Yup'ik

Last updated
Yup'ik, Cup'ig, Cup'ik
(Central Alaskan Yup'ik)
Total population
34,000 (2010 U.S. Census)
Regions with significant populations
United States
(Alaska)
34,000
Languages
Yup'ik (and dialects: Cup'ik, Cup'ig), English, Russian
Religion
Christianity (Moravian Protestant, Jesuit Catholic, Russian Orthodox) and Shamanism
Related ethnic groups
Siberian Yupik, Sugpiaq/Alutiiq, Naukan, Iñupiat, Inuit, Aleut
A Nunivak Island Cup'ig man in 1929 Nunivak maskette.jpg
A Nunivak Island Cup'ig man in 1929

The Yup'ik or Yupiaq (sg & pl) and Yupiit or Yupiat (pl), also Central Alaskan Yup'ik, Central Yup'ik, Alaskan Yup'ik (own name Yup'iksgYupiikdualYupiitpl; Russian : Юпики центральной Аляски), are an Indigenous people of western and southwestern Alaska ranging from southern Norton Sound southwards along the coast of the Bering Sea on the Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta (including living on Nelson and Nunivak Islands) and along the northern coast of Bristol Bay as far east as Nushagak Bay and the northern Alaska Peninsula at Naknek River and Egegik Bay. They are also known as Cup'ik by the Chevak Cup'ik dialect-speaking people of Chevak and Cup'ig for the Nunivak Cup'ig dialect-speaking people of Nunivak Island.

Contents

Both Chevak Cup'ik and Nunivak Cup'ig people are also known as Cup'ik. [1] The Yup'ik,Cup'ik, and Cup'ig speakers can converse without difficulty, and the regional population is often described using the larger term of Yup'ik. They are one of the four Yupik peoples of Alaska and Siberia, closely related to the Sugpiaq ~ Alutiiq (Pacific Yupik) of south-central Alaska, the Siberian Yupik of St. Lawrence Island and Russian Far East, and the Naukan of Russian Far East. The Yupiit speak the Yup'ik language. Of a total population of about 21,000 people, about 10,000 speak the language. [2]

The Yup'ik combine a contemporary and a traditional subsistence lifestyle in a blend unique to the Southwest Alaska. Today, the Yup'ik generally work and live in western style but still hunt and fish in traditional subsistence ways and gather traditional foods. Most Yup'ik still speak the native language and bilingual education has been in force since the 1970s.

The Yupiit are the most numerous of the various Alaska Native groups and speak the Central Alaskan Yup'ik language, a member of the Eskimo–Aleut family of languages. As of the 2000 U.S. Census, the Yupiit population in the United States numbered over 24,000, [3] of whom over 22,000 lived in Alaska. The vast majority of these live in the seventy or so communities in the traditional Yup'ik territory of western and southwestern Alaska. [4]

As of the 2010 U.S. Census, the Yup'ik at 34,000 people is the largest Alaska Native tribal grouping, either alone or in combination, closely followed by the Inupiat (33,000). The Yup'ik had the greatest number of people who identified with one tribal grouping and no other race (29,000). [5] In that census, nearly half of American Indians and Alaska Natives identified as being of mixed race.

The neighbours of the Yup'ik are the Iñupiaq to the north, Aleutized Alutiiq ~ Sugpiaq to the south, and Alaskan Athabaskans, such as Yup'ikized Holikachuk and Deg Hit'an, non-Yup'ikized Koyukon and Dena'ina, to the east. [6]

Naming

Originally the form Yup'ik was used in the northern area (Norton Sound, Yukon, some Nelson Island) while the form Yupiaq was used in the southern area (Kuskokwim, Canineq [around Kwigillingok, Kipnuk, Kongiganek, and Chefornak], Bristol Bay). Certain places (Chevak, Nunivak, Egegik) had other forms (Cup'ik, Cup'ig, Tarupiaq).

The form Yup'ik is now used as a common term (though not replacing Cup'ik and Cup'ig). [7] Yup'ik (plural Yupiit) comes from the Yup'ik word yuk meaning "person" plus the postbase -pik or -piaq meaning "real" or "genuine"; thus, Yup'ik literally means "real people". [8] The ethnographic literature sometimes refers to the Yup'ik people or their language as Yuk or Yuit. In the Hooper Bay-Chevak and Nunivak dialects of Yup'ik, both the language and the people are given the name Cup'ik. [2]

The use of an apostrophe in the name "Yup'ik", compared to Siberian "Yupik", exemplifies the Central Yup'ik's orthography. "The apostrophe represents gemination [or lengthening] of the 'p' sound". [9]

The "person/people" (human being) and ethnic self name in the Yup'ik dialects
dialectssingulardualpluralsingulardualplural
Unaliq-Pastuliq, Yukon, Nelson Island, Hooper Bayyukyuukyuut (< yuuget) ~ yug'etYup'ikYupiikYupiit
Kuskokwim, Kwigillingok, Kipnuk, Kongiganek, Chefornak, Bristol Bayyukyuukyuut (< yuuget) ~ yug'etYupiaqYupiakYupiat
ChevakcukcuugekcuugetCup'ikCupiikCupiit
NunivakcugcuugcuugetCup'igCupiigCupiit
Egegiktaru ~ taruqTarupiaqTarupiakTarupiat

The names given to them by their neighbors:

History

Origins

The common ancestors of the Yupik and the Aleut (as well as various Paleo-Siberian groups) are believed by archaeologists to have their origin in eastern Siberia. Migrating east, they reached the Bering Sea area about 10,000 years ago. [10] [11] Research on blood types and linguistics suggests that the ancestors of American Indians reached North America in waves of migration before the ancestors of the Eskimo and Aleut; there were three major waves of migration from Siberia to the Americas by way of the Bering land bridge. [12] This causeway became exposed between 20,000 and 8,000 years ago during periods of glaciation.

By about 3,000 years ago the progenitors of the Yupiit had settled along the coastal areas of what would become western Alaska, with migrations up the coastal rivers—notably the Yukon and Kuskokwim—around 1400 C.E., eventually reaching as far upriver as Paimiut on the Yukon and Crow Village (Tulukarugmiut) on the Kuskokwim. [8]

Before a Russian colonial presence emerged in the area, the Aleut and Yupik spent most of their time sea-hunting animals such as seals, walruses, and sea lions. They used mainly wood, stone, or bone weapons and had limited experience fishing. Families lived together in large groups during the winter and split up into smaller huts during the summer. [13]

Russian Period

The Russian colonization of the Americas lasted from 1732 to 1867. The Russian Empire supported ships traveling from Siberia to America for whaling and fishing expeditions. Gradually the crews established hunting and trading posts of the Shelikhov-Golikov Company in the Aleutian Islands and northern Alaska indigenous settlements. (These were the basis for the Russian-American Company). Approximately half of the fur traders were Russians, such as promyshlenniki from various European parts of the Russian Empire or from Siberia.

After the Bering expedition in 1741, Russians raced to explore the Aleutian Islands and gain control of its resources. The Indigenous peoples were forced to pay taxes in the form of beaver and seal fur, and opted to do so rather than fight the ever-growing stream of Russian hunters. [14]

Grigory Shelikhov led attacks on Kodiak Island against the indigenous Alutiiq (Sugpiaqs) in 1784, known as the Awa'uq Massacre. According to some estimates, Russian employees of the trading company killed more than 2,000 Alutiiq. The company then took over control of the island. By the late 1790s, its trading posts had become the centers of permanent settlements of Russian America (1799–1867). Until about 1819, Russian settlement and activity was largely confined to the Aleutian Islands, the Pribilof Islands, Kodiak Island, and to scattered coastal locations on the mainland. [15] Russian Orthodox missionaries went to these islands, where in 1800 priests conducted services in the local language on Kodiak Island, and by 1824 in the Aleutian Islands. An Orthodox priest translated the Holy Scripture and the liturgy into Tlingit language, which was used by another major people of Alaska Natives.

The Russian period, lasting roughly 120 years, can be divided into three 40-year periods: 1745 to 1785, 1785 to 1825, and 1825 to 1865. [16]

The first phase of the Russian period (1745 to 1785) affected only the Aleut (Unangan) and Alutiiq (Sugpiaq) profoundly. During this period, large sectors of the Bering Sea coast were mapped by the English explorer James Cook, rather than by the Russians. In 1778, Cook discovered and named Bristol Bay and then sailed northward around Cape Newenham into Kuskokwim Bay. [16]

During the second phase of the Russian period (1785 to 1825), the Shelikhov-Golikov Company and later the Russian-American Company was organized and continued in the exploration of the lucrative north Pacific Ocean sea otter trade. [16] During this time, they improved their treatment of the native people, skipping massacres for virtual enslavement and exploitation. The major portion of Alaska remained little known, and the Yup'ik of the Yukon-Kuskokwim delta were not strongly affected. [16] The Russo-American Treaty of 1824 was signed in St. Petersburg between representatives of Russian Empire and the United States on April 17, 1824, and went into effect on January 12, 1825.

During the last phase of the Russian period (1825 to 1865), the Alaska Natives began to suffer the effects of introduced infectious diseases, to which they had no acquired immunity. In addition, their societies were disrupted by increasing reliance on European trade goods from the permanent Russian trading posts. A third influence were the early Russian Orthodox missionaries, who sought to convert the peoples to their form of Christianity. [16] The missionaries learned native languages, and conducted services in those languages from the early decades of the 19th century. The Treaty of Saint Petersburg of 1825 defined the boundaries between Russian America and British Empire claims and possessions in the Pacific Northwest.

American Period

The United States purchased Alaska from the Russian Empire on March 30, 1867. Originally organized as the Department of Alaska (1867–1884), the area was renamed as the District of Alaska (1884–1912) and the Territory of Alaska (1912–1959) before it was admitted to the Union as the State of Alaska (1959–present). [17]

During the Early American Period (1867–1939), the federal government generally neglected the territory, other than using positions in territorial government for political patronage. There was an effort to exploit the natural resources in the years following the purchase of Alaska. Moravian Protestant (1885) and Jesuit Catholic (1888) missions and schools were established along the Kuskokwim and lower Yukon rivers, respectively. The Qasgiq disappeared due to missionary coercion. During the early American period, native languages were forbidden in the mission schools, where only English was permitted. [18]

The economy of the islands also took a hit under American ownership. Hutchinson, Cool & Co., an American trading company, took advantage of its position as the only trader in the area and charged the natives as much as possible for its goods. The combination of high costs and low hunting and fishing productivity persisted until the Russo-Japanese war cut off contact from Russia. [13]

The Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA) was signed into law on December 18, 1971. The ANCSA is central to both Alaska's history and current Alaska Native economies and political structures. [19]

Historiography

Before European contact (until in the 1800s), the history of the Yup'ik, like that of other Alaska Natives, was oral tradition. Each society or village had storytellers (qulirarta) who were known for their memories, and those were the people who told the young about the group's history. Their stories (traditional legends qulirat and historical narratives qanemcit) express crucial parts of Alaska's earliest history.

