Ukrainian Insurgent Army's fight against Nazi Germany

The UPA's fight against Nazi Germany lasted actively from October 1942, when German troops and their allies, the military administration, first encountered organized Ukrainian military units operating primarily in Volhynia, until the end of the Germans' stay in Ukraine. The UPA struck a series of blows at the German occupiers immediately after its formation.

Leaflet "What are Ukrainian insurgents fighting for?"

Not for Stalin,
Not for Suvorov,
Not for Hitler,
Mentally ill.
For Ukraine,
For the boundless,
Neither from Joska, nor from Fritz
Independent!

Spring-autumn 1943 - the period of the most intense battles of the UPA with the Germans in Volhynia (the main period of the "anti-German front"). The UPA captures certain settlements in Western Ukraine where it creates its own administration (for example, the Kolky Republic), tries to counteract the economic activities of the Germans, and conducts defensive battles (anti-guerrilla actions by Erich von dem Bach-Zalewski and Hans Prutzmann).

In the summer of 1943 in Galicia, the OUN-B created an analogue of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, the Ukrainian People's Self-Defense (UNS); the task of the UNS was to extend the actions of the UPA to Galicia (the name of the UNS, instead of the UPA, was used so as not to jeopardize the German organizational measures in the District of Galicia, where there were other conditions of occupation). UNS is preparing to fight against the USSR, but defensive battles with the Germans still could not be avoided. At the same time, the recruitment of volunteers to the SS Halychyna division continues. Subsequently, the UNS changed its name to "UPA-West".

Background

Having proclaimed the "Act of Revival of the Ukrainian State" in Lviv on June 30, 1941, the OUN hoped that the Germans would accept it. However, the attempt to arbitrarily proclaim the state in the territory already occupied by German troops, displeased Hitler. In early July, the Gestapo arrested OUN-B leaders, including Stepan Bandera, who appeared before the Berlin authorities, where he was demanded to publicly repeal the "Renaissance Act." Without agreement, Bandera was placed in the Gestapo prison on September 15, and in early 1942 in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp, where he was held until the fall of 1944.

On September 15, on the orders of the head of the RSHA, Reinhard Heydrich, mass arrests of OUN-B members took place in the territories occupied by Nazi Germany, covering up to 80% of the organization's leadership. In 1941, the Gestapo arrested more than 1,500 Bandera activists, and several dozen were shot shortly after their arrest. ^[1] Meanwhile, when Bandera's supporters became the winners in the race for Lviv, the people of Melnyk managed to create the Ukrainian National Council in Kyiv. It took power in the city, but on November 17, 1941, the Germans disbanded it. In early 1942, some members of the UNRada, including the poetess Olena Teliha, were shot dead in Babi Yar. In September 1942, Stepan Bandera's two brothers, Alexander and Vasily, were killed in the Auschwitz concentration camp. According to the most common version, they were killed by Volksdeutsche, Auschwitz staff.

In the spring and summer of 1942, the OUN-B focused on organizational, advocacy, and educational work, attracting hundreds of new members and supporters. This was facilitated by the appearance in the woods of many people who were hiding from the police. When the Germans began mobilizing Ukrainian youth to work in Germany, they called for a boycott of recruitment and hiding. Bandera's agitators worked in almost every village in Volhynia. Detachments of special teachers conducted classes in politics, ideology and history. The main point of the course was the study of the ten nationalist commandments. The Banderas also underwent extensive military training. It was planned to create guerrilla units. ^[2] In April 1942, on the instructions of the OUN-B leadership in Volhynia, the so-called "Self-Defense Groups" (armed detachments of the militia) were formed according to the scheme: "bush" (3 villages, 15-45 participants) - county hundred - kurin (300-400 participants). By mid-summer, the militants in Volhynia numbered up to 600 armed participants.

In the insurgent plans, the Banderists also took into account the collaborationist Nachtigall and Roland. After being reorganized into the Schutzmannshaft Battalion 201, both units were sent by the Nazis to Belarus to fight the Bolshevik guerrillas. The positions of commanders in this battalion were taken by OUN members and future UPA commanders: Roman Shukhevych (future UPA Commander-in-Chief), Vasyl Sidor (UPA-West Commander), Yulian Kovalsky (First UPA Chief of Staff), Antin Shkitak (Commander of the 2nd Tent Krivonis) Ostap Linda, Oleksandr Lutsky (UNS commander) and others. At the end of 1942, a plan arose among the Banderites to withdraw the 201st police battalion to Volhynia and, in fact, to begin the creation of partisan detachments on its basis. However, it is unclear why this did not happen. Mykola Lebed, however, ordered the battalion to go to the forest, but that order was never carried out. Instead of deserting to the UPA, the Ukrainians simply refused to renew it after the expiration of their one-year contract. The Germans sent them in groups to Galicia and disbanded the unit. But the officers were placed under house arrest and ordered to report regularly to the Gestapo. Therefore, it is not surprising that a significant part of the "legionnaires" (officers and non-commissioned officers) quickly found themselves in the OUN underground. Among them were Roman Shukhevych and Vasyl Sidor. ^[3]

