The Count of Rodezno
Tomás Domínguez Arévalo
Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, 6th Count of Rodezno,12th Marquis of San Martin (1882–1952) was a Spanish Carlist and Francoist politician. He is known mostly as the first Francoist Minister of Justice (1938–1939). He is also recognised for his key role in negotiating Carlist access to the coup of July 1936 and in emergence of carlo-francoism, the branch of Carlism which actively engaged in the Francoist regime.
Tomás Domínguez y de Arévalo Romera y Fernández Navarrete was a descendant of two landowner families from the very south and from the very north of Spain. The paternal Domínguez family has been for centuries related to the Andalusian town of Carmona (Seville province). Its first representatives were noted as regidores in the 18th century and intermarried with another distinguished local family, the Romeras.Their descendant was Tomás' father, Tomás Domínguez Romera (1853–1931), who inherited the local Campo de la Plata estate. He demonstrated political sympathies hardly typical for the region siding with the legitimists during the Third Carlist War and had to leave the country afterwards. Following the amnesty he returned to Spain and at unspecified date he married María de Arévalo y Fernandez de Navarrete (1854–1919), descendant to a Riojan-Navarrese Arévalo family. Her father, Justo Arévalo y Escudero, was a well known conservative politician; in the mid-19th century he served in the Cortes and later as a long-time senator from Navarre (1876–1891). As at the time of the marriage she was already condesa de Rodezno, Tomás Domínguez Romera became conde consorte.
None of the sources consulted clarifies whether the couple initially settled in the Arévalo's Navarrese estate in Villafrancaor in Madrid. In the late 1880s Tomás Domínguez Romera emerged holding major posts within the Madrid Carlist structures. In 1888 he was president of comisión de propaganda of the Madrid Junta Directiva del Circula Tradicionalista de Madrid the same year elected its secretario general, but when unsuccessfully running for the Cortes in the 1890s, he stood in Haro (Logroño province). He emerged triumphant in 4 successive elections between 1905 and 1914, voted in from the Navarrese district of Aoiz. At that time he was already member of the national Carlist executive; in 1912 he entered Junta Nacional Tradicionalista representing Castilla La Nueva, in 1913 entered comisión de Tesoro de la Tradición and chaired party gatherings interchanging with the likes of Cerralbo, Feliu or de Mella.
It is not clear whether Tomás Domínguez Arévalo spent his early childhood in the capital or in Villafranca. He was then educated in the Jesuit Colegio de San Isidoro in Madrid,at unspecified date commencing law studies at the University of Madrid; he followed classes of the then Carlist political leader, Matías Barrio y Mier. It is during his academic years that Domínguez came to know Jaime Chicharro and Luis Hernando de Larramendi, active in Juventud Jaimista but also in literary and artistic circles. He graduated in 1904; some authors, contemporary press and the official Cortes service refer to him as "abogado", though none of the sources consulted confirms that he practiced as a lawyer. Urbane and gregarious, in 1917 Domínguez married Asunción López-Montenegro y García Pelayo, descendant to a wealthy aristocratic terrateniente family from Cáceres, with its representatives holding prestigious posts in the city and in the province. The couple settled in Villafranca; they had one child, María Domínguez y López-Montenegro. Following the death of his mother in 1919, in 1920 Tomás Domínguez Arévalo inherited the title of conde de Rodezno; following the death of his father in 1931 he became marqués de San Martín.
There is almost no information on Domínguez's public activity in the first decade of the 20th century; he was probably active in Juventud Jaimista and Juventud Hispanoamericana.In 1909 he published his first work, a booklet dedicated to medieval rulers of Navarre, followed by articles in scholarly reviews focusing on history of the province and short biographical studies, also anchored in history of Navarre. Domínguez also tried his hand in Pamplona dailies as a literary critic. Some authors claim that his first public assignment was mayorship of Villafranca, but when first running for seat in the Cortes, he was referred to by the press only as "joven abogado y escritor".
Domínguez's entry into politics was facilitated by memory of his late maternal grandfather and especially by standing of his father, one of the most distinguished politicians of Navarre;his position is dubbed as "cacicato" and the Aoiz district was considered his personal fiefdom. It is not known why he decided not to renew his mandate in the 1916 campaign. Initially Domínguez Romera was to be substituted as Jaimista candidate by Joaquín Argamasilla, but in unclear circumstances the latter was replaced by Domínguez Arévalo. Argamasilla stroke back with a pamphlet, lambasting alleged alliance with the liberals and charging his substitute with flexibility bordering opportunism. Though resident of another Navarrese district of Tafalla, Domínguez Arévalo was also presented as a cuckoo candidate. Despite the critique, he was narrowly elected; he renewed his ticket, though also marginally, in the 1918 campaign in the same district.