The historiography of the Yup'ik ethnohistory, as a part of Eskimology, is slowly emerging. The first academic studies of the Yup'ik tended to generalize all "Eskimo" cultures as homogeneous and changeless. [20]

While the personal experiences of non-natives who visited the Indigenous people of what is now called Alaska formed the basis of early research, by the mid-20th century archaeological excavations in southwestern Alaska allowed scholars to study the effects of foreign trade goods on 19th-century Eskimo material culture. [20] Also, translations of pertinent journals and documents from Russian explorers and the Russian-American Company added breadth to the primary source base. [20] The first ethnographic information about the Yup'ik of the Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta was recorded by the Russian explorer Lieutenant Lavrenty Zagoskin, during his explorations for the Russian-American Company in 1842–1844. [21]

The first academic cultural studies of southwestern Alaskan Indigenous people were developed only in the late 1940s. This was due in part to a dearth of English-language documentation, as well as competition in the field of other subject areas. [20] American anthropologist Margaret Lantis (1906–2006) published The Social Culture of the Nunivak Eskimo in 1946; it was the first complete description of any Alaskan indigenous group. She began Alaskan Eskimo Ceremonialism (1947) as a broad study of Alaskan Indigenous people. [20] James W. VanStone (1925–2001), an American cultural anthropologist, and Wendell H. Oswalt were among the earliest scholars to undertake significant archaeological research in the Yup'ik region. [20] VanStone demonstrates the ethnographic approach to cultural history in Eskimos of the Nushagak River: An Ethnographic History (1967). [20] Wendell Oswalt published a comprehensive ethnographic history of the Yukon–Kuskokwim delta region, the longest and most detailed work on Yup'ik history to date in Bashful No Longer: An Alaskan Eskimo ethnohistory, 1778–1988 (1988). [20] Ann Fienup-Riordan (born 1948) began writing extensively about the Yukon-Kuskokwim Indigenous people in the 1980s; she melded Yup'ik voices with traditional anthropology and history in an unprecedented fashion. [20]

The historiography of western Alaska has few Yup'ik scholars contributing writings. Harold Napoleon, an elder of Hooper Bay, presents an interesting premise in his book Yuuyaraq: The Way of the Human Being (1988). [20] A more scholarly, yet similar, treatment of cultural change can be found in Angayuqaq Oscar Kawagley's A Yupiaq Worldview: a Pathway to Ecology and Spirit (2001), which focuses on the intersection of Western and Yup'ik values. [20]

Yuuyaraq

Yuuyaraq or Way of life (yuuyaraqsgyuuyaratpl in Yup'ik, cuuyaraq in Cup'ik, cuuyarar in Cupig) is the term for the Yup'ik way of life as a human being. The expression encompasses interactions with others, subsistence or traditional knowledge, environmental or traditional ecological knowledge, and understanding, indigenous psychology, and spiritual balance. [22]

Yuuyaraq defined the correct way of thinking and speaking about all living things, especially the great sea and land mammals on which the Yup'ik relied for food, clothing, shelter, tools, kayaks, and other essentials. These great creatures were sensitive; they were believed able to understand human conversations, and they demanded and received respect. Yuuyaraq prescribed the correct method of hunting and fishing, and the correct way of handling all fish and game caught by the hunter in order to honor and appease the spirits and maintain a harmonious relationship with the fish and game. Although unwritten, this way can be compared to Mosaic law because it governed all aspects of a human being's life. [23]

Elders

An Alaska Native elder (tegganeqsgtegganrekdualtegganretpl in Yup'ik, teggneqsgteggnerek ~ teggenrekdualteggneret ~ teggenretpl in Cup'ik, taqnelug in Cupig) is a respected elder. The elder is defined as an individual who has lived an extended life, maintains a healthy lifestyle, and has a wealth of cultural information and knowledge. The elder has expertise based upon know-how and provides consultation to the community and family when needed. [24] Traditionally, knowledge was passed down from the elders to the youth through storytelling. [25] A naucaqun is a lesson or reminder by which the younger generation learns from the experience of the elders. [7]

Tegganeq is derived from the Yup'ik word tegge- meaning "to be hard; to be tough". [7] Yup'ik discipline is different from Western discipline. The discipline and authority within Yup'ik child-rearing practices have at its core respect for the children. [24]

More recently, elders have been invited to attend and present at national conferences and workshops. [24] Elders-in-residence is a program that involves elders in teaching and curriculum development in a formal educational setting (oftentimes a university), and is intended to influence the content of courses and the way the material is taught. [26]

Society

A Hooper Bay Askinarmiut boy poses wearing a circular cap (uivqurraq) and fur parka, photograph by Edward S Curtis (1930). Edward S. Curtis Collection People 011.jpg
A Hooper Bay Askinarmiut boy poses wearing a circular cap (uivqurraq) and fur parka, photograph by Edward S Curtis (1930).

Kinship

The Yup'ik kinship is based on what is formally classified in academia as an Eskimo kinship or lineal kinship. This kinship system is bilateral and a basic social unit consisted of from two to four generations, including parents, offspring, and parents' parents. Kinship terminologies in the Yup'ik societies exhibit a Yuman type of social organization with bilateral descent, and Iroquois cousin terminology. Bilateral descent provides each individual with his or her own unique set of relatives or kindred: some consanguineal members from the father's kin group and some from the mother's, with all four grandparents affiliated equally to the individual. Parallel cousins are referenced by the same terms as siblings, and cross cousins are differentiated. [28] Marriages were arranged by parents. Yup'ik societies (regional or socioterritorial groups) were shown to have a band organization characterized by extensive bilaterally structured kinship with multifamily groups aggregating annually. [28]

Community

The Yup'ik created larger settlements in winter to take advantage of group subsistence activities. Villages were organized in certain ways. Cultural rules of kinship served to define relationships among the individuals of the group. [28] Villages ranged in size from just two to more than a dozen sod houses (ena) for women and girls, one (or more in large villages) qasgiq for men and boys, and warehouses.

Leadership

Formerly, social status was attained by successful hunters who could provide food and skins. Successful hunters were recognized as leaders by members of the social group. [29] Although there were no formally recognized leaders, informal leadership was practiced by or in the men who held the title Nukalpiaq ("man in his prime; successful hunter and good provider"). The nukalpiaq, or good provider, was a man of considerable importance in village life. This man was consulted in any affair of importance affecting the village in general, particularly in determining participation in the Kevgiq and Itruka'ar ceremonies. [28] He was said to be a major contributor to those ceremonies and provider to orphans and widows. [28]

The position of the nukalpiaq was not, however, comparable to that of the umialik (whaling captain) of the northern and northwestern Alaska Iñupiaq. The captain had the power to collect the surplus of the village, and much of the basic production of individual family members, and later redistribute it. [30]

Residence

Qasgiq entry in the Yup'ik village of Stebbins (Tapraq), 1900 Alaskan Inuit winter home 1900.jpg
Qasgiq entry in the Yup'ik village of Stebbins (Tapraq), 1900

Traditionally, in the winter the Yup'ik lived in semi-permanent subterranean houses, with some for the men and others for the women (with their children) . The Yup'ik men lived together in a larger communal house (qasgiq), while women and children lived in smaller, different sod houses (ena). Although the men and women lived separately, they had many interactions. Depending on the village, qasgiq and ena were connected by a tunnel. Both qasgiq and ena also served as school and workshop for young boys and girls. Among the Akulmiut, the residential pattern of separate houses for women and children and a single residence for men and boys persisted until about 1930. [28]

The women's house or Ena ([e]nasgnekdualnetpl in Yup'ik, enasgenetpl in Cup'ik, ena in Cup'ig) was an individual or semi-communal smaller sod house. They looked similar in construction to the qasgiqs but were only about half the size. Women and children lived in houses that served as residences for two to five women and their children. Raising children was the women's responsibility until young boys left the home to join other males in the qasgiq to learn discipline and how to make a living. [28] The ena also served as a school and workshop for young girls, where they could learn the art and craft of skin sewing, food preparation, and other important survival skills.

Wooden qasgiruaq (qasgiq model) with walrus ivory dolls. Ethnological Museum of Berlin. Nordamerikaabteilung in Ethnological Museum Berlin 70.JPG
Wooden qasgiruaq (qasgiq model) with walrus ivory dolls. Ethnological Museum of Berlin.

Men's house or Qasgiq (is pronounced as "kaz-geek" and often referred to as kashigi, kasgee, kashim, kazhim, or casine in the old literature; qasgi ~ qasgiqsgqasgikdualqasgitpl in Yup'ik, qaygiqsgqaygitpl in Cup'ik, kiiyar in Cup'ig; qasgimi "in the qasgi") is a communal larger sod house. The qasgiq was used and occupied from November through March. [28] The qasgiq housed all adult males in the community and male youth about seven years and older. The women prepared meals in their houses, known as ena. These were taken to the males in the qasgiq by young women and girls. [28]

The qasgiq was served as a school and workshop for young boys, where they could learn the art and craft of mask making, tool making, and kayak construction. It was also a place for learning hunting and fishing skills. At times, the men created a firebath, where hot fires and rocks produced heat to aid in body cleansing. Thus, the qasgiq was a residence, bathhouse, and workshop for all but the youngest male community members who still lived with their mothers. [28] Although there were no formally recognized leaders or offices to be held, men and boys were assigned specific places within the qasgiq that distinguished rank of males by age and residence. [28] The qasgiq was a ceremonial and spiritual center for the community.

In primary villages, all ceremonies (and Yup'ik dancing) and gatherings (within and between villages among the socioterritorial and neighboring groups) took place in the qasgiq. [28] During the early 20th century, Christian church services were held in the qasgiq before churches were constructed. [28] Virtually all official business, within the group, between groups and villages, and between villagers and non-Yup'ik (such as early missionaries) was conducted in the qasgiq. [28]

The Yup'ik Eskimo did not live in igloos or snow houses. But, the northern and northwestern Alaskan Iñupiaq built snow houses for temporary shelter during their winter hunting trips. The word iglu means "house" in Iñupiaq. This word is the Iñupiaq cognate of the Yup'ik word ngel'u ("beaver lodge, beaver house"), which it resembled in shape. [7]

Regional groups

Among the Yup'ik of southwestern Alaska, societies (regional or socioterritorial groups), like those of the Iñupiat of northwestern Alaska, were differentiated by territory, speech patterns, clothing details, annual cycles, and ceremonial life. [28]

Prior to and during the mid-19th century, the time of Russian exploration and presence in the area, the Yupiit were organized into at least twelve, and perhaps as many as twenty, territorially distinct regional or socioterritorial groups (their native names will generally be found ending in -miut postbase which signifies "inhabitants of ..." tied together by kinship [31] [32] —hence the Yup'ik word tungelquqellriit, meaning "those who share ancestors (are related)". [32] These groups included:

While Yupiit were nomadic, the abundant fish and game of the Y-K Delta and Bering Sea coastal areas permitted for a more settled life than for many of the more northerly Iñupiaq people. Under normal conditions, there was little need for interregional travel, as each regional group had access to enough resources within its own territory to be completely self-sufficient. However, fluctuations in animal populations or weather conditions sometimes necessitated travel and trade between regions. [31]

Economy

Hunting-gathering

Aerial view of Bethel on the Kuskokwim River. Bethel (Mamterilleq) is regional hub of Yup'ik homeland. Bethel Alaska aerial view.jpg
Aerial view of Bethel on the Kuskokwim River. Bethel (Mamterilleq) is regional hub of Yup'ik homeland.

The homeland of Yup'ik is the Dfc climate type subarctic tundra ecosystem. The land is generally flat tundra and wetlands. The area that covers about 100,000 square miles which is roughly about 1/3 of Alaska. [41] Their lands are located in five of the 32 ecoregions of Alaska: [42]

Before European contact, the Yup'ik, like other neighbouring Indigenous groups, were semi-nomadic hunter-fisher-gatherers who moved seasonally throughout the year within a reasonably well-defined territory to harvest sea and land mammals, fish, bird, berry and other renewable resources. The economy of Yup'ik is a mixed cash-subsistence system, like other modern foraging economies in Alaska. The primary use of wild resources is domestic. Commercial fishing in Alaska and trapping patterns are controlled primarily by external factors.

On the coast, in the past as in the present, to discuss hunting was to begin to define man. In Yup'ik, the word anqun (man) comes from the root angu- (to catch after chasing; to catch something for food) and means, literally, a device for chasing. [16]

Northwest Alaska is one of the richest Pacific salmon areas in the world, with the world's largest commercial Alaska salmon fishery in Bristol Bay.