The victory of the Red Army near Stalingrad in early 1943 marked the military prospect of defeating Nazi Germany in the war, and the territory of the occupied western regions of Ukraine, carrying out tasks to destroy the German rear, Soviet guerrilla units began to appear, began mobilizing locals into their ranks. And this, according to some historians, was one of the main reasons for the acceleration of the creation of nationalists of their own armed forces, as the OUN-B leadership came to the conclusion that it could lose influence in the regions and lose the base of its own movement. ^{[4] [5]}

The decision to finally join the active struggle against the Germans and their allies was made at the Third OUN-B Conference, which took place on February 17–21, 1943, and at which, despite the objections of Mykola Lebed, who led the organization after the arrest of Stepan Bandera, decision to create a full-fledged military structure.^{[ dubious ]} Mykhailo Stepanyak, the head of the OUN leadership at ZUZ, became one of the main speakers at the Conference. He believed that the task of the OUN in the current conditions was to raise a large-scale anti-German uprising before the arrival of Soviet troops. After a successful uprising, he said, the Soviet Union's attempts to conquer these lands would look like imperialism in the eyes of the Western Allies. To unite the uprising, it was necessary to unite all Ukrainian forces, so Stepanyak advocated the unification of all Ukrainian national-patriotic forces and the creation of a multiparty government. His proposals were supported by Provod, but were never realized due to the opposition of Roman Shukhevych and Dmytro Klyachkivsky, who believed that it was necessary to fight not against the Germans but against the Soviet partisans and the Poles, ^[6] and the struggle against the Nazis was secondary. UPA soldiers were forbidden to fight against the Germans except when they were the first to attack or there was a threat to the lives of the local Ukrainian population. At the third conference of the OUN (b), the issues of the establishment of the UPA were finally resolved and the main enemies of the Ukrainian liberation movement (Nazis, Poles and Bolsheviks) were identified. ^[7]

From March 1943, UPA units began to actively attack German garrisons and seize the territories of Volhynia and Polesia. For example, a German document called "the National-Ukrainian Bandit Movement", dated July 17, 1943, states that in March 1943, UPA units carried out eight attacks, 57 attacks in April, and 70 in May. ^{[8] [9]}

Enemy forces in Volhynia

Until 1943, Volhynia was considered a fairly safe area. German troops tried to maintain order there, primarily by auxiliary police units consisting of local Ukrainians and former Red Army prisoners of various nationalities. And, for example, according to Soviet partisans, in March 1943 there were 5 German military policemen in the Shum Economic Department, and up to 30 Ukrainian policemen. In Mizoch, seven Germans served in the gendarmerie and administration and about thirty Ukrainian policemen. There were about ten Germans, 35 Ukrainian policemen and about forty Cossacks in Ostroh. In Kremenets, next to the management of the regional police department, a battalion of Ukrainian police and German units were stationed at the front after the fighting. In 1943, the Ukrainian police in Volhynia numbered 11,870 police officers. At that time, German troops (excluding regular troops) numbered 453 police officers and 954 gendarmes from the police. Only when the UPA began its actions Germany was forced to change this situation and strengthen the garrisons. ^[10]

The escalation of guerrilla action in Volhynia worried the German occupation authorities. In May 1943, Commissioner of Volhynia and Podillya Shene acknowledged that "what is happening here" should be considered a "national uprising". ^[11] Until the second half of 1943, the Germans controlled only large settlements in Volhynia and Polesia, while the provinces and settlements were under the control of the UPA. Fearing losing control of the cities, the occupiers began to increase their garrisons. Thus, initially there were 300 German servicemen in Kovel, after the desertion of the Ukrainian police their number increased to 4 thousand people, in Kostopil - from 50 to 500 people. ^{[12] [13]}