At that time Carlism was increasingly paralyzed by tension between its top theorist Vazquez de Mella and the claimant Don Jaime; Domínguez was counted among supporters of the former.According to some historians he considered orthodox Carlism a dead-end street given the Carlist dynasty was already certain to extinguish. He shared de Mella's vision of a grand extreme-right coalition, which would be new possibilist reincarnation of Traditionalism; he also considered sort of transfer of legitimist rights to the Alfonsine dynasty. However, at the 1919 moment of breakup he decided to stay loyal to Don Jaime, even given discrepancies between him and his king were already public.
In the 1919 campaign Domínguez Arévalo presented his bid in Aoiz,but lost to a Maurista candidate by the smallest margin possible. In 1920 the same two hopefuls competed in the same district; this time Domínguez, already conde de Rodezno, lost more decisively, the visible sign of increasingly loose Carlist grip on Navarre. A mere week after the defeat he presented his candidature to the Senate. As indirect elections to the upper chamber were more about behind-the-stage party dealings rather than about seeking popular vote, the Jaimistas managed to negotiate Rodezno's success. He was also re-elected for the successive term in 1922. His activity as recorded in the Senate archive was insignificant. One of his few interventions referred to tariffs on cork exports, the issue he was personally interested in as there was cork produced on his Andalusian Carmona estate.
Advent of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship suspended Rodezno's parliamentarian career. Having lost his senate mandate he abandoned politics and is not listed as active in any of the primoderiverista institutions, be it either Somatén, Unión Patriotica or any other organization.However, he did not withdraw from public life. Rodezno took part in various Christian activities, contributed to cultural initiatives, remained engaged in Carlist structures and pursued his career as author and historian, at the same time dedicating his time to family and business.
A member of the Catholic aristocracy, Rodezno was active in the Sovereign Military Order of Malta and remained on good terms with Spanish hierarchy and the papal nuncio.He forged particularly good relationship with Pedro Segura, welcoming the new bishop in Caceres, 6 years later greeting him as new archbishop of Burgos during the homage celebrations in the same city, and in 1928 taking part in Toledo celebrations following Segura's ascendance to the primate of Spain. On the more practical side, adhering to Segura's knack for social action he co-organized Acción Social Diocesana in Caceres and gave lectures during various initiatives like Semana Social, organized by Acción Católica.
Rodezno's cultural activities were strongly flavored by Carlism. In Pamplona he organized anniversary homage celebrations to veterans of the Third Carlist War,in San Sebastián he took part in works of Sociedad de Estudios Vascos when preparing "La exposición de las Guerras Civiles" of the 19th century, and in Madrid he co-organized fundraising and himself donated large sums to the planned monument of Vazquez de Mella. However, he became most noted for his historical effort. Apart from inedita, in 1928 he published La princesa de Beira y los hijos de D. Carlos and in 1929 Carlos VII, duque de Madrid, monographs dedicated to already mythical Carlist figures; both books were widely discussed on literary pages of the Spanish press of the day. Though they pursued a personal approach of the author, both remain quoted and referenced also by present-day scholars.
Rodezno and his wife held land estates scattered across Spain: in Navarre, inherited from his mother; in Extremadura, brought into the marriage by his wife; and in Andalusia, inherited from his father. Some authors refer to him as "grande terrateniente""cacique terrateniente", "grandee proprietor" or "prominent landowner", an exemplary case of link between landownership and power, though exact size of his holdings is unclear and probably did not exceed 500 ha combined. He was head of Federacion Catolico Agraria de Navarra, co-founder of Asociación de Terratenientes de Navarra and member of Asociacion de Propietarios de Alcornocales. On behalf of some of these pressure groups he held talks with various ministers, publishing also analytical studies on agricultural credit and land ownership. In his opinion in terms of rural property the Navarrese structure was close to ideal, almost reaching the objective "que todos los agricultores fueran propietarios"; later in the republic he defended the arrendamiento structure.