Coastal Togiak subregion (Manokotak, Twin Hills, Togiak, Goodnews Bay, Platinum) annual hunting-gathering cycle (1985) [43]
Yes check.svg
usual harvest
N5.png
occasional harvest
ResourceJanFebMarAprMayJunJulAugSepOctNovDec
King salmon catching
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
Red salmon catching
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Silver salmon catching
N5.png
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Dolly Varden catching
N5.png
N5.png
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
N5.png
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
Whitefish catching
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Smelt catching
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Pike catching
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
Yes check.svg
other freshwater fish catching
N5.png
N5.png
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
Moose hunting
N5.png
N5.png
N5.png
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
N5.png
Yes check.svg
Caribou hunting
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Brown bear hunting
N5.png
N5.png
N5.png
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
N5.png
Harbor seal hunting
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
N5.png
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Bearded & Ringed seal hunting
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
Yes check.svg
Sea lion hunting
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
Porcupine hunting
N5.png
N5.png
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
N5.png
N5.png
N5.png
Hare & Rabbit hunting
N5.png
N5.png
N5.png
N5.png
N5.png
N5.png
N5.png
N5.png
Beaver trapping
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
N5.png
N5.png
N5.png
N5.png
N5.png
N5.png
River otter trapping
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
N5.png
N5.png
N5.png
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Red fox trapping
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Parky squirrel trapping
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
other furbearers trapping
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
N5.png
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Ducks & Geese hunting
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
N5.png
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Ptarmigan hunting
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
N5.png
Yes check.svg
Bird eggs gathering
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
Clams & Mussels gathering
N5.png
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
N5.png
N5.png
N5.png
Berry picking
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Yes check.svg
Basket grass gathering
N5.png
Yes check.svg
N5.png

Trade

In the Nome Census Area, Brevig Mission, an Iñupiaq community, tended to trade with other Iñupiaq communities to the north: Shishmaref, Kotzebue, and Point Hope. The Yup'ik communities (Elim, Stebbins and St. Michael), tended to trade with Yup'ik communities to the south: Kotlik, Emmonak, Mountain Village, Pilot Station, St. Mary's of the Kusilvak Census Area. [44]

Transportation

Nunivak kayaks, August 1936 Nunivak kayaks NOAA line1688.jpg
Nunivak kayaks, August 1936

Traditionally, transportation was primarily by dog sleds (land) and kayaks (water). Sea mammal hunting and fishing in the Bering Sea region took place from both small narrow closed skin-covered boats called kayaks and larger broad open skin-covered boats called umiaks. Kayaks were used more frequently than umiaks. Traditionally, kayaking and umiaking served as water transportation and sea hunting. Dog sleds are ideal land transportation. Pedestrian transportation is on foot in summer and snowshoes in winter. Only small local road systems exist in Southwest Alaska. Only a few closely adjacent villages are linked by roads. Today, snowmobile or snowmachine travel is a critical component of winter transport; an ice road for highway vehicles is used along portions of the Kuskokwim River.

This kayak appears to be built in the Nunivak Island style. Collection of the Arktikum Science Museum in Rovaniemi, Finland. Inuit kayak (Alaska) - Arctic Museum.jpg
This kayak appears to be built in the Nunivak Island style. Collection of the Arktikum Science Museum in Rovaniemi, Finland.
Nunivak Cup'ig kayak cockpit stanchions (ayaperviik). The smiling face of a man and the frowning face of a woman grace these pieces from a kayak frame. Collection of the University of Alaska Museum of the North Cupik kayak stanchions.jpg
Nunivak Cup'ig kayak cockpit stanchions (ayaperviik). The smiling face of a man and the frowning face of a woman grace these pieces from a kayak frame. Collection of the University of Alaska Museum of the North

The kayak (qayaqsgqayakdualqayatpl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, qayar ~ qay'arsgqay'agdualqay'at ~ qass'itpl in Cup'ig; from qai- "surface; top") [7] ) is small narrow closed skin-covered boat and was first used by the native speakers of the Eskimo–Aleut languages. The Yup'ik used kayaks for seal hunting, fishing, and general transportation. The Yup'ik people considered a kayak the owner's most prized possession. Traditionally, a kayak was a Yup'ik hunter's most prized possession and a symbol of manhood. [45] It is fast and maneuverable, seaworthy, light, and strong. Kayak is made of driftwood from the beach, covered with the skin of a sea mammal, and sewn with sinew from another animal. Yup'ik kayaks are known from the earliest ethnographic reports, but there are currently no surviving full-size Yup'ik kayaks from the pre-contact period. [46] The Yup'ik Norton Sound/Hooper Bay kayaks consisted of 5–6 young seal skins stretched for the covering. The Yup'ik style of seams contains a running stitch partially piercing the skin on top and an overlapping stitch on the inside with a grass insert. [47] Caninermiut style Yup'ik kayak used in the Kwigillingok and Kipnuk regions and there are teeth marks in the wood of the circular hatch opening, made by the builders as they bent and curved the driftwood into shape. [48]

Kayak stanchions or kayak cockpit stanchions (ayaperviksgayaperviikdualayaperviitpl or ayaperyaraqsgayaperyaratpl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, ayaperwig in Cup'ig) are top piece centered at side of coaming and used as a support as one climbs out of a kayak. They prevented the person from falling while getting in and out of the kayak. All kayaks had ayaperviik on them. This one has a woman's frowning face with a down-turned mouth carved on it. Perhaps the other side would have a man's smiling face carved on it. [49]

The umiak or open skin boat, large skin boat (angyaqsgangyakdualangyatpl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, angyar in Cup'ig) is larger broad open skin-covered boat.

The dog sleds (ikamraqsgikamrakdualikamratpl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, qamauk in Yukon and Unaliq-Pastuliq Yup'ik, ikamrag, qamaug in Cup'ig; often used in the dual for one sled) [50] are an ancient and widespread means of transportation for Northern Indigenous peoples, but when non-Native fur traders and explorers first traveled the Yukon River and other interior regions in the mid-19th century they observed that only Yupikized Athabaskan groups, including the Koyukon, Deg Hit'an and Holikachuk, used dogs in this way. Both of these peoples had probably learned the technique from their Iñupiat or Yup'ik neighbors. Non-Yupikized Athabaskan groups, including the Gwich'in, Tanana, Ahtna and other Alaskan Athabaskans pulled their sleds and toboggans by hand, using dogs solely for hunting and as pack animals. [51]

Culture

Yup'ik (as Yup'ik and Cup'ik) culture is one of five cultural groups of the Alaska Natives. [52]

The Yupiit Piciryarait Cultural Center is a non-profit cultural center of the Yup'ik culture centrally located in Bethel near the University of Alaska Fairbanks' Kuskokwim Campus and city offices. The mission of the center is promote, preserve and develop the traditions of the Yup'ik through traditional and non-traditional art forms of the Alaska Native art, including arts and crafts, performance arts, education, and Yup'ik language. The center also supports local artists and entrepreneurs. [53]

Language and literature

Language

The Yup'ik speak four or five Yupik languages. The Yup'ik people constitute the largest ethnic group in Alaska and the Yup'ik languages are spoken by the largest number of native persons. Yup'ik, like all Northern Indigenous languages, are suffixing languages made up of noun and verb bases to which one or more postbases and a final ending or enclitics are added to denote such features as number, case, person, and position. The Yup'ik category of number distinguishes singular, plural, and dual. Yup'ik does not have a category of gender and articles. The Yup'ik orthography one sees nowadays was developed at the University of Alaska Fairbanks in the 1960s by native speakers of Yup'ik elders working with linguists. [9] The Yup'ik are the most numerous of the various Alaska Natives. There are 10,400 speakers out of a population of 25,000, and the language is threatened in 2007, according to Alaska Native Language Center. [54]

Enabling Linguistic Diversity and Multilingualism Worldwide.</ref>]]

It is a single well-defined language (now called as Yup'ik or Yup'ik and Cup'ik) a dialect continuum [55] with five major dialects: extinct Egegik (Aglegmuit-Tarupiaq), and living Norton Sound or Unaliq-Pastuliq dialect (two subdialects: Unaliq and Kotlik), General Central Yup'ik dialect (seven subdialects: Nelson Island and Stebbins, Nushagak River, Yukon or Lower Yukon, Upper or Middle Kuskokwim, Lake Iliamna, Lower Kuskokwim, and Bristol Bay), Hooper Bay-Chevak dialect (two subdialects: Hooper Bay Yup'ik and Chevak Cup'ik), and Nunivak Cup'ig dialect. [56] Nunivak Island dialect (Cup'ig) is distinct and highly divergent from mainland Yup'ik dialects.

Population of the dialect-based main Yup'ik groups in 1980. [56]
Yup'ik groupsPopulationSpeakersNonspeakers
General Central Yup'ik13,7029,6229,080
Unaliq-Pastuliq752508244
Hooper Bay-Chevak1,03795978
Nunivak1539261
Maintenance of the Eskimo-Aleut languages of Alaska (1980 and 1992) and their degree of viability (1992). [57]
People and language1980 population / speakers & percent1992 population / speakers & percent1992 viability
Siberian Yupik1,000 / 1,050 95%1,000 / 1,050 95%spoken by most or all of the adults as well as all or most of the children
Central Yup'ik17,000 / 14,000 80%18,000 / 12,000 67%spoken by most or all of the adults as well as all or most of the children & spoken by most of the adults but not by most of the children
Inupiaq12,000 / 5,000 40%13,000 / 4,000 31%spoken by most of the adults but not by most of the children & spoken only by older people (mainly those above 50 years of age)
Sugpiaq (Alutiiq)3,000 / 1,000 33%3,100 / 600 19%spoken by most of the adults but not by most of the children & spoken only by older people (mainly those above 50 years of age)
Aleut (Unangan)2,200 / 700 35%2,100 / 400 19%spoken by most of the adults but not by most of the children & spoken only by older people (mainly those above 50 years of age)

Education

Yup'ik was not a written language until the arrival of Europeans, the Russians, around the beginning of the 19th century. [9] Pre-contact knowledge transfer and learning among Yup'ik people traditionally was through oral culture, with no written history or transcribed language. Children were taught about subsistence practices, culture and social systems through stories, legends, toys, and examples of behaviour. [46]

School bus at Crooked Creek, Alaska (Tevyaraq), March 5, 2008 Crooked-creek-schoolbus.jpg
School bus at Crooked Creek, Alaska (Tevyaraq), March 5, 2008

The early schools for Alaska Natives were mostly church-run schools of the Russian Orthodox missions in Russian-controlled Alaska (1799–1867), and, after 1890, the Jesuits and Moravians, allowed the use of the Alaska Native languages in instruction in schools. However, in the 1880s, Presbyterian missionary Sheldon Jackson (1834–1909) began a policy of prohibiting Native languages in the mission schools he managed. When he became United States Commissioner of Education, he proposed a policy of prohibition of indigenous language use in all Alaskan schools. This policy came into full force by about 1910. From that time period until the passage of the Bilingual Education Act in 1968, children in Alaskan schools suffered severe treatment for speaking their Native languages in schools. [58] [59]

Chevak, Kashunamiut School District, the school (blue), lake, and condemned old school (red) Chevak.jpg
Chevak, Kashunamiut School District, the school (blue), lake, and condemned old school (red)

17 Yup'ik villages had adopted local elementary bilingual programs by 1973. In the 1980s and 1990s Yup'ik educators became increasingly networked across village spaces. Between the early 1990s and the run of the century, students in Yup'ik villages, like youth elsewhere became connected to the Internet and began to form a "Yup'ik Worldwide Web". Through Facebook and YouTube, youth are creating new participatory networks and multimodal competencies. [60]

Bilingualism is still quite common in Alaska today, especially among Native people who speak English in addition to their own language. [9] All village schools are publicly funded by the state of Alaska. The school districts of the Yup'ik area:

  • Lower Yukon School District (LYSD). English and Yup'ik bilingual education is done at these schools: Alakanuk, Emmonak, Hooper Bay, Ignatius Beans Memorial, Kotlik, Marshall, Pilot Station, Pitkas Point, Russian Mission, Scammon Bay, Sheldon Point. [61]
  • Lower Kuskokwim School District (LKSD). English and Yup'ik (with Cup'ig at the Nunivak Island) bilingual education is done at these schools: Atmautluak, Akiuk-Kasigluk, Akula-Kasigluk, Ayaprun, BABS School, Bethel High School, Chefornak, EEK, Goodnews Bay, Gladys Jung, Kipnuk, Kongiganak, Kwethluk, Kwigillingok, M.E. School, Mekoryuk, Napakiak, Napaskiak, Newtok, Nightmute, Nunapitchuk, Oscarville, Platinum, Quinhagak, Toksook Bay, Tuntutuliak, Tununak, Pre-School. [62]
  • Yupiit School District (YSD) English and Yup'ik (with Cup'ig at the Nunivak Island) bilingual education is done at these schools: Akiachak, Akiak, Tuluksak [63]
  • Kashunamiut School District (KSD) is within the village of Chevak. English and Cup'ik bilingual education is done at this school. [64]
  • Kuspuk School District. English and Yup'ik bilingual education is done at these schools: Lower Kalskag, Kalskag, Aniak, Chuathbaluk, Crooked creek, Red Devil, Sleetmute, Stony River. [65]
  • Southwest Region School District (SWRSD). English and Yup'ik bilingual education is done at these schools: Aleknagik, Clarks Point, Ekwok, Koliganek, Manokotak, New Stuyahok, Togiak, Twin Hills [66] [67]

Literature

Yup'ik oral storytelling stories or tales are often divided into the two categories of Qulirat (traditional legends) and Qanemcit (historical narratives). In this classification then, what is identified as myth or fairytale in the Western (European) tradition is a quliraq, and a personal or historical narrative is a qanemciq. [68] [69]

  • Traditional Legends (quliraqsgquliratpl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, qulirer in Cup'ig) are traditional Yup'ik legends or mythical tales that have been transmitted from generation to generation and often have supernatural elements. These traditional stories that has been handed down by word of mouth and involving fictional, mythical, legendary, or historical characters, or animals taking on human characteristics, told for entertainment and edification. Yup'ik family legends (ilakellriit qulirait) are an oral story that has been handed down through the generations within a certain family.
  • Historical Narratives (qanemciqsgqanemcitpl or qanemci, qalamciq, qalangssak in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, qanengssi, univkangssi in Cup'ig) are a personal and historical Yup'ik narratives that can be attributed to an individual author, even though he or she has been forgotten.