After the mass desertion of Ukrainian police in March–April 1943 to the ranks of the UPA, the Germans decided to take advantage of the Polish-Ukrainian ethnic conflict. Ukrainian police deserters were partially replaced by Poles. A total of one and a half to two thousand people were called from the local Polish population to various police units (they were called shutsmanshafts). In addition, in May 1943, the Germans transferred the Schutzmannshaft Battalion 202, which consisted of 360 men, from Belarus to Volhynia to fight the UPA. This battalion consisted almost entirely of Poles, it took part in the battles against the UPA in the forests of Kostopolsky and conducted punitive actions against the Ukrainian population for the support of the UPA. ^[14] Within four months, the battalion lost 48 men in battles with the UPA. ^{[15] [14]} Both the German civil administration and the SD supported the creation of Polish self-defense. It was given permission to keep weapons, and some units were even given weapons. At the same time, the Germans looked through their fingers at the fact that the Polish outposts had more weapons than the German rules allowed. ^[16]

Due to the lack of German troops, the 25th Division of the Hungarian Army was sent to Volhynia. Large strongholds in Volhynia were formed from the Hungarian occupation troops. Thus, according to the UHPR, the garrison in Rivne numbered 5,000 Hungarians, and another 2,000 Hungarians were in Sarny. ^[17]

In the summer of 1943, in the fight against the UPA in Volhynia, the SS division "Florian Geier" was subordinated to Erich von dem Bach-Zelewski, the commissioner for the fight against partisans. As of July 1943, the division had 8,308 soldiers, of whom 7,350 were in combat units and 958 were in supply and supply units. In addition, 740 Hiwi served in the division. ^[18]

In September, at the initiative of the Volhynia regional leadership of the OUN-Melnykivtsi, the Ukrainian Legion of Self-Defense (ULS) was formed on the basis of the OUN (m) insurgent detachments in Volhynia, not yet destroyed by the Banderists, and whose command decided to agreements with the Germans for the successful fight against the UPA, as well as with the Soviet and Polish guerrillas. The formation, according to various estimates, numbered from 500 to 1,000 fighters. ^[19] The ULS was reorganized into the 31st Battalion of the SD, thus becoming a collaborationist military unit within the Wehrmacht. The confrontation between the Melnyk Legion and the Bandera OUN continued. ^[20]

Forces of other national liberation organizations

Even before the Bandera partisan formations appeared in Volhynia, the so-called first UPA already existed there. it was headed by Taras Bulba-Borovets. Borovets recognized the exiled Government of the Ukrainian Republic as the "legitimate government of Ukraine." "Poliska Sich" has been operating in Polesia and Volhynia since the beginning of the war against the Bolsheviks. But the Germans, after brief cooperation in November 1941, demanded that Borovets liquidate the group. The reason was the refusal of her fighters to take part in the shooting of the Jewish population in Olevsk on November 12. After the formal dissolution of the group, Borovets's troops went underground, not ruling out a future struggle against the Germans. In December 1941, Borovets chose the name UPA for them, thus appealing to the traditions of the anti-Soviet guerrilla movement in 1921. At the turn of 1942–43, the maximum number of Borovets units was about 3-4 thousand people. The nucleus of 300-400 people was stationed in the forests of the Sarny, Olevsk, Bereznivsky, and Kostopil districts, while the others lived in the villages and were considered the mobilization reserve of the Polesia Sich. Soviet guerrillas who fought in western Ukraine estimated the number of bulbivts in the summer of 1943 at up to 10,000. ^[21] Mykola Lebed, who led the OUN (b) after the arrest of Stepan Bandera, in his book "UPA" written after the war, estimated the number of Borovets detachments at 150 people. ^[22]

In 1942–43, Borovets sometimes negotiated with the Germans and Soviet partisans, concluding ceasefire agreements with both. He also gained various political contacts. Melnyk and Bandera dissidents, led by Ivan Mitringa, often referred to as the left wing of the OUN-B, established relations with him. Relations with the Banderists were not the best because of their desire to unite all nationalist organizations under their banner. ^[23] The actions of the Banderists put the formation of Borovets in a difficult position. On August 19, 1943, on a farm near the village of Khmelivka (Kostopil Raion), they attacked Borovets' headquarters, capturing some of his men. Among the prisoners was his wife, Anna Opochenska (of Czech origin). Finding himself in a hopeless situation, sandwiched between Bandera, Soviet guerrillas, Poles and Germans, Bulba disbanded his army on October 5, 1943, and turned to the Germans with a proposal for negotiations. To do this, he went to Warsaw, where he was arrested on December 1 and sent to the Sachsenhausen concentration camp. In the autumn of 1944, Bulba-Borovets was released from the camp, and in 1945 he was taken to the UNA created by the Germans. He volunteered to command a parachute brigade, which was planned to be transferred to Polesia. ^[24]