Though mostly dormant in times of the dictatorship, during Dictablanda Carlism assumed more active stance. In June 1930 the new Navarrese junta with Rodezno its member was set up, an attempt to enforce more cautious policy towards Basque nationalism and to shift focus from foral to religious issues.The move might have backfired following declaration of the Republic, as the Carlists decided to forge electoral coalition with PNV; when concluded as "lista católico-fuerista" it enabled Rodezno, elected from Navarre, to resume his parliamentary career in 1931. In the Cortes he was the least-Basque minded among Carlist deputies; he ceased to support the autonomy draft when it turned out that it would not allow autonomous religious policy; anyway he did not like the project as corresponding to "concepción nacionalista euzkadiana"; he also voiced against the Catalan statute as unrepresentative. He started to toy with the idea of an exclusively Navarrese statute; In 1935 he declared that PNV revealed its true revolutionary colours in 1934 and no longer deserved alliance with the Carlists.
Already in the late 1920s advocating reconciliation with the Mellistas,Rodezno welcomed re-unification of three Traditionalist streams in Comunión Tradicionalista. Early 1932 he was appointed to its Supreme National Junta, intended to assist the ailing Jefe Delegado, marqués de Villores. After his death in May that year Rodezno was nominated its president, effectively becoming the Carlist political leader. In 1933 the body was replaced with much smaller Delegate Junta, still headed by Rodezno.
Rodezno's leadership was marked by rapprochement strategy towards the Alfonsinos,exercised by means of alliances within Acción Popular, Renovación Española and Bloque Nacional, but not within CEDA; its objective was sort of dynastical union on Traditionalist platform. Though always consulted with the claimant, it was popular only among the party professional politicians; among the rank-and-file it first caused grumblings and then increasingly open protest against mixing with "debris of the fallen liberal monarchy"; he is referred to as leading "sector minoritario del tradicionalismo representado por Rodezno". When sitting in executive bodies of the organizations mentioned, Rodezno and Pradera were getting detached from the mainstream Carlist feeling.
Rodezno was acutely sensitive to threat of revolution and convinced that democracy could not contain it; he responded warmly to authoritarian nationalism, covering in his opinion a broad spectrum from fascist Benito Mussolini's regime to Ramsay MacDonald's National Government;though when choosing between the Italians and the British in 1935, Rodezno gave in to anglophobia and declared in the Cortes that Spanish interests in the Mediterranean lie with Italy, the ultimate objective the recovery of Tangier and, implicitly, Gibraltar Hostile especially to militant republican secularism and agrarian reform, he remained vehement opponent in the parliament and was once hit by a flying glass in return. Touring the country he boasted that "Carlist shock troops are ready to defend society against Marxist threat". However, he was not among those pressing an insurgent strategy. Aware of the planned Sanjurjo coup he steered clear of direct collaboration, which did not spare him expropriations administered by the government afterwards.
Rodezno's term as the leader emphasized politics and propaganda rather than organization and militancy;some scholars claim that obsolete structures of Communión, favoring "placentera y anárquica autonomia", could not bear the weight of dynamically growing movement. This, combined with internal protest against pro-Alfonsist advances and his "tactica transaccionista y el gradualismo", brought about a major challenge. When former Integrists suggested that Manuel Fal becomes president of the Junta, Rodezno proposed he rather becomes personal secretary to the claimant. As Don Alfonso Carlos at that time decided to abandon plans of dynastic reconciliation, in April 1934 Rodezno agreed to step down from leadership. He remained the local Navarre jefe.
Though Rodezno's supporters complained about "fascistización" of the Communion under the new leadership of Fal,Carlism firmly changed course from political negotiations to organizational build-up. Rodezno was not appointed head of any of the newly created sections, nominated to Consejo de Cultura instead. Fal initially considered Rodezno an acceptable leader and insisted on changing structures rather than people. He criticised Rodezno rather for lack of faith. Re-elected to the Cortes in 1933 and 1936, Rodezno became chairman of the 10-men Carlist minority. He was permitted to pursue talks with the Alfonsinos on the private business basis; in 1936 these contacts started to take shape of negotiating a joint insurgency. According to one source he was on the target list of the hit-team which, in his absence, shot Calvo Sotelo instead.
Rodezno played vital role in negotiating Carlist role in the military coup. Talks between Mola and Fal stalled as both failed to reach a compromise on terms of the Carlist access;at that point the general opened parallel talks with Navarrese leaders, headed by Rodezno. Bypassing Fal and ready to confront him if needed, they suggested that Navarrese issues are discussed locally and offered requeté support in return for usage of monarchist flag and assurance that Navarre would be left as Carlist political fiefdom. Facing sort of internal rebellion, Fal considered dismissing the entire Navarrese junta. He was finally outmaneuvered when Rodezno and the Navarros assured conditional support of claimants' envoy, Don Javier; Mola and Fal decided to act together on the basis of a vague letter, sent by pre-agreed leader of the insurgency, general Sanjurjo.