The stories that previous generations of Yup'ik heard in the qasgi and assimilated as part of a life spent hunting, travelling, dancing, socializing, preparing food, repairing tools, and surviving from one season to the next. [70] Yup'ik oral stories (qulirat and qanemcit) of the storytellers (qulirarta) were embedded in many social functions of the society. Storyknifing (yaaruilta literally "let's go story knife!") stories a traditional and still common activity of young girls and are told by children of all ages in the Yup'ik lands. These stories are illustrated by figures sketched on mud or snow with a ceremonial knife, known as story knife or story telling knife (yaaruin, saaruin, ateknguin, quliranguarrsuun in Yup'ik, qucgutaq in Cup'ik, igaruarun in Cup'ig). Story knives made of wood (equaq is wooden story knife) ivory or bone (cirunqaaraq is antler story knife). In the Yup'ik storytelling tradition, an important aspect of traditional stories is that each listener can construct his or her own meaning from the same storytelling. [71]

Art

The Yup'ik traditionally decorate most all of their tools, even ones that perform smaller functions. [72] Traditionally sculptures are not made for decoration. One of their most popular forms of the Alaska Native art are Yup'ik masks. They most often create masks for ceremonies but the masks are traditionally destroyed after being used. These masks are used to bring the person wearing it luck and good fortune in hunts. Other art forms, including Yup'ik clothing, Yup'ik doll are most popular.

Clothing

Nunivak Cup'ig child wearing bird skin clothing (parka?) and wood knot-like beaded circular cap (uivqurraq), photograph by Edward Curtis, 1930 Edward S. Curtis Collection People 017.jpg
Nunivak Cup'ig child wearing bird skin clothing (parka?) and wood knot-like beaded circular cap (uivqurraq), photograph by Edward Curtis, 1930

The traditional clothing system developed and used by the Yup'ik and other Northern Indigenous peoples is the most effective cold weather clothing developed to date. Yup'ik clothing tended to fit relatively loosely. Skin sewing is artistic arena in which Yup'ik women and a few younger men excel. Yup'ik women made clothes and footwear from animal skins (especially hide and fur of marine and land mammals for fur clothing, sometimes birds, also fish), sewn together using needles made from animal bones, walrus ivory, and bird bones such as front part of a crane's foot and threads made from other animal products, such as sinew. The semilunar woman's knife ulu is used to process and cut skins for clothing and footwear. Women made most clothing of caribou (wild caribou Rangifer tarandus granti and domestic reindeer Rangifer tarandus tarandus) and sealskin. The English words kuspuk (parka cover or overshirt) and mukluk (skin boot) which is derived from the Yup'ik word qaspeq and maklak. Before the arrival of the Russian fur traders (promyshlennikis), caribou and beaver skins were used for traditional clothing but Northern Indigenous peoples were compelled by to sell most of their furs to the Russians and substitute (inferior) manufactured materials. Everyday functional items like skin mittens, mukluks, and jackets are commonly made today, but the elegant fancy parkas (atkupiaq) of traditional times are now rare. Today, many Yup'ik have adopted western-style clothing.

Mask

Yup'ik painted wood mask depicting the face of a tuunraq (keeper of the game), Yukon River area, late 19th century, Dallas Museum of Art, Dallas, Texas Alaska Mask tunghak DMA 1982-82.jpg
Yup'ik painted wood mask depicting the face of a tuunraq (keeper of the game), Yukon River area, late 19th century, Dallas Museum of Art, Dallas, Texas

Yup'ik masks (kegginaquq and nepcetaq in Yup'ik, agayu in Cup'ig) are expressive shamanic ritual masks. One of their most popular forms of the Alaska Native art are masks. The masks vary enormously but are characterised by great invention. They are typically made of wood, and painted with few colors. The Yup'ik masks were carved by men or women, but mainly were carved by the men. They most often create masks for ceremonies but the masks are traditionally destroyed after being used. After Christian contact in the late 19th century, masked dancing was suppressed, and today it is not practiced as it was before in the Yup'ik villages. [73] [74]

The National Museum of the American Indian, as a part of the Smithsonian Institution, provided photographs of Yup'ik ceremonial masks collected by Adams Hollis Twitchell, an explorer and trader who traveled Alaska during the Nome Gold Rush newly arrived in the Kuskokwim region, in Bethel in the early 1900s. [30]

Music and dance

Nunivak Cup'ig man playing a very large drum (cauyaq) in 1927 photograph by Edward S Curtis Drummer Nunivak Curtis LOC.JPG
Nunivak Cup'ig man playing a very large drum (cauyaq) in 1927 photograph by Edward S Curtis

Yup'ik dancing (yuraq in Yup'ik) is a traditional form of dancing usually performed to songs in Yup'ik. Round drums cover with seal stomach and played with wooden sticks of driftwood provide a rhythmic beat. Both men and women choreograph the dances and sing in accompaniment. Typically, the men are in the front, kneeling and the women stand in the back. The drummers are in the very back of the dance group. The Yup'ik use dance fans (finger masks or maskettes, tegumiak)to emphasize and exaggerate arm motions. Dancing plays an important role in both the social and spiritual life of the Yup'ik community. The Yup'ik have returned to practicing their songs and dances, which are a form of prayer. Traditional dancing in the qasgiq is a communal activity in Yup'ik tradition. Mothers and wives brought food to the qasgiq (men's house) where they would join in an evening of ceremonial singing and dancing. The mask was a central element in Yup'ik ceremonial dancing. [75] There are dances for fun, social gatherings, exchange of goods, and thanksgiving. Yup'ik ways of dancing (yuraryaraq) embrace six fundamental key entities identified as ciuliat (ancestors), angalkuut (shamans), cauyaq (drum), yuaruciyaraq (song structures), yurarcuutet (regalia) and yurarvik (dance location). [76] The Yuraq is use generic term for Yup'ik/Cup'ik regular dance. Also, yuraq is concerned with animal behaviour and hunting of animals, or with ridicule of individuals (ranging from affectionate teasing to punishing public embarrassment). But, use for inherited dance is Yurapik or Yurapiaq (lit. "real dance"). The dancing of their ancestors was banned by Christian missionaries in the late 19th century. After a century, Cama-i dance festival is a cultural celebration that started in the mid 1980s with a goal to gather dancers from outlying villages to share their music and dances. There are now many groups who perform dances in Alaska. Most popular activity in the Yup'ik-speaking area is rediscovered Yup'ik dancing.

Yupik Dance Festivals

Every year, the Yupiit of the Qaluuyaaq (Nelson Island) and the surrounding villages of Nelson Island gather up every weekend in each village. Each village hosts aYupik dance festivals which they call the festival Yurarpak (you-rawr-puk).

The qelutviaq is a one-string fiddle or lute played by the Yup'ik of Nelson Island.

Drums of Winter or Uksuum Cauyai: Drums of Winter (1977) is an ethnographic documentary on the culture of the Yup'ik people, focusing primarily on dance, music, and potlatch traditions in the community of Emmonak, Alaska.

Toys and games

Nunivak Cup'ig children playing jump-rope (qawaliqtar in Cup'ig), 1940 or 1941 Nunivak jump-rope.jpg
Nunivak Cup'ig children playing jump-rope (qawaliqtar in Cup'ig), 1940 or 1941

An Eskimo yo-yo or Alaska yo-yo is a traditional two-balled skill toy played and performed by the Eskimo-speaking Alaska Natives, such as Inupiat, Siberian Yupik, and Yup'ik. It resembles fur-covered bolas and yo-yo. It is regarded as one of the most simple, yet most complex, cultural artifacts/toys in the world. [77] [78] The Eskimo yo-yo involves simultaneously swinging two sealskin balls suspended on caribou sinew strings in opposite directions with one hand. It is popular with Alaskans and tourists alike. [79]

Doll

Yup'ik dolls (yugaq, irniaruaq, sugaq, sugaruaq, suguaq in Yup'ik, cugaq, cugaruaq in Cup'ik, cuucunguar in Cup'ig) are dressed in traditional-style clothing, intended to protect the wearer from cold weather, and are often made from traditional materials obtained through food gathering. Play dolls from the Yup'ik area were made of driftwood, bone, or walrus ivory and measured from one to twelve inches in height or more. [80] Some human figurines were used by shamans. Dolls also mediated the transition between childhood and adulthood in the Yup'ik shamanism.

Cuisine

Tumnaq used to make Eskimo ice cream, circa 1910 Tumnaq.JPG
Tumnaq used to make Eskimo ice cream, circa 1910

Yup'ik cuisine is based on traditional subsistence food harvests (hunting, fishing and berry gathering) supplemented by seasonal subsistence activities. The Yup'ik region is rich with waterfowl, fish, and sea and land mammals. Yup'ik settled where the water remained ice-free in winter, where walruses, whales and seals came close to shore, and where there was a fishing stream or a bird colony nearby. Even if a place was not very convenient for human civilization, but had rich game, yup'ik would settle there. The coastal settlements rely more heavily on sea mammals (seals, walrusses, beluga whales), many species of fish (Pacific salmon, herring, halibut, flounder, trout, burbot, Alaska blackfish), shellfish, crabs, and seaweed. The inland settlements rely more heavily on Pacific salmon and freshwater whitefish, land mammals (moose, caribou), migratory waterfowl, bird eggs, berries, greens, and roots help sustain people throughout the region. Traditional subsistence foods are mixed with what is commercially available. Today about half the food is supplied by subsistence activities (subsistence foods), the other half is purchased from the commercial stores (market foods, store-bought foods).

Traditional Yup'ik delicacies are, akutaq (Eskimo ice cream), tepa (stinkheads), mangtak (muktuk).

Elevated cache (qulvarvik, qulrarvik, neqivik, enekvak, mayurpik, mayurrvik, ellivik, elliwig) was used to store food where it would be safe from animals. Hooper Bay, Alaska, 1929. Food caches, Hooper Bay, Alaska.jpg
Elevated cache (qulvarvik, qulrarvik, neqivik, enekvak, mayurpik, mayurrvik, ellivik, elliwig) was used to store food where it would be safe from animals. Hooper Bay, Alaska, 1929.

