
  287. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 301.
  288. Ballestero 2014, p. 79
  289. Cantabrana Morras 2005, p. 145
  290. Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 421.
  291. MacClancy 2000, p. 79
  292. Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 448-449.
  293. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 299.
  294. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 300.
  295. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 23
  297. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 301-302.
  298. Canal 2000, p. 351, 361.
  299. Clemente 1977, p. 46.
  300. José María Toquero, El carlismo vasconavarro y Don Juan de Borbon. La influencia del conde de Rodezno, [in:] Euskal herriaren historiari buruzko biltzarra 7 (1988), pp. 261-274
  301. Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tiffe, El papel del carlismo navarro en el inicio de la fragmentación definitiva de la comunión tradicionalista (1957-1960), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 72 (2011), p. 404
  302. ABC 11.02.43, available here
  303. ABC 12.11.44, available here
  304. ABC 19.08.52, available here
  305. ABC 01.10.52, available here
  306. "Tomás Domínguez de Arévalo una persona afín al régimen franquista", Plaza Conde de Rodezno de ida y vuelta [in:] Diario de Navarra 06.03.09, available here, also Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, Conde de Rodezno, un político profundamente antidemocrático, responsable y cómplice del exterminio político, [in:] Autobús de la memoria 21.06.08, available here
  307. Diario de Noticias 21.06.08
  308. Diario de Navarra 06.03.09
  309. Diario de Navarra 10.03.09
  310. Diario de Noticias 11.03.09
  311. La Plaza de la Libertad estrena placa con su nuevo nombre para "reivindicar la memoria histórica", [in:] Diario de Navarra 14.04.16
  312. official Pamplona ayuntamiento site, available here
  313. "fascista de una sola pieza", Víctor Moreno, Un articulo del Conde de Rodezno, [in:] Gerindabai blog, available here
  314. document as published by El Pais service, available here
  315. El País
  316. Conde de Rodezno. La justicia al revés, Iruña-Pamplona 2010, available online here
  317. Clemente 1977.
  318. Clemente 1999.
  319. Clemente 2011.
  320. Pérez-Nievas Borderas 1999.
  321. Martorell Pérez 2009.
  322. Alcalá 2001.
  323. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 183.


former Plaza Conde de Rodezno ULL.
former Plaza Conde de Rodezno