During the coup Rodezno was in Pamplona, the city easily captured by insurgents. Though Fal considered him disloyal, in late August he had no option but to include Domínguez in Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra, a newly constituted Carlist wartime executive; within this body he entered Section of General Affairs heading Delegación Política, a sub-section entrusted with handling relations with military junta and local authorities.Rodezno settled in the emergent military headquarters in Salamanca, but went on pursuing independent policy engineered by a local Navarrese executive, transformed into Junta Central Carlista de Guerra de Navarra. Following death of the claimant and assumption of regential duties by his successor Don Javier, the so-called Rodeznistas were visibly disappointed with Fal's confirmation as political leader in October 1936.
The Carlists, who initially imagined their position as equals of the military, within few months acknowledged that they were being reduced to junior role, especially that despite mobilization of their supporters, Falange attracted far more recruits.Their attempt to safeguard autonomous standing crashed in December 1936, when following Fal's decision to set up a Carlist military academy he was summoned to Franco's headquarters and presented with the choice between firing squad and exile abroad. Some authors speculate whether the unusual overreaction of Franco was not intended to get rid of Fal and replace him with complacent Rodezno. At the Carlist emergency meeting the Rodeznistas enforced the decision to comply with the exile alternative, though later Rodezno himself visited Franco trying to get Jefe Delegado re-admitted.
With Fal on exile and party leadership assumed by France-based Don Javier, Rodezno emerged as "maxima figura carlista en España";Fal was not happy about Rodezno's pre-eminence and when on exile intended to send him abroad, possibly on a diplomatic mission to Vatican. Starting January 1937 he and other party bigwigs were approached by the military and the Falangists about forming a monopolist state party; the pressure started to mount later on. The Carlist leaders met 3 times to address the challenge: in Insua (February), in Burgos (March) and in Pamplona (April), all attended by Rodezno. He and the faction he headed advocated compliance with political amalgamation, pressed by the military; they were confronted by the Falcondistas, opting for intransigence. As the formal party executive Junta Nacional was getting decomposed and theoretically local, Rodeznista-dominated Junta Central assumed a key role, the balance tipped towards unification. The fusion was presented as means to build a new state, Catholic, regionalist, social and ultimately formatted as Traditionalist monarchy.
On April 22 Rodezno was nominated to Secretariado Políticoof the new party, Falange Española Tradicionalista, one of 4 Carlists within the 10-member body. The Falangists like Giron were extremely unhappy about its performance and composition, with very few members "fielmente el espiritu de nuestro Movimiento". He and other Carlists learned of the party program only once its 21 points were announced and immediately demonstrated some unease. His relations with Fal and Don Javier remained extremely tense, though falling short of total breakup; both considered him a fronding rebel; he was held among, "maximos responsables de la actitud de rebeldia mantenida por el carlismo navarro frente a la autoridad de don Javier". Rodezno's efforts to elicit authorization from the regent produced no effect. During the next few months he presided over absorption into Falange rather than a fusion, bombarded with queries and protests from Carlist rank-and-file about total predomination and arrogance of camisas azules. Possibly as a result of complaints about the Falangists' lack of give and take in October 1937 Franco called up theoretically governing structure of the party, the National Council; Despite Fal's calls to decline, Rodezno accepted the seat and in December 1937 Don Javier expulsed him from Carlism; Rodezno did not take notice. Some authors claim he was expulsed already in the spring, following accepting post in Secretariado.
Rodezno's motives are unclear; apart from partisan claims that he traded Carlist principles for a few Navarrese alcaldias,there are many conflicting interpretations offered. According to one, he feared that internal divisions within the Nationalist camp might lead to defeat in the war. According to another, he has never been a genuine Carlist and is better described as a conservative monarchist. Some scholars claim that he was a possibilist, who realized that Traditionalism was unable to seize power single-handedly and needed coalition partners; one more clue might have been that perceiving Carlism as rooted in family and regional values, he downplayed the issues of organization and structures. Others underline that he considered the emerging system largely in line with the Carlist vision and did not think it worthwhile to be marginalized for the sake of defending second-rate discrepancies. Finally, there are authors who believe that he realized neither gravity of the moment nor totalitarian nature of the new party; Rodezno – the theory goes – imagined the structure either as a new incarnation of Unión Patriotica or as a loose alliance, both permitting Carlism to maintain its proper identity; immediately following announcement of the FET programme, largely a copy-paste from the original Falange 27 points, Rodezno visited Franco to voice his disgust; following three months he ceased to attend sittings of the FET secretariat, considering it pointless.