The OUN-Melnykivtsi also had their own guerrilla units. By mid-1943, the number of all Melnik partisans was 2-3 thousand people. The strongest of them was first a hundred, and then the kurin of "Chron" (Nikolai Nedzvedsky). Detachments of the OUN (m) independently carried out almost no active armed activity. The purpose of these formations was to protect the Ukrainian population from the Germans, as well as from Polish and Soviet guerrillas. For several months, the Banderists and Melnykists negotiated to join forces in a joint struggle, but they did not lead to anything. ^[25] In the summer of 1943, systematic work began aimed at subordinating OUN-M armed units to military units of the UPA. Eventually, in July 1943, the Bandera men managed to surround and disarm a large part of Melnyk's detachments. ^[26]

A number of regional Ukrainian nationalist organizations that were not subordinated to the OUN (b) are also known. For a long time they acted independently. The largest of them is the Front of the Ukrainian Revolution (FUR). The organization declared its commitment to the democratic ideas and traditions of the national liberation struggle of 1917–1921. The leader of the FUR was Tymofiy Basyuk, a former lieutenant of the Red Army (pseudo-Volodymyr Yavorenko). The FUR partisan detachments numbered (according to various sources) 200-800 soldiers, and cooperated mainly with the Polesia Sich, often also with OUN-M units, and occasionally with the UPA. In July 1943, part of the FUR partisans joined the UPA, and part was still at war with the Soviet partisan detachments of the NKVD colonel Dmitry Medvedev. In September 1943, the remaining FUR fighters joined the Ukrainian Legion of Self-Defense. ^[27]

Strategy and tactics of struggle

First of all, the UPA soldiers decided to strike at the Nazi civilian administration, trying to prevent the gathering of contingents. Many attacks were directed at administrative bodies, where employees were killed and documents burned. At the same time, the insurgents destroyed dairies, mills, sawmills, and so on. UPA units also attacked district administrative centers and towns, where the Germans set up so-called strongholds, destroying weaker sections. They ambushed on the roads, destroying small groups of German police. The UPA soldiers also attacked some punitive expeditions against the Ukrainian civilian population. Although the UPA rarely attacked the railways because it was not interested in weakening the Wehrmacht, which was fighting the USSR. ^[28]

UPA relations with allies of Nazi Germany

The attitude of the UPA to the 14th Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS

The news of the creation of the SS Halychyna division, announced on April 28, 1943, caused a stir in Halychyna. This was perceived as an announcement of a change in the policy of the Nazis towards Ukrainians. Therefore, thousands of volunteers joined the division, including some members and sympathizers of the OUN. However, UPA commanders from Volhynia, Dmytro Klyachkivskyi and Colonel Leonid Stupnytskyi, opposed the recruitment. Under their influence, the OUN-B issued statements condemning the recruitment. ^[29]

The campaign to recruit to the division was associated with criticism of the underground. The organizers of the division called the UPA "forest gangs." The Banderites called the volunteers for the division "traitors." Calls by the OUN-B to boycott the recruitment initially failed. It was not until the fall of 1943 that some of the conscripts joined the guerrilla units instead of joining the division. However, then the Central Command of the OUN changed its attitude to the creation of the division. In November 1943, it was recognized that this was an excellent place where Ukrainians could undergo military training. Desertion may have been indicated only after military training. Officially, the OUN-B continued to criticize the concept of creating a division, but in practice the boycott of its recruitment was stopped. ^[30]

At the same time, the OUN members tried to bring their proven people into the ranks of the division, who would take it under their control at the right moment. They were sent, among others, Captain Bohdan Pidhainy, Lieutenant Mykhailo Kachmara and Lieutenant Hryhoriy Golyash. The Banderites planned to introduce one member of the OUN-B into each unit, but the Germans managed to thwart these intentions by carefully selecting volunteers. However, they were unable to block contacts between the division's fighters and UPA guerrillas.