Elevated cache or raised log cache, also raised cache or log storehouse (qulvarvik sg qulvarviit pl [Yukon, Kuskokwim, Bristol Bay, NR, Lake Iliamna], qulrarvik [Egegik], neqivik [Hooper Bay-Chevak, Yukon, Nelson Island], enekvak [Hooper Bay-Chevak], mayurpik [Hooper Bay-Chevak], mayurrvik [Nelson Island], ellivik [Kuskokwim], elliwig [Nunivak]) is a bear cache-like safe food storage place designed to store food outdoors and prevent animals from accessing it. Elevated cache types include log or plank cache, open racks, platform caches, and tree caches. The high cabin-on-post cache was probably not an indigenous form among either Eskimos or Alaskan Athabaskans. Cabin-on-post caches are thought to have appeared in the 1870s. The cabinon-post form may thus have been introduced by early traders, miners, or missionaries, who would have brought with them memories of the domestic and storage structures constructed in their homelands. [81]

Fish

Alaskan economical salmonoid fish species (Oncorhynchus) are main food for the Yup'ik: Sockeye or Red salmon (sayak), Chum or Dog salmon (kangitneq), Chinook or King salmon (taryaqvak), Coho or Silver salmon (qakiiyaq), Pink or Humpback salmon (amaqaayak). Salmon 01 alt.jpg
Alaskan economical salmonoid fish species ( Oncorhynchus ) are main food for the Yup'ik: Sockeye or Red salmon (sayak), Chum or Dog salmon (kangitneq), Chinook or King salmon (taryaqvak), Coho or Silver salmon (qakiiyaq), Pink or Humpback salmon (amaqaayak).

Fish as food, especially Pacific salmon (or in some places, non-salmon) species are primary main subsistence food for the Yup'ik. Both food and fish (and salmon) called neqa (sg) neqet (pl) in Yup'ik. Also for salmon called neqpik ~ neqpiaq (sg) neqpiit ~ neqpiat (pl) in Yup'ik, means literally "real food". But, main food for the Iñupiaq is meat of whale and caribou (both food and meat called niqi in Iñupiaq, also for meat called niqipiaq "real food").

Alaska subsistence communities are noted to obtain up to 97% of the omega-3 fatty acids through a subsistence diet. [82]

Tepas, also called stinkheads, stink heads, stinky heads, are fermented fish head such as king and silver salmon heads, are a traditional food of the Yup'ik. A customary way of preparing them is to place fish heads and guts in a wooden barrel, cover it with burlap, and bury it in the ground for about a week. For a short while in modern times, plastic bags and buckets replaced the barrel. However this increased the risk of botulism, and the Yup'ik have reverted to fermenting fishheads directly in the ground. [83] [84]

Mammals

Muktuk drying at Point Lay, Alaska. June 24, 2007. Beluga blubber.jpg
Muktuk drying at Point Lay, Alaska. June 24, 2007.

Muktuk (mangtak in Yukon, Unaliq-Pastuliq, Chevak, mangengtak in Bristol Bay) is the traditional meal of frozen raw beluga whale skin (dark epidermis) with attached subcutaneous fat (blubber).

Plants

The tundra provides berries for making jams, jellies, and a Yup'ik delicacy commonly called akutaq or "Eskimo ice cream".

The mousefood (ugnarat neqait) consists of the roots of various tundra plants which are cached by voles in burrows

Ceremonies

The dominant ceremonies are: Nakaciuq (Bladder Festival), Elriq (Festival of the Dead), Kevgiq (Messenger Feast), Petugtaq (request certain items), and Keleq (invitation).

Religion

Shamanism

Yup'ik shaman (angalkuq) exorcising evil spirits (caarrluk) from a sick boy. The enormous wooden hands with shortened thumbs (inglukellriik unatnquak ayautaunatek) worn by the shaman. Nushagak Bay, ca. 1890s. Yupik shaman Nushagak.jpg
Yup'ik shaman (angalkuq) exorcising evil spirits (caarrluk) from a sick boy. The enormous wooden hands with shortened thumbs (inglukellriik unatnquak ayautaunatek) worn by the shaman. Nushagak Bay, ca. 1890s.

Historically and traditionally, Yup'ik and other all Eskimos traditional religious practices could be very briefly summarised as a form of shamanism based on animism. Aboriginally and in early historic times the shaman, called as medicine man or medicine woman (angalkuqsgangalkukdualangalkutpl or angalkuksgangalkuukdualangalkuutpl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, angalku in Cup'ig) was the central figure of Yup'ik religious life and was the middle man between spirits and the humans. The role of shaman as the primary leader, petitioner, and a trans-mediator between the human and non-human spiritual worlds in association with music, dance, and masks. The shaman's professional responsibility was to enact ancient forms of prayers to request for the survival needs of the people. The powerful shaman called as big shaman (angarvak).

Yup'ik shamans directed the making of masks and composed the dances and music for winter ceremonies. The specified masks depicted survival essentials requested in ceremonies. [76] Shamans often carved the symbolic masks that were vital to many Yup'ik ceremonial dances and this masks represented spirits that the shaman saw during visions. [85] Shaman masks or plaque masks (nepcetaqsgnepcetakdualnepcetatpl) were empowered by shamans and are powerful ceremonial masks represented a shaman's helping spirit (tuunraq). Shamans wearing masks of bearded seal, moose, wolf, eagle, beaver, fish, and the north wind were accompanied with drums and music. [76]

Big mouth, 1493 by Hartmann Schedel (1440-1514), Nuremberg Chronicle (Schedel'sche Weltchronik). The Big mouth similar to Yup'ik Miluquyulit Schedel'sche Weltchronik-Big mouth.jpg
Big mouth, 1493 by Hartmann Schedel (1440–1514), Nuremberg Chronicle (Schedel'sche Weltchronik). The Big mouth similar to Yup'ik Miluquyulit

Legendary animals, monsters, and half-humans: amikuk (sea monster said to resemble an octopus); amlliq (monster fish); arularaq (monster identified as "Bigfoot"); cirunelvialuk (sea creature); cissirpak (great worm; ingluilnguq creature that is only half a person); inglupgayuk (being with half a woman's face); irci, irciq (creature, half animal and half man); itqiirpak (big hand from the ocean); kun'uniq (sea creature with human features seen on pack ice); meriiq (creature that will suck the blood from one's big toe); miluquyuli (rock-throwing creature); muruayuli (creature that sinks into the ground as it walks); paalraayak (creature that moves underground); qamurralek (being with a dragging appendage); qununiq (person who lives in the sea); qupurruyuli (being with human female face who helps people at sea); quq'uyaq (polar bear); quugaarpak (mammoth-like creature that lives underground); tengempak (giant bird); tengmiarpak ("thunderbird"); tiissiq (caterpillar-like creature that leaves a scorched trail); tumarayuli (magical kayak); tunturyuaryuk (caribou-like creature); u͡gayaran (giant in Kuskokwim-area folklore); ulurrugnaq (sea monster said to devour whales); uligiayuli (ghost said to have a big blanket, which it wraps around children who are out too late at night playing hide-and-seek, it then takes them away); yuilriq (witch or ghost that walks in the air above the ground and has no liver; a large monster that lives in the mountains and eats people). [7]

Legendary humanoids: alirpak little person; cingssiik (little people having conical hats); ciuliaqatuk (ancestor identified with the raven); egacuayak (elf, dwarf); kelessiniayaaq (little people, said to be spirits of the dead); ircenrraq ("little person" or extraordinary person); tukriayuli (underground dweller that knocks on the earth's surface). [7]

Christianity

Yupi'k in western and southwestern Alaska have had a long Christian history, in part from Russian Orthodox, Catholic and Moravian influence. The arrival of missionaries dramatically altered life along the Bering Sea coast. [30] Yup'ik beliefs and lifestyles have changed considerably since the arrival of Westerners during the 19th century. [86]

The first Native Americans to become Russian Orthodox Church (later Orthodox Church in America) were the Aleuts (Unangan) living in contact with Russian fur traders (promyshlennikis) in the mid 18th century. Saint Jacob (or Iakov) Netsvetov, a Russian-Alaskan creole (his father was Russian from Tobolsk, and his mother was an Aleut from Atka Island) who became a priest of the Orthodox Church (he is the first Alaska Native Orthodox priest in Alaska) and continued the missionary work of St. Innocent among his and other Alaskan Native people. He moved to the Russian Mission (Iqugmiut) on the Yukon River in 1844 and served there until 1863. Netsvetov invented an alphabet and translated church materials and several Bible texts into Yup'ik and kept daily journals. [87] [88]

Orthodox hegemony in Yup'ik territory was challenged in the late 1880s by Moravian and Catholic missions.

The Yup'ik at Moravian Mission Station, Bethel on the Kuskokwim River in the year 1900 Inuit at Moravian Mission Station at Kuskokwim-River 1900.jpg
The Yup'ik at Moravian Mission Station, Bethel on the Kuskokwim River in the year 1900

The Moravian Church is the oldest Protestant denomination and is organized into four provinces in North America: Northern, Southern, Alaska, and Labrador. The Moravian mission was first founded at Bethel, along the Kuskokwim River in 1885. [86] The mission and reindeer station Bethel (Mamterilleq literally "site of many caches") was first established by Moravian missionaries near or at the small Yupi'k village called Mumtrelega [90] (Mamterilleq literally "site of many caches") or Mumtreklogamute or Mumtrekhlagamute (Mamterillermiut literally "people of Mamterilleq"). In 1885, the Moravian Church established a mission in the Bethel, under the leadership of the Kilbucks and John's friend and classmate William H. Weinland (1861–1930) and his wife with carpenter Hans Torgersen. John Henry Kilbuck (1861–1922) and his wife, Edith Margaret Romig (1865–1933), were Moravian missionaries in southwestern Alaska in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. [91] John H. Kilbuck was the first Lenape to be ordained as a Moravian minister. They served the Yup'ik, used their language in the Moravian Church in their area, and supported development of a writing system for Yup'ik. Joseph H. Romig (1872–1951) was a frontier physician and Moravian Church missionary and Edith Margaret's brother, who served as Mayor of Anchorage, Alaska, from 1937 to 1938. Although the resemblances between Yup'ik and Moravian ideology and action may have aided the initial presentation of Christianity, they also masked profound differences in expectation. [92]

The Society of Jesus is a Christian male religious congregation of the Catholic Church. The members are called Jesuits. In 1888, a Jesuit mission was established on Nelson Island and a year later moved to Akulurak (Akuluraq, the former site of St. Mary's Mission) at the mouth of the Yukon River. [30] [86] Segundo Llorente (1906–1989) was a Spanish Jesuit, philosopher and author who spent 40 years as a missionary among the Yup'ik people in the most remote parts of Alaska. His first mission was at Akulurak.

During Christmas Yup'iks give gifts commemorating the departed. [7]

Health

Despite the apparent Westernization of the Yup'ik and Iñupiaq), they have retained many of their traditional perceptions and responses to life situations. [29] Since the 1960s there has been a dramatic rise in alcohol abuse, alcoholism, and associated violent behaviors, which have upset family and village life and resulted in physical and psychological injury, death, and imprisonment. [23]

Alcohol abuse and suicide are common among Alaska Natives. Suicide and alcohol abuse is very common among rural young Yup'ik men. [93] [94] [95] Unintentional injury (accidents) and intentional self-harm (suicide) have been among the leading causes of death in the Native Alaska for many years. [96] Alaska Natives have higher rates of suicide than other Native Americans of the continental United States. [97] Alcohol abuse and dependence are common among Alaska Natives and are associated with high rates of violence and health problems. [98]

Map showing dry (red), wet (blue), and mixed (yellow) counties in the United States. (See List of dry communities by U.S. state.) Alcohol control in the United States.svg
Map showing dry (red), wet (blue), and mixed (yellow) counties in the United States. (See List of dry communities by U.S. state.)

Alcohol and Native Americans: 12% of the deaths among American Indians and Alaska Natives are alcohol-related. In some continental Amerindian tribes, the rate of fetal alcohol spectrum disorder is as high as 1.5 to 2.5 per 1000 live births, more than seven times the national average, [99] while among Alaska natives, the rate of fetal alcohol spectrum disorder is 5.6 per 1000 live births. [100] Deaths due to alcohol among American Indians are more common in men and among Northern Plains Indians, but Alaska Natives showed the least incidence of death. [101] Existing data do indicate, however, that Alaska Native alcohol-related death rates are almost nine times the national average, and approximately 7% of all Alaska Native deaths are alcohol related. [98]

When Alaska became a state in 1959, state laws took control of alcohol regulation from the federal government and Native communities. In 1981, however, the state legislature changed the alcohol laws to give residents broad powers, via a local option referendum, to regulate how alcohol comes into their communities. The 1986 statutes have remained in effect since that time, with only relatively minor amendments to formalize the prohibition on home brew in a dry community (teetotal) and clarify the ballot wording and scheduling of local option referendums. [102] Alaska specifically allows local jurisdictions to elect to go dry by public referendum. State law allows each village to decide on restrictions, and some boroughs may prohibit it altogether. [103]

Traditional subsistence foods, such as fish and marine mammals, and to a lesser extent shellfish, are the only significant direct dietary sources of two important types of the omega-3 fatty acids called eicosapentaenoic acid (EPA) and docosahexaenoic acid (DHA). EPA and DHA protect against heart disease and possibly diabetes. The replacement of a subsistence diet that is low in fat and high in omega-3s with a market-based Western diet has increased the risk of cardiovascular disease and diabetes in Alaska Natives. Many market (store-bought) foods are high in fats, carbohydrates, and sodium; and these may lead to increased weight gain, high cholesterol (hypercholesterolaemia), high blood pressure (hypertension), and chronic diseases. [82]

Presently, the two biggest problems with the growing population are water and sewage. Water from the rivers and lakes is no longer potable as a result of pollution. Wells must be drilled and sewage lagoons built, but there are inherent problems as well. Chamber pots (qurrun in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, qerrun in Cup'ig) or honey buckets with waterless toilets are common in many rural villages in the state of Alaska, such as those in the Bethel area of the Yukon–Kuskokwim Delta. About one-fourth of Alaska's 86,000 Native residents live without running water and use plastic buckets, euphemistically called honey buckets, for toilets. [104]

Great Death

The Great Death [23] or the Big Sickness [105] (quserpak, literally "big cough") referred to the flu (influenza) pandemic (worldwide epidemic) of 1918. The 1918 flu pandemic (January 1918 – December 1920) was an unusually deadly influenza pandemic, the first of the two pandemics involving H1N1 influenza virus. It infected 500 million people across the world, including remote Pacific islands and the Arctic, and killed 50 to 100 million of them—three to five percent of the world's population [106] —making it one of the deadliest natural disasters in human history.

In the U.S., about 28% of the population suffered, and 500,000 to 675,000 died. [107] Native American tribes were particularly hard hit. In the Four Corners area alone, 3,293 deaths were registered among Native Americans. [108] Entire villages perished in Alaska. [109] The influenza epidemic across the Seward Peninsula in 1918 and 1919 wiped out about 50 percent of the native population of Nome (later an epidemic diphteria during 1925 serum run to Nome), and 8 percent of the native population of Alaska. More than 1,000 people died in northwest Alaska, [110] and double that across the state, [110] and the majority were Alaska Natives. The Alaska Natives had no resistance to either of these diseases. [111] Native tribes had no immunity. As a result of epidemics, the Yup'ik world would go upside down; it would end. [23] From there it spread like a wildfire to all corners of Alaska, killing up to 60 percent of the Northern Indigenous and Alaskan Athabaskan people. This epidemic killed whole families and wiped out entire villages. [23] Many Kuskuqvamiut also migrated to Bristol Bay region from the Kuskokwim River region to the north of Bristol Bay, especially after the influenza epidemic of 1918–19. [19]

Modern tribal unions

Alaska Native tribal entities for the Yup'ik are recognized by the United States Bureau of Indian Affairs:

The Alaska Native Regional Corporations of the Yup'ik were established in 1971 when the United States Congress passed the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA).

CommunityNative tribal entitiesNative Village CorporationNative Regional Corporation
Akiachak (Akiacuaq)Akiachak Native CommunityAkiachak LimitedCalista Corporation
Akiak (Akiaq)Akiak Native CommunityKokarmiut CorporationCalista Corporation
Alakanuk (Alarneq)Village of AlakanukAlakanuk CorporationCalista Corporation
Aleknagik (Alaqnaqiq)Native Village of AleknagikAleknagik Natives LimitedBristol Bay Native Corporation
Andreafsky (today: St. Mary's)Yupiit of AndreafskiNerklikmute Native CorporationCalista Corporation
Aniak (Anyaraq)Village of AniakKuskokwim CorporationCalista Corporation
Atmautluak (Atmaulluaq)Village of AtmautluakAtmauthluak LimitedCalista Corporation
Bethel (Mamterilleq) Orutsararmuit Native Village (aka Bethel)Bethel Native CorporationCalista Corporation
Bill Moores Slough (Konogkelyokamiut) ?Kongnigkilnomuit Yuita CorporationCalista Corporation
Chefornak (Cevv'arneq)Village of ChefornakChefarnrmute Inc.Calista Corporation
Chevak (Cev'aq)Chevak Native VillageChevak CorporationCalista Corporation
Chuathbaluk (Curarpalek)Native Village of Chuathbaluk (Russian Mission, Kuskokwim)Kuskokwim CorporationCalista Corporation
Chuloonawick (? culunivik)Chuloonawick Native VillageChuloonawick CorporationCalista Corporation
Clarks Point (Saguyaq)Village of Clarks PointSaguyak Inc.Bristol Bay Native Corporation
Crooked Creek (Qipcarpak)Village of Crooked CreekKuskokwim CorporationCalista Corporation
Dillingham (Curyung)Curyung Tribal Council (formerly the Native Village of Dillingham)Choggiung LimitedBristol Bay Native Corporation
Eek (Ekvicuaq)EekNative Village of EekIqfijouq CoCalista Corporation
Egegik (Igyagiiq)Egegik VillageBecharof CorporationBristol Bay Native Corporation
Ekuk Native Village of EkukEkuk Native LimitedBristol Bay Native Corporation
Ekwok (Iquaq)Ekwok VillageEkwok Natives LimitedBristol Bay Native Corporation
Elim (Neviarcaurluq)Native Village of ElimElim Native CorporationBering Straits Native Corp.
Emmonak (Imangaq)Emmonak VillageEmmonak CorporationCalista Corporation
Golovin (Cingik)Chinik Eskimo Community (Golovin)Golovin Native CorporationCook Inlet Region, Incorporated
Goodnews Bay (Mamterat)Native Village of Goodnews BayKiutsarak Inc.Calista Corporation
Hamilton (Nunapigglugaq)Native Village of HamiltonNunapiglluraq CorporationCalista Corporation
Holy Cross (Ingirraller)Holy Cross VillageDeloycheet Inc.Doyon, Limited
Hooper Bay (Naparyaarmiut)Native Village of Hooper BaySea Lion CorporationCalista Corporation
Igiugig (Igyaraq)Igiugig VillageIgiugig Native CorporationBristol Bay Native Corporation
Iliamna (Illiamna)Village of IliamnaIliamna Native CorporationBristol Bay Native Corporation
Kasigluk (Kassigluq)Kaskigluk Traditional Elders Council (formerly the Native Village of Kasigluk)Kasigluk Inc.Calista Corporation
Kipnuk (Qipnek)Native Village of KipnukKugkaktilk LimitedCalista Corporation
Kokhanok (Qarr'unaq)Kokhanok VillageKokhanok Native CorporationAlaska Peninsula Corporation
Koliganek (Qalirneq)New Koliganek Village Council (formerly the Koliganek Village)Koliganek Natives LimitedBristol Bay Native Corporation
Kongiganak (Kangirnaq)Native Village of KongiganakQemirtalek Coast CorporationCalista Corporation
Kotlik (Qerrulliik)Village of KotlikKotlik Yupik CorporationCalista Corporation
Kwethluk (Kuiggluk)Organized Village of KwethlukKwethluk Inc.Calista Corporation
Kwigillingok (Kuigilnguq)Native Village of KwigillingokKwik Inc.Calista Corporation
Levelock (Liivlek)Levelock VillageLevelock Natives LimitedBristol Bay Native Corporation
Lower Kalskag (Qalqaq)Village of Lower KalskagKuskokwim CorporationCalista Corporation
McGrath McGrath Native VillageMTNT LimitedDoyon, Limited
Manokotak (Manuquutaq)Manokotak VillageManokotak Natives LimitedBristol Bay Native Corporation
Marshall (Masserculleq)Native Village of Marshall (aka Fortuna Ledge)Maserculig Inc.Calista Corporation
Mekoryuk (Mikuryar)Native Village of MekoryukNima CorporationCalista Corporation
Mountain Village (Asaacaryaraq)Asa'carsarmiut Tribe (formerly the Native Village of Mountain Village)Azachorok Inc.Calista Corporation
Nagamut  ?Nagamut LimitedCalista Corporation
Naknek (Nakniq)Naknek Native VillagePaug-Vik Inc. LimitedBristol Bay Native Corporation
Napaimute (Napamiut)Native Village of NapaimuteKuskokwim CorporationCalista Corporation
Napakiak (Naparyarraq)Native Village of NapakiakNapakiak CorporationCalista Corporation
Napaskiak (Napaskiaq)Native Village of NapaskiakNapaskiak Inc.Calista Corporation
Newhalen (Nuuriileng)Newhalen VillageNewhalen Native CorporationAlaska Peninsula Corporation
New Stuyahok (Cetuyaraq)New Stuyahok VillageStuyahok LimitedBristol Bay Native Corporation
Newtok (Niugtaq)Newtok VillageNewtok Inc.Calista Corporation
Nightmute (Negtemiut)Native Village of NightmuteNGTA Inc.Calista Corporation
Nunam Iqua (Nunam Iqua)Native Village of Nunam Iqua (formerly the Native Village of Sheldon's Point)Swan Lake CorporationCalista Corporation
Nunapitchuk (Nunapicuar)Native Village of NunapitchukNunapitchuk LimitedCalista Corporation
Ohagamiut (Urr'agmiut)Village of OhogamiutOhog Inc.Calista Corporation
Oscarville (Kuiggayagaq)Oscarville Traditional VillageOscarville Native CorporationCalista Corporation
Paimiut Native Village of PaimiutPaimiut CorporationCalista Corporation
Pilot Station (Tuutalgaq)Pilot Station Traditional VillagePilot Station Native CorporationCalista Corporation
Pitkas Point (Negeqliim Painga)Native Village of Pitka's PointPitkas Point Native CorporationCalista Corporation
Platinum (Arviiq)Platinum Traditional VillageArvig Inc.Calista Corporation
Portage Creek Portage Creek Village (aka Ohgsenakale)Ohgsenskale CorporationBristol Bay Native Corporation
Quinhagak (Kuinerraq)Native Village of Kwinhagak (aka Quinhagak)Qanirtuuq Inc.Calista Corporation
Russian Mission (Iqugmiut)Iqurmiut Traditional Council (formerly the Native Village of Russian Mission)Russian Mission Native CorporationCalista Corporation
St. Marys (Negeqliq)Algaaciq Native Village (St. Mary's)St. Marys Native CorporationCalista Corporation
St. Michael (Taciq)Native Village of Saint MichaelSt. Michael Native CorporationBering Straits Native Corp.
Scammon Bay (Marayaarmiut)Native Village of Scammon BayAskinuk CorporationCalista Corporation
Sleetmute (Cellitemiut)Village of SleetmuteKuskokwim CorporationCalista Corporation
South Naknek (Qinuyang)South Naknek VillageQuinuyang LimitedAlaska Peninsula Corporation
Stebbins (Tapraq)Stebbins Community AssociationStebbins Native CorporationBering Straits Native Corp.
Stony River Village of Stony RiverKuskokwim CorporationCalista Corporation
Togiak (Tuyuryaq)Traditional Village of TogiakTogiak Natives LimitedBristol Bay Native Corporation
Toksook Bay (Nunakauyaq)Nunakauyarmiut Tribe (formerly the Native Village of Toksook Bay)Nunakauiak Yupik CorporationCalista Corporation
Tuluksak (Tuulkessaaq)Tuluksak Native CommunityTulkisarmute Inc.Calista Corporation
Tuntutuliak (Tuntutuliaq)Native Village of TuntutuliakTuntutuliak Land LimitedCalista Corporation
Tununak (Tununeq)Native Village of TununakTununrmiut Rinit CorporationCalista Corporation
Twin Hills (Ingricuar)Twin Hills VillageTwin Hills Native CorporationBristol Bay Native Corporation
Umkumiute Umkumiute Native VillageUmkumiute LimitedCalista Corporation
Upper Kalskag (Qalqaq)Village of KalskagKuskokwim CorporationCalista Corporation

Notable Central Alaskan Yup'ik people

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Yupik peoples</span> Indigenous peoples of Alaska and the Russian Far East

The Yupik are a group of indigenous or aboriginal peoples of western, southwestern, and southcentral Alaska and the Russian Far East. They are related to the Inuit and Iñupiat. Yupik peoples include the following:

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Kuskokwim River</span> River in Alaska, United States

The Kuskokwim River or Kusko River is a river, 702 miles (1,130 km) long, in Southwest Alaska in the United States. It is the ninth largest river in the United States by average discharge volume at its mouth and seventeenth largest by basin drainage area. The Kuskokwim River is the longest river system contained entirely within a single U.S. state.

Nunivak Island is a permafrost-covered volcanic island lying about 30 miles (48 km) offshore from the delta of the Yukon and Kuskokwim rivers in the US state of Alaska, at a latitude of about 60°N. The island is 1,631.97 square miles (4,226.8 km2) in area, making it the second-largest island in the Bering Sea and eighth-largest island in the United States. It is 76.2 kilometers (47.3 mi) long and 106 kilometers (66 mi) wide. It has a population of 191 persons as of the 2010 census, down from 210 in 2000. The island's entire population lives in the north coast city of Mekoryuk.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Yupik languages</span> Languages of the Yupik peoples

The Yupik languages are a family of languages spoken by the Yupik peoples of western and south-central Alaska and Chukotka. The Yupik languages differ enough from one another that they are not mutually intelligible, although speakers of one of the languages may understand the general idea of a conversation of speakers of another of the languages. One of them, Sirenik, has been extinct since 1997.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Deg Xitʼan</span> Ethnic group

Deg Hitʼan is a group of Athabaskan peoples in Alaska. Their native language is called Deg Xinag. They reside in Alaska along the Anvik River in Anvik, along the Innoko River in Shageluk, and at Holy Cross along the lower Yukon River.

Ann Fienup-Riordan is an American cultural anthropologist known for her work with the Yup'ik of western Alaska, particularly on Nelson Island and the Yukon–Kuskokwim Delta. She lives in Anchorage, Alaska.

Central Alaskan Yupik, or Yupʼik is one of the languages of the Yupik family, in turn a member of the Eskimo–Aleut language group, spoken in western and southwestern Alaska. Both in ethnic population and in number of speakers, the Central Alaskan Yupik people form the largest group among Alaska Natives. As of 2010 Yupʼik was, after Navajo, the second most spoken aboriginal language in the United States. Yupʼik should not be confused with the related language Central Siberian Yupik spoken in Chukotka and St. Lawrence Island, nor Naukan Yupik likewise spoken in Chukotka.

Nunivak Cup'ig or just Cup'ig is a language or separate dialect of Central Alaskan Yup'ik spoken in Central Alaska at the Nunivak Island by Nunivak Cup'ig people. The letter "c" in the Yup’ik alphabet is equivalent to the English alphabet "ch".

Chevak Cupʼik or just Cupʼik is a subdialect of Hooper Bay–Chevak dialect of Yupʼik spoken in southwestern Alaska in the Chevak by Chevak Cupʼik Eskimos. The speakers of the Chevak subdialect used for themselves as Cupʼik, but the speakers of the Hooper Bay subdialect used for themselves as Yupʼik, as in the Yukon-Kuskokwim dialect.

Cup'ik, also spelled Cupik, typically refers to the Central Alaskan Yup'ik people. The plural form is Cup'it.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Qargi</span> Traditional dwelling type of the Arctic

Qargi, Qasgi or Qasgiq, Qaygiq, Kashim, Kariyit, a traditional large semi-subterranean men's community house' of the Yup'ik and Inuit, also Deg Hit'an Athabaskans, was used for public and ceremonial occasions and as a men’s residence. The Qargi was the place where men built their boats, repaired their equipment, took sweat baths, educated young boys, and hosted community dances. Here people learned their oral history, songs and chants. Young boys and men learned to make tools and weapons while they listened to the traditions of their forefathers.

The Bladder Festival or Bladder Feast, is an important annual seal hunting harvest renewal ceremony and celebration held each year to honor and appease the souls of seals taken in the hunt during the past season which occurred at the winter solstice by the Yup'ik of western and southwestern Alaska.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Yup'ik masks</span>

Yup'ik masks are expressive shamanic ritual masks made by the Yup'ik people of southwestern Alaska. Also known as Cup'ik masks for the Chevak Cup'ik dialect speaking people of Chevak and Cup'ig masks for the Nunivak Cup'ig dialect speaking people of Nunivak Island. They are typically made of wood, and painted with few colors. The Yup'ik masks were carved by men or women, but mainly were carved by the men. The shamans (angalkuq) were the ones that told the carvers how to make the masks. Yup'ik masks could be small three-inch finger masks or maskettes, but also ten-kilo masks hung from the ceiling or carried by several people. These masks are used to bring the person wearing it luck and good fortune in hunts. Over the long winter darkness dances and storytelling took place in the qasgiq using these masks. They most often create masks for ceremonies but the masks are traditionally destroyed after being used. After Christian contact in the late nineteenth century, masked dancing was suppressed, and today it is not practiced as it was before in the Yup'ik villages.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Yup'ik dance</span> Traditional Inuit style dancing

Yup'ik dance or Yuraq, also Yuraqing is a traditional Inuit style dancing form usually performed to songs in Yup'ik, with dances choreographed for specific songs which the Yup'ik people of southwestern Alaska. Also known as Cup'ik dance for the Chevak Cup'ik dialect speaking Inuit of Chevak and Cup'ig dance for the Nunivak Cup'ig dialect speaking Inuit of Nunivak Island. Yup'ik dancing is set up in a very specific and cultural format. Typically, the men are in the front, kneeling and the women stand in the back. The drummers are in the very back of the dance group. Dance is the heart of Yup’ik spiritual and social life. Traditional dancing in the qasgiq is a communal activity in Yup’ik tradition. The mask (kegginaquq) was a central element in Yup'ik ceremonial dancing.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Yup'ik doll</span>

Yup'ik doll is a traditional Eskimo style doll and figurine form made in the southwestern Alaska by Yup'ik people. Also known as Cup'ik doll for the Chevak Cup'ik dialect speaking Eskimos of Chevak and Cup'ig doll for the Nunivak Cup'ig dialect speaking Eskimos of Nunivak Island. Typically, Yup'ik dolls are dressed in traditional Eskimo style Yup'ik clothing, intended to protect the wearer from cold weather, and are often made from traditional materials obtained through food gathering. Play dolls from the Yup'ik area were made of wood, bone, or walrus ivory and measured from one to twelve inches in height or more. Male and female dolls were often distinguished anatomically and can be told apart by the addition of ivory labrets for males and chin tattooing for females. The information about play dolls within Alaska Native cultures is sporadic. As is so often the case in early museum collections, it is difficult to distinguish dolls made for play from those made for ritual. There were always five dolls making up a family: a father, a mother, a son, a daughter, and a baby. Some human figurines were used by shamans.

The Yupiit Piciryarait Cultural Center (YPCC), also known as Yupiit Piciryarait Cultural Center and Museum, formerly known as the Yup'ik Museum, Library, and Multipurpose Cultural Center, is a non-profit cultural center of the Yup'ik culture centrally located in Bethel, Alaska near the University of Alaska Fairbanks' Kuskokwim Campus and city offices. The center is a unique facility that combines a museum, a library, and multi-purpose cultural activity center including performing arts space, for cultural gatherings, feasts, celebrations, meetings and classes. and that celebrates the Yup'ik culture and serves as a regional cultural center for Southwest Alaska. The name of Yupiit Piciryarait means "Yup'iks' customs" in Yup'ik language and derived from piciryaraq meaning "manner; custom; habit; tradition; way of life" Construction of this cultural facility was completed in 1995, funded through a State appropriation of federal funds. Total cost for construction was $6.15 million. The center was jointly sponsored by the Association of Village Council Presidents (AVCP) and the University of Alaska Fairbanks (UAF) and at the present the center operated by the UAF's Kuskokwim Campus, AVCP and City of Bethel. The building houses three community resources: the Consortium Library, the Yup'ik Museum, and the Multi-purpose room or auditorium. The mission of the center is promote, preserve and develop the traditions of the Yup'ik through traditional and non-traditional art forms of the Alaska Native art, including arts and crafts, performance arts, education, and Yup'ik language. The center also supports local artists and entrepreneurs.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Yup'ik clothing</span> Traditional clothing worn by the Yupik people of Alaska

Yup'ik clothing refers to the traditional Eskimo-style clothing worn by the Yupik people of southwestern Alaska.

Paul Joseph John was an American Yup'ik elder, cultural advocate, and commercial fisherman. John was a proponent of traditional Central Alaskan Yup'ik culture, including the use of the Central Alaskan Yup'ik language and a subsistence lifestyle, including wild food. Additionally, John helped to settle the village of Toksook Bay, Alaska. A traditional chief of the Nunakauyarmiut tribe, he was a member of the Association of Village Council Presidents (AVCP), which is based in Bethel, Alaska.

Marie (Nick) Arnaq Meade is a Yup'ik professor in the humanities and also a Yup'ik tradition bearer. Meade's Yup'ik name is Arnaq which means "woman." She also works and travels with the International Council of Thirteen Indigenous Grandmothers. Meade is also part of the Nunamta Yup'ik Dance Group. Meade has been documenting the cultural knowledge of Yup'ik elders, including the values, language and beliefs of the Yup'ik people for over twenty years. She is currently an instructor at the University of Alaska Anchorage.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Yup'ik cuisine</span> Cuisine of the Yupik people

Yup'ik cuisine refers to the Eskimo style traditional subsistence food and cuisine of the Yup'ik people from the western and southwestern Alaska. Also known as Cup'ik cuisine for the Chevak Cup'ik dialect speaking Eskimos of Chevak and Cup'ig cuisine for the Nunivak Cup'ig dialect speaking Eskimos of Nunivak Island. This cuisine is traditionally based on meat from fish, birds, sea and land mammals, and normally contains high levels of protein. Subsistence foods are generally considered by many to be nutritionally superior superfoods. Yup’ik diet is different from Alaskan Inupiat, Canadian Inuit, and Greenlandic diets. Fish as food are primary food for Yup'ik Eskimos. Both food and fish called neqa in Yup'ik. Food preparation techniques are fermentation and cooking, also uncooked raw. Cooking methods are baking, roasting, barbecuing, frying, smoking, boiling, and steaming. Food preservation methods are mostly drying and less often frozen. Dried fish is usually eaten with seal oil. The ulu or fan-shaped knife used for cutting up fish, meat, food, and such.

References

  1. Lesson II: History of the Cup’ik People. Alaskool.org (Today there are two Cup'ik tribes in Alaska—the people of Chevak, who refer to themselves as the Qissunamiut tribe, and the people of Mekoryuk on Nunivak Island, who refer to themselves as the Cup'ik people.)
  2. 1 2 Alaska Native Language Center. (2001-12-07). "Central Alaskan Yup'ik." University of Alaska Fairbanks. Retrieved on 2014-04-04.
  3. U.S. Census Bureau. (2004-06-30). "Table 1. American Indian and Alaska Native Alone and Alone or in Combination Population by Tribe for the United States: 2000." American Indian and Alaska Native Tribes for the United States, Regions, Divisions, and States (PHC-T-18). U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000, special tabulation. Retrieved on 2007-04-12.
  4. U.S. Census Bureau. (2004-06-30). "Table 16. American Indian and Alaska Native Alone and Alone or in Combination Population by Tribe for Alaska: 2000". American Indian and Alaska Native Tribes for the United States, Regions, Divisions, and States (PHC-T-18). U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000, special tabulation. Retrieved on 2007-04-12.
  5. 2010 Census Shows Nearly Half of American Indians and Alaska Natives Report Multiple Races
  6. The Map of Indigenous Peoples and Languages of Alaska
  7. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Jacobson, Steven A. (2012). Yup'ik Eskimo Dictionary, 2nd edition. Alaska Native Language Center.
  8. 1 2 Fienup-Riordan, 1993, p. 10.
  9. 1 2 3 4 Steven A. Jacobson (1984). Central Yup'ik and the Schools: A Handbook for Teachers. Alaska Native Language Center. Developed by Alaska Department of Education Bilingual/Bicultural Education Programs. Juneau, Alaska, 1984.
  10. Vajda, Edward J. "Siberian Yupik". East Asian Studies.
  11. Naske and Slotnick, 1987, p. 18.
  12. Naske and Slotnick, 1987, pp. 9–10.
  13. 1 2 "K. T. Khlebnikov. <italic>Baranov: Chief Manager of the Russian Colonies in America</italic>. . Translated by Colin Bearne. Edited by Richard A. Pierce. (Materials for the Study of Alaska History, number 3.) Kingston, Ont.: Limestone Press. 1973. Pp. xvi, 140, S. G. Fedorova. <italic>Russkoe naselenie Aliaski i Kalifornii, konets XVIII veka-1867 g</italic>. [The Russian Population in Alaska and California, Late 18th Century-1867]. (Akademiia Nauk SSSR, Institut Etnografii im. N. N. Miklukho-Maklaia.) Moscow: Izdatel'stvo "Nauka." 1971. Pp. 269 and Svetlana G. Fedorova. <italic>The Russian Population in Alaska and California, Late 18th Century-1867</italic>. (Akademiia Nauk SSSR, Institut Etnografii im. N. N. Miklukho-Maklaia.) Moscow: Izdatel'stvo "Nauka." 1971. Pp. 269 and Alton S. Donnelly. (Materials for the Study of Alaska History, number 4.) Kingston, Ont.: Limestone Press. 1973. Pp. x, 376". The American Historical Review. June 1975. doi:10.1086/ahr/80.3.613. ISSN   1937-5239.
  14. Chamberlin, Jamie (2005). "State Leadership Conference: Document, Document, Document". doi:10.1037/e401522005-069.{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  15. Robert D. rnold (1978), Alaska Native Land Claims. The Alaska Native Foundation, Anchorage, Alaska. 2nd edition.
  16. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Ann Fienup-Riordan (1982), Navarin Basin sociocultural systems analysis. Alaska OCS Socioeconomic Studies Program. Prepared for Bureau of Land Management, Outer Continental Shelf Office, January 1982.
  17. "Purchase of Alaska, 1867". Office of the Historian, U.S. Department of State. Retrieved December 4, 2014.
  18. Sybil M. Lassiter (1998), Cultures of Color in America: A Guide to Family, Religion, and Health . Greenwood Press.
  19. 1 2 Marie Lowe (2007), Socioeconomic Review of Alaska's Bristol Bay Region. Prepared for North Star Group. Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of Alaska Anchorage.
  20. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Ahnie Marie Al'aq David Litecky (2011), The Dwellers between: Yup'ik Shamans and Cultural Change in Western Alaska. Thesis. The University of Montana
  21. Zagoskin, Lavrenty A., and Henry N. Michael (ed.) (1967). Lieutenant Zagoskin's Travels in Russian America, 1842–1844: The First Ethnographic and Geographic Investigations in the Yukon and Kuskokwim Valleys of Alaska. University of Toronto Press.{{cite book}}: |author= has generic name (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  22. Lesson One words. Alaskool.org
  23. 1 2 3 4 5 Harold Napoleon (1996). With commentary edited by Eric Madsen. Yuuyaraq: The Way of the Human Being . Fairbanks, Alaska: Alaska Native Knowledge Network.
  24. 1 2 3 Graves, Kathy (2004). Conferences of Alaska Native Elders: Our View of Dignified Aging. Anchorage, Alaska: National Resource Center for American Indian, Alaska Native, and Native Hawaiian Elders. December 2004.
  25. Angayuqaq Oscar Kawagley, Delena Norris-Tull, and Roger A. Norris-Tull (1998), "The indigenous worldview of Yupiaq culture: its scientific nature and relevance to the practice and teaching of science". Journal of Research in Science Teaching Vol. 35, #2
  26. "Guidelines for Respecting Cultural Knowledge". Adopted by the Assembly of Alaska Native Educators. Published by the Alaska Native Knowledge Network. Anchorage, Alaska. February 1, 2000
  27. Alaska Native Collections : Hat (E037904)
  28. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 Elisabeth F. Andrews (1989), The Akulmiut: territorial dimensions of a Yup'ik Eskimo society . Technical Paper No. 177. Juneau, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game Division of Subsistence.
  29. 1 2 Tina D. Delapp (1991), "American Eskimos: the Yup'ik and Inupiat." In Joyce Newman Giger (eds.), Transcultural nursing: assessment and intervention.
  30. 1 2 3 4 5 Fienup-Riordan, Ann (1994). Boundaries and Passages: Rule and Ritual in Yup'ik Eskimo Oral Tradition. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN   0-585-12190-7.
  31. 1 2 Fienup-Riordan, 1993, p. 29.
  32. 1 2 Pete, 1993, p. 8.
  33. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Fienup-Riordan, 1990, p. 154, "Figure 7.1. Regional groupings for the Yukon-Kuskokwim region, circa 1833."
  34. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Oswalt, 1967, pp. 5–9. See also Map 2, "Aboriginal Alaskan Eskimo tribes", insert between pp. 6 and 7.
  35. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Oswalt, 1990, p. ii, "The Kusquqvagmiut area and the surrounding Eskimo and Indian populations" (map).
  36. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Jacobson, 1984.
  37. NPT, Inc. (2004-08-24). "We are Cup'it." Mekoryuk, AK: Nuniwarmiut Piciryarata Tamaryalkuti (Nunivak Cultural Programs). Retrieved on 2004-04-14.
  38. 1 2 3 4 Branson and Troll, 2006, p. xii. Map 3, "Tribal areas, villages and linguistics around 1818, the time of contact."
  39. Oswalt, 1990, p. 12.
  40. Oswalt, 1990, pp. 13–14.
  41. Terryl Miller (2006), Yup'ik (Central Eskimo) Language Guide (and more!), a useful introduction to the Central Eskimo (Yup'ik) Language, World Friendship Publishing, Bethel, Alaska, 2006
  42. Wildlife Action Plan Section IIIB: Alaska's 32 Ecoregions by Alaska Department of Fish and Game
  43. John M. Wright, Judith M. Morris and Robert Schroeder (1985), Bristol Bay Regional Subsistence Profile . Technical Paper No. 114, Alaska Departement of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence, Juneau, Alaska, March 1985
  44. James S. Magdanz, Sandra Tahbone, Austin Ahmasuk, David S. Koster, and Brian L. Davis (2007), Customary trade and barter in fish in the Seward Peninsula Area, Alaska . Technical Paper No. 328, Alaska Departement of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence, Juneau, Alaska, August 2007.
  45. "Model Kayak". Wake Forest University, Museum of Anthropology. 6 March 2014. Retrieved 26 November 2014.
  46. 1 2 Celeste Jordan (2014), Yup'ik Eskimo kayak miniatures: Preliminary notes on kayaks from the Nunalleq site. DigIt (Journal of the Flinders Archaeological Society) 2(1): 28–33, June 2014
  47. "Characteristics of the NMNH Kayak E419041A" (PDF). The Department of Anthropology of the National Museum of Natural History. Retrieved 26 November 2014.
  48. "Qayaqs and Canoes". Echospace.org. Retrieved 26 November 2014.
  49. Alaska Native Collections : ayaperviik “central deck stiffener of a kayak”
  50. National Museum of the American Indian : Sled model. Kuskwogmiut Yup'ik (Kuskokwim)
  51. Alaska Native Collections : łeendenaalyoye “old-style dog harness”
  52. Yup’ik and Cup’ik Cultures of Alaska. Alaskanative.net.
  53. "YPCC". Bethelculturecenter.com. Retrieved 17 November 2014.
  54. Alaska Native Languages: Population and Speaker Statistics. Alaska Native Language Center.
  55. Oscar Alexie, Sophie Alexie, and Patrick Marlow (2009), "Creating space and defining roles: elders and adult Yup’ik immersion". Journal of American Indian Education 48(3): 1–18.
  56. 1 2 E. Irene Reed, Steven Jacobson, Lawrence Kaplan, and Jeff Leer (1985). Alaskan Eskimo Languages population, dialects, and distribution based on 1980 Census. Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska Fairbanks 1985.
  57. Panu Hallamaa (1997), Unangam Tunuu and Sugtestun: a struggle for continued life, Northern Minority Languages: Problems of Survival, Senri Ethnological Studies 44 1997, pp 187–223 (tablo sayfası: 194)
  58. Michael Krauss (1980), Alaska Native Languages: Past, Present, and Future. Alaska Native Language Center Research Papers Number 4.
  59. Our Language Our Souls:The Yup'ik bilingual curriculum of the Lower Kuskokwim School District: A continuing success story. Edited by Delena Norris-Tull. 1999
  60. Perry Gilmore and Leisy Wyman (2013), "An ethnographic long hook: language and literacy over time and space in Alaska Native communities". In Kathy Hall, Teresa Cremin, Barbara Comber, and Luis Moll (eds.), International Handbook of Research on Children's Literacy, Learning and Culture
  61. Lower Yukon School District
  62. Lower Kuskokwim School District
  63. Yupiit School District
  64. Kashunamiut School District
  65. Kuspuk School District
  66. Southwest Region School District
  67. Elizabeth A. Hartley and Pam Johnson (1995), Toward a community-based transition to a Yup'ik first language (immersion) program with ESL component, The Bilingual Research journal, Summer/Fall 1995, Vol. 19., Nos. 3 & 4, pp. 571–585
  68. Orr, E. C., Orr, B., Kanrilak, V., & Charlie, A. (1997). Ellangellemni: When I became aware. Fairbanks, AK: Lower Kuskokwim School District and Alaska Native Language Center.
  69. Anna W. Jacobson (1998), Yup'ik stories read aloud = Yugcetun Qulirat Naaqumalriit Erinairissuutmun. With transcriptions and word-by-word translations. Translations by Anna W. Jacobson in consultation with Steven A. Jacobson. University of Alaska Fairbanks. Alaska Native Language Center.
  70. Paul John (2003), Stories for Future Generations / Qulirat Qanemcit-llu Kinguvarcimalriit. The Oratory of Yup'ik Elder Paul John. Translated by Sophie Shield, edited by Ann Fienup-Riordan. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, in cooperation with the Calista Elders Council, Bethel, Alaska, 2003.
  71. Joan Parker Webster and Evelyn Yanez (2007), Qanemcikarluni Tekitnarqelartuq = One must arrive with a story to tell: Traditional Alaska Native Yup'ik Eskimo Stories in a Culturally Based Math Curriculum . Journal of American Indian Education 46(3): 116–136.
  72. Ray, Dorothy (1961). Artists of the Tundra and the Sea . University of Washington Press.
  73. Fienup-Riordan, Ann. (1996). The Living Tradition of Yup'ik Masks: Agayuliyararput (Our Way of Making Prayer). Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press
  74. Lynn Ager Wallen (1999), The Milotte Mask Collection, Alaska State Museums Conceps, Second Reprint of Technical Paper Number 2, July 1999
  75. Emily Johnson (1998), "Yup'ik Dance: Old and New", The Journal for the Anthropological Study of Human Movement, Vol. 9, No. 3. pp. 131–149
  76. 1 2 3 Theresa Arevgaq John (2010). Yuraryararput Kangiit-llu: Our Ways of Dance and Their Meanings . University of Alaska Fairbanks. Fairbanks, Alaska.
  77. Kiana, Chris (2004/2016). Original 100 Alaska Eskimo Yo-Yo Stratagems: Instructional Book. Publication Consultants. ASIN: B007SNYM38. ISBN   978-1594330131/ ISBN   9781594331879. [ pages needed ]
  78. "Chris Kiana". Archived from the original on 3 March 2016. Retrieved 2014-11-09.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link) and "Keynote Speaker: Christopher (Chris) J. Kiana, M.B.A., MA-RD, Ph.D., candidate", WCSpeakers.com (accessed: December 01 2016).
  79. Klistoff, Alysa J. (2007), Weapon, Toy, or Art? The Eskimo yo-yo as a commodified Arctic bola and marker of cultural Identity . University of Alaska Fairbanks. OCLC   103303229.
  80. Fienup-Riordan, Ann (2002). "Inuguat, Iinrut, Uyat-llu: Yup'ik dolls, amulets and human figures". American Indian Art Magazine, 27(2): 40–7.
  81. Susan W. Fair (1997), "Story, storage, and symbol: functional cache architecture, cache narratives, and roadside attractions". In Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture VII, edited by