In January 1938 Rodezno entered the first regular Francoist government as Minister of Justice.At this position he commenced work on revoking the Republican laws, focusing mostly on the laic legislation. Though the task was completed by his successor, it was Rodezno who ensured that the Church re-took a key role in a number of areas, especially education, and that intimate Church-state relations were restored. When setting the direction he had to overcome the Falangist resistance and outmaneuver its key exponents, Jordana and Yanguas; in 1942 Rodezno managed to defeat "serranistas" drafting the future legislation. He is best remembered, however, for his role in Francoist repressions. Wartime purges rested on most tortured juridical basis and produced some 72,000 executions; it is difficult to tell to what extent Rodezno might be held liable, especially that most of them were carried out under military jurisdiction and before he assumed office. According to some sources, he was "responsable de la firma de unas 50.000 penas de muerte"; according to scholars, there were some 51,000 death sentences administered during the first few years after the War; most of that time it was Esteban Bilbao holding the post of Minister of Justice. He started to replace the chaotic practice by laying the foundations of the repressive Francoist judicial system, including massive purges in the judiciary. Its first pillar, Ley de Responsabilidades Políticas, retroactive to 1934, was adopted in 1939, supplemented by many other laws and regulations. One of them required all persons of legal age to hold a personal ID card, obligation introduced for the first time in Spanish history. There were some 100,000 political prisoners before he stepped down as minister in August 1939. None of the sources consulted provide information on the mechanism of Rodezno leaving the office, especially whether he resigned or was dismissed.
It is not clear whether Rodezno's departure from the government was related to tension between the Falangists and the Carlists, though he was on rather poor terms with Serrano Suñer. Serrano described Rodezno in his memoirs as follows: "era alto, de rostro afilado, con un gesto entre triste y burlón; con su ademán mezclado de solemnidad, indolencia y cortesía. Era puntillosamente leal a sus tradiciones, aunque políticamente parecía más consecuente que creyente..."The two clashed especially on issues related to centralisation and regional rights. Serrano intervened to make sure the address of Rodezno, delivered when accepting the hijo predilecto title from Navarrese diputación, is not distributed. Already in early 1938 heavily disappointed with the new party, in April 1938 Rodezno complained to Franco about marginalisation of Carlism and apparently managed to extract from caudillo a fairly frank opinion; the generalissimo valued the Carlists higher than the Falangists, yet noted that they were "pocos y sin atractivo pasa los masas", while Falange enjoyed "capacidad proselitista y captadora", and the emering regime in general. Rodezno admitted that "no dejaba de sentirse cierta tristeza por el desengaño y la decepción que producía la disparidad entre el esfuerzo aportado y el rumbo amenazador de las cosas para el porvenir". In 1939 he moved back to Navarre. Though expelled from formally illegal Comunión Tradicionalista he was eager to take part in the movement, e.g. in 1939 he took part in the first Montejurra ascent, riding all the way to the summit on the horse. Some authors consider him leader of Rodeznistas, the informal collaborative faction, other scholars prefer to name him leader of Navarrese Carlism or even of Spanish Carlism altogether. In the immediate post-war period he tried to support Carlist cultural outposts, either preventing their amalgamation in the Francoist machinery, or creating the new ones. Some orthodox Carlists considered him indispensable, as it was with their support that Rodezno was elected vice-president of Navarrese Diputación Provincial in 1940. At this post he took part in provincial battle for power against the Falangists and clashed with some of their leaders also on the national level; in June 1939 Rodezno clashed with the Falangist pundit Gimenez Caballero, who in accused Navarre of historical disobedience and lambasted the fueros as sinister separatism. Rodezno as minister prevented the publication of his harangue in the press except Arriba, firmly controlled by Falange. It is partially thanks to his efforts that Navarre was, together with Álava, the only province which retained some regional establishments. According to his account of Esteban Bilbao, he was supported by Rodezno when objecting to homogenisation designs of Minister of Economy.
Though apparently overwhelmed fascistoid nature of the emerging regimeand by actual shape of the unification - up to contributing to its failure in Navarre - Rodezno kept pursuing the collaborative line even when it became painfully evident that Carlism was entirely marginalized in the new state party. In 1943 Rodezno resigned from the Navarrese government to enter the Francoist quasi-parliament, Cortes Españolas; he was ensured its mandate as member of Consejo Nacional. The term lasted three years and was not renewed in 1946, which suggests that at that time he had already dropped out from the Falangist executive. None of the sources consulted provides information as to if and when Rodezno ceased as member of Consejo Nacional and Junta Politica. Auto of judge Garzon raises charges based on Rodezno's role in FET between April 20, 1937 (coincides with the day of his nomination to Secretariado) and 1951 (no daily date).
Already in the 1910s Rodezno timidly advanced the idea of transferring legitimist rights to an appropriate Alfonsist candidate once the Carlist dynasty would extinguish;also during the Republican years he was the most enthusiastic supporter of rapprochement within the monarchist camp and in 1935 proposed that Don Alfonso Carlos names Don Juan his legitimate heir. When the last direct Carlist claimant indeed died in September 1936 Rodezno was the last to acknowledge the regency of Don Javier. At that time he was already considering another regency, this of Franco on behalf of Don Juan, whom he held well familiar with Traditionalist ideas. It is not clear when the two first met; during the Civil War Rodezno and the Alfonsist prince already exchanged friendly correspondence. Rodezno was in touch with Don Juan since 1937 and considered him knowledgeable of Traditionalist ideas.
In the early 1940s Rodezno turned into an open advocate of Don Juan as a future Carlist king, especially once the latter inherited the Alfonsist title after his late father in 1941. Theoretically this support did not breach the rules of Don Javier's regency, which permitted forming factions around prospective candidates; in practice this mattered little, as Rodezno was already expulsed from the Comunión.When the new Alfonsist claimant was assembling a team of collaborators, José María Oriol travelled to meet him in Lausanne to suggest (in vain) that Rodezno is nominated the official Alfonsist representative in Spain. In the mid-1940s Fal mounted an offensive offering various Carlist regentialist solutions to Franco; in December 1945 Fal also wrote to Don Juan asking him to acknowledge the regency of Don Javier. As a response, in April 1945 Rodezno travelled to Portugal to meet Don Juan and prepare ground for his Carlist legitimization. The initiative bore fruit in February 1946, when the Alfonsist claimant signed a Rodezno co-drafted document, intended to confirm his Traditionalist spirit. Known as "Bases institucionales para la restauracion de la monarquia" or simply as "Bases de Estoril", it outlined the basics of the future monarchy. They very much resembled the Traditionalist principles, though the document fell short of declaring Don Juan the legitimate Carlist claimant.
The 1946 "Bases de Estoril" was the last major Rodezno's initiative and little is known either about his political views or about his public activity in the very last years of his life. In 1944 he entered Real Academia de Jurisprudencia y Legislación.He remained leader of informal but very significant collaborative and pro-Juanista faction of Carlism, the movement which as a whole was rapidly disintegrating into even more branches. Though most Carlist rank-and-file remained utterly hostile to the despised Liberal dynasty, many if not the majority of Carlist pre-war leadership inclined towards accepting Don Juan. Also after Rodezno's death they kept pursuing the idea of Alfonso XIII's son assuming the Carlist title. Named Rodeznistas, Juancarlistas, Juanistas or Estorilos they officially declared Don Juan the legitimate Carlist heir in 1957, the act considered climax of the earlier Rodezno's policy. In 1957 around 70 Carlist politicians travelled to Estoril and declared Don Juan the legitimate Carlist heir. The late Rodezno was considered "principal promoter" of the initiative. Some authors even claim that Rodezno was present at the ceremony. In historiography the term "Rodeznistas" is last applied to the year 1959.
During Francoism Rodezno was honored by a number of prestigious orders, like Cruz de Isabel la Católica or Cruz de San Raimundo de Peñafort; in the mid-1940s he entered Real Academia de Jurisprudencia y Legislaciónand Real Academia de la Historia, named also hijo predilecto by the province of Navarre and by his native town of Villafranca. Posthumously Franco conferred upon him Grandeza de España, title currently born by his descendants. Some streets and plazas were named upon him, the most prestigious one in Pamplona.
After transition to democracy the perception of Rodezno changed dramatically. In the current Spanish public discourse he is associated mostly with the most repressive phase of Francoism.Naming of the Pamplona plaza was subject to heated public debate in Navarre and elsewhere following adoption of ley de Símbolos de Navarra and ley de Memoria Histórica. The 2008-2009 discussion, involving present-day political parties and related to some present-day political issues, has eventually led to renaming the plaza to "Conde de Rodezno", an aristocratic title formally not associated with any individual, until in 2016 it was renamed to "Plaza de la Libertad". The former Pamplona mausoleum erected during Francoism to honor the fallen requetés has been renamed to "Sala de exposiciónes Conde de Rodezno" but in public it prefers to be named "Sala de exposiciónes". In unrestrained cyberspace Rodezno is at times referred to as "fascist to the core". In 2008 Audiencia Nacional, the Spanish high tribunal, launched formal bid to acknowledge Rodezno as guilty of crimes against humanity during his tenure as Minister of Justice and afterwards, but the motion bore no fruit due to procedural reasons. Judge Baltasar Garzón was later charged with perversion of justice for launching the bid, which was defined as an error by the Supreme Court of Spain. In 2010 a group of authors associated with a Pamplonese Ateneo Basilio Lacort published a vehemently militant work which presents Rodezno as a criminal.
In Traditionalist historiographical narration Rodezno is one of the black characters, among the likes of Rafael Maroto, Alejandro Pidal or Don Carlos Hugo. He is charged with blatant political miscalculation at best and with treason of principles and kings at worst. His vacillating stance during the Mellista crisis in 1914-1919, rapprochement towards the Alfonsinos in the Republic years or bypassing Carlist command when pushing for almost unconditional adherence to the generals' coup of 1936 are less of an issue; it is Rodezno's stance on unification and pro-Juanista lobbying which earned him most hostility from works of Partido Carlista sponsored socialismo autogestionario supporters.Though scholars speculate on his different motives, the opinion which gained particular popularity is that he has never been a genuine Carlist, adhering to the movement mostly out of respect for his father. None of the currently existing organizations claiming Carlist identity, be it either those pursuing a socialist path (javierocarlistas, Partido Carlista) or those attached to Traditionalist values (tronovacantista CTC, sixtinos, carloctavistas) admits deference to his name.
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Juan Víctor Pradera Larumbe (1872–1936) was a Spanish political theorist and a Carlist politician.
Jaime del Burgo Torres was a Spanish official, writer and a Carlist activist. He is noted mostly as a historian; his works focus on Navarre and the Carlist wars. As a public servant he is known as longtime head of Navarrese library network, regional Ministry of Information delegate and a governmental and self-governmental tourist official. As a Carlist he is acknowledged as moving spirit behind the Navarrese Requeté in the 1930s and as representative of the Carloctavista faction during early Francoism. He also wrote novels, poems and dramas.
Esteban de Bilbao Eguía (1879–1970) was a Spanish Carlist and Francoist politician.
Luis Arellano Dihinx (1906–1969) was a Spanish Carlist and Francoist politician. He is recognized as one of the leaders of the so-called Juanistas, a faction within Carlism pressing recognition of the Alfonsist claimant Don Juan de Borbón as a legitimate Carlist heir to the throne.
José Luis Zamanillo González-Camino (1903–1980) was a Spanish Traditionalist politician. He was the leader of Carlist paramilitary Requeté structures during the Republic and a champion of Carlist collaborationist policy during mid-Francoism, though in the 1940s he maintained a firm anti-regime stand. He was also a representative of the post-Francoist hard core in the course of early transition to parliamentary democracy. He served in the parliament in two strings of 1933-1936 and 1961-1976; in 1961-1976 he was also a member of the Francoist Consejo Nacional. In 1972-1976 he was a member of Consejo de Estado.
José María Araúz de Robles Estremera (1898–1977) was a Spanish Carlist and Alfonsist politician, businessman and bull breeder. He is recognized as a theorist of Traditionalist labor organisation and an advocate of gremialism, a counter-proposal to the Francoist vertical syndicates. His lineage of bulls was fairly popular in the 1950s and became a point of reference in the business, to go into decline in the 1970s.
José Selva Mergelina, 5th Marquis of Villores (1884–1932) was a Spanish Carlist politician.
Ignacio Baleztena Ascárate was a Navarrese folk customs expert, a Carlist politician and soldier
Joaquín Baleztena Ascárate was a Spanish Carlist politician. During three consecutive terms between 1919-1923 he served as a Traditionalist member of the Cortes. In two separate strings of 1931-1942 and 1951-1957 he headed the regional party organization in Navarre; he remained one of key nationwide Carlist politicians from the late 1910s till the early 1970s. In 1937-1939 he was a member of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS executive, Consejo Nacional.
During 40 years of post-Francoist Spain there have been some 200 works published on Carlist history during the Franco regime ; there are some 100 authors who have contributed. The number of major studies – books or unpublished PhD works - stands at around 50, the rest are articles in specialized reviews. Except some 15 titles, almost all have been published in Spain. The interest was scarce in the late 1970s and early 1980s, it grew in the late 1980s and since the early 1990s it remains stable, with some 30 titles published every 5 years.
Tomás Dolz de Espejo Andreu Muñoz Serrano y Duforq-Salinis, 5th Count of La Florida (1879-1974) was a Spanish politician and businessman. For some 30 years he campaigned within Traditionalism and Carlism. Periodically he was holding regional party leadership jobs, though nationwide he remained rather in the back row. He is best known as member of the first Junta Política and Consejo Nacional, executive bodies of the newly created Francoist state party, Falange Española Tradicionalista.
The Unification Decree was a political measure adopted by Francisco Franco in his capacity of Head of State of Nationalist Spain on April 19, 1937. The decree merged two existing political groupings, the Falangists and the Carlists, into a new party - the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista. As all other parties were declared dissolved at the same time, the FET became the only legal party in Nationalist Spain. It was defined in the decree as a link between state and society and was intended to form the basis for an eventual totalitarian regime. The head of state – Franco himself – was proclaimed party leader, to be assisted by the Junta Política and Consejo Nacional. A set of decrees which followed shortly after appointed members to the new executive.
Jesús Elías Francisco Elizalde Sainz de Robles (1907-1980) was a Spanish Carlist politician. He served in the Cortes in two separate strings: during the Second Republic in 1936 and during Francoism in 1954-1958. In 1938-1939 he was a member of Junta Política of Falange Española Tradicionalista, and in 1954-1958 he was a member of FET's Consejo Nacional. In 1942-1944 he headed the regional Carlist Navarrese organization. Politically he sided with the Carlist branch which opted for conciliatory policy towards the Franco regime and leaned towards a monarchist dynastical alliance.
Agustín Candido Tellería Mendizábal (1884-1939) was a Spanish Basque politician and entrepreneur. Politically he supported the Traditionalist cause, mostly as a Carlist and for some time as a Mellista; since 1933 he was a member of the party provincial executive in Gipuzkoa. He is known chiefly as one of key people behind the anti-Republican conspiracy in the vasco-navarrese area in the spring of 1936; thanks to his position of a businessman and army supplier, he procured arms and munitions for the rebels. In 1937 he was for 5 months the provincial Gipuzkoan leader of the Francoist state party, the FET y de las JONS, but was shortly ousted as a zealous Carlist, non-compliant with the official regime ideology.
Carlo-francoism was a branch of Carlism which actively engaged in the regime of Francisco Franco. Though mainstream Carlism retained independent stand, many Carlist militants on their own assumed various roles in the Francoist system, e.g. as members of the FET executive, Cortes procuradores, or civil governors. The Traditionalist political faction of the Francoist regime issued from Carlism particularly held tight control over the Ministry of Justice. They have never formed an organized structure, their dynastical allegiances remained heterogeneous and their specific political objectives might have differed. Within the Francoist power strata, the carlo-francoists remained a minority faction that controlled some 5% of key posts; they failed to shape the regime and at best served as counter-balance to other groupings competing for power.
José María Lamamié de Clairac y Colina (1887-1956) was a Spanish politician. He supported the Traditionalist cause, until the early 1930s as an Integrist and afterwards as a Carlist. Among the former he headed the regional León branch, among the latter he rose to nationwide executive and became one of the party leaders in the late 1930s and the 1940s. In 1931-1936 he served 2 terms in the Cortes; in 1915-1920 he was member of the Salamanca ayuntamiento. In historiography he is known mostly as representative of Castilian terratenientes; as president of Confederación Nacional Católico-Agraria he tried to preserve the landowner-dominated rural regime, first opposing the Republican and later the Francoist designs.
Victoriano José Martínez Berasáin (1886-1960) was a Spanish Carlist politician, noted particularly in his native Navarre. He is best known for his role during anti-Republican conspiracy of early 1936 and during first months of the Civil War, when he headed the regional wartime Carlist executive. In 1936-1938 he was the provincial leader of Falange Española Tradicionalista; in 1939 he served as vice-president of Diputación Foral de Navarra. During two successive terms of 1955-1960 he was holding a seat a in the Cortes. He is also acknowledged as an amateur photographer.