Soldiers of the 4th SS Police Regiment, consisting of volunteers who were not allowed to serve in the 14th SS Grenadier Division due to health or physical condition, were among the first to face the UPA. The 4th Regiment under the command of Sturmbannführer Siegfried Bantz was tasked with securing the rear of the German army in Eastern Galicia. ^[31] On February 22, 1944, the regiment's battalions were concentrated in Zolochiv, Brody, and Zbarazh. The village of Huta Penyatska was in the area of the 4th Regiment. On February 23, 1944, his intelligence arrived here. There was a clash with Polish self-defense, in which two SS soldiers were killed - Oleksa Bobak and Roman Andriychuk. The Germans held a solemn funeral in Zolochiv for the killed. According to a number of Polish historians, on February 28, the 4th Galician Volunteer Regiment allegedly took part in the destruction of the Polish village of Guta Penyatska, ^[32] where 172 houses were burned and more than 500 Polish people, including women and children were killed. In March, with the help of the UPA detachment, they killed more than 250 Poles in the Dominican monastery in the village of Pidkamin. ^[33]

However, after the end of World War II, at the request of the Wiesenthal Foundation and some members of the Canadian Parliament in 1986, a government commission known as the Deschênes Commission was formed. She was to investigate the hiding of war criminals in Canada, including former division soldiers. After examining the archives and questioning witnesses, the commission in its official decision of 1987 acknowledged that the soldiers of Division of Galicia had not committed any crimes. ^[34] The Nuremberg Trials, which lasted from November 20, 1945, to October 1, 1946, and dealt with Nazi war crimes, also found no evidence that it had committed war crimes. It is not mentioned in the indictment and no Galician soldier has been convicted. ^[35]

In July 1944, the Soviet offensive began. The SS Halychyna division, together with German units, found itself surrounded in Brody, in which about 7,000 men were killed or taken prisoner. About 3,000 soldiers of the division left the encirclement, half of whom were rear units (veterinary, technical, etc.). The remnants of the troops gathered in the town of Seredne, located between Uzhhorod and Mukachevo in Transcarpathia.

Some of the survivors (approximately 200 people) joined the UPA. At least about 80 of them joined the sotnya Druzhinnyky under the command of Mykhailo Marushchak. Due to this, he created two sotnyas more. This unit then reached the Carpathians, where some SS soldiers returned home. A group of soldiers from Slovakia also joined the UPA after the suppression of the Slovak uprising. The soldiers of the division handed over a lot of weapons and ammunition to the rebels. According to Ivan Hrinyokh's memoirs, it would be enough to arm two battalions. ^[36]

In total, several hundred soldiers of the division joined the ranks of the UPA. According to Ivan Hryniokh, in the first months of the division's existence alone, almost 600 soldiers deserted to the UPA. ^[37] However, Ukrainian historian Andriy Bolyanovsky lists 158 names of SS Halychyna soldiers who joined the insurgents, including commanders of kurins and sotnyas. ^[38]

German documents on the anti-Nazi activities of the OUN-UPA

An important source for studying the history of the Ukrainian liberation movement during World War II in Volhynia and Galicia are German archival documents, which actually characterize the OUN and UPA not as allies (at one time tried to prove Soviet ideologues, manipulating various documents, including German), and as representatives of the hostile warring party:

1. The report of the Chief of Security Police and the SD of January 8, 1943, describes the arrests of OUN members in Magdeburg, Braunschweig, Gotha, and Frankfurt am Main, and in Prague. (The names of those arrested are given). Priest Josef Peters, born in Sidlungshausen in 1905, was arrested in Lviv for working with the Ukrainian circles against the Reich. ^[39]
2. The report of the Chief of the Security Police and the SD of March 19, 1943, describes the aggravation of the situation in Volhynia in the early spring of 1943, and the anti-German activities of various nationalist organizations. Most reports are devoted to the activities of the OUN-B, which is characterized as the most numerous and sharply anti-Nazi political force - mass in the western regions of Ukraine and active in all parts of Ukraine, it also mentions the transition of Ukrainian police to the UPA (Bandera gang). Quite often reports provide information or assessments of OUN-M activities. Two reports contain information about Poliska Sich and its leader Taras Borovets (Bulba). Only once are local underground organizations mentioned - Kyiv's Revolutionary Ukrainian Nationalist Organization (RUNO, headed by Oleksandr Pohorily), Kremyanets'kyi's Front for the Ukrainian Revolution (FUR), and Lviv's Fighters for Ukraine's Independence. The reports also discuss the activities of some legal organizations. ^[40]
3. One of the leaders of the Ukraine-Tree firm, Schenk, wrote on April 1, 1943, that in addition to Soviet partisans, there were a large number of "nationalist partisans" in Volhynia who "demanded a free Ukraine and the departure of the Germans." Their attacks grow even in broad daylight. And that many sawmills have already suffered from the UPA and about 400 employees and workers have died. ^[41]
4. In the report of the Reich Commissar of Ukraine Erich Koch from April 4, 1943, the tense situation in this territory is felt: «In Volhynia there were only two areas free from gangs. In particular, the dangerous performances of Ukrainian national gangs in the Kremyanets-Dubno-Kostopil-Rivne districts. Ukrainian national gangs attacked all district economic institutions in the Kremenets district at the same time on the night of March 20–21.… At the same time, 12 Germans were killed: businessmen, foresters, soldiers and policemen. ^[42]
5. The report of the Chief of Police and the SD of May 21, 1943, describes detailed information about the Polesia Sich and its leader. ^[43]
6. A rather large document has been preserved in the German archives - the "National-Ukrainian Bandit Movement", dated July 17, 1943. It includes a map. It tells in detail about the movement of Taras Bulba-Borovets, which began operating in September 1942 in the area of Sarny, Borovets author attributes to the supporters of the OUN-B. From the beginning of 1943, the insurgent movement spread to wider areas. The report then provides monthly information on the activities of the UPA in various districts, on the liquidation of the German administration and gendarmerie villages, on clashes and battles with the Germans, on attacks on Polish settlements, and so on. ^[44]
7. Beginning in late August 1943, in addition to information, the Germans began to receive more accurate information about the leadership, ideology and goals of the UPA. One of Abwehr's September documents (German intelligence) draws attention to the fact that the work of the UPA Command is aimed at strengthening the organizational and combat activity of nationalist units. Officer and non-commissioned officer schools have already been established in Western Ukraine, and there are three main UPA strike groups under the conditional names Northern, Central, and Southern. ^[45]

The end of the struggle

At the end of 1943, in connection with the approach of the front line to the areas of UPA activity, the OUN-B set a course for the maximum reduction of offensive actions against the Germans and began to gather its forces to fight against the USSR. The last step towards the final collapse of the anti-German front of the OUN and UPA can be considered part 1 of the order of the commander of the UPA group "West-Carpathians" Alexander Lutsky from August 22, 1944, which stated that "the Germans with the release of Ukrainian territory cease to be our occupier and the main enemy". Based on this, the order drew attention to the need to "preserve the people's energy for a decisive and final massacre of the main enemy of Ukraine (the Bolsheviks)". ^[46]

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• У боях із УПА на Волині влітку-восени 1943 року загинули 3 000 гітлерівців Archived 2021-09-07 at the Wayback Machine
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• Історія ОУН-УПА
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• ОУН-УПА >> Документи
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• Українське державотворення. Акт 30 червня 1941: Збірник документів і матеріалів / Упорядн. О. Дзюбан; Заг. ред.: Я. Дашкевича, В. Кука. НАН України. Інститут української археографії та джерелознавства ім. М. С. Грушевського — Львівське відділення. — Львів; Київ: Літературна агенція «Піраміда», 2001. — 605 с.
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• Літопис УПА. Том 06. УПА в світлі німецьких документів. Книга 1: 1942 - Червень 1944. Торонто: Літопис УПА, 1983. – 271 с. – ISBN 0-920092-09-8
• Літопис УПА. Том 07. УПА в світлі німецьких документів. Книга 2: Червень 1944 - Квітень 1945. Торонто: Літопис УПА, 1983. – 288 с. – ISBN 0-920092-11-X
• Літопис УПА. Том 21. УПА в світлі німецьких документів. Книга 3: Червень 1941 - Травень 1943. - Торонто, 1991. - 271 с.- ISBN 0-920092-32-2
• ОУН-УПА в Беларуси. 1939‒1953 гг.: документы и материалы. 2-е изд. / Состав.: В. И. Адамушко, H. A. Валаханович, В. И. Гуленко, Д. Н. Жигалов, Ю. В. Зверев, А. Г. Карапузова, В. Д. Селеменев, В. В. Скалабан; Ред. кол.: В. И. Адамушко, И. А. Валаханович, В. К. Дорошевич, В. П. Крюк, В Д. Селеменев, В. В. Скалабан, A. B. Шарков. Департамент по архивам и делопроизводству Министерства юстиции Республики Беларусь; Национальный архив Республики Беларусь; Государственный архив Брестской области; Центральный архив Комитета государственной безопасности Республики Беларусь. ‒ Минск: Выш. шк., 2012. ‒ 528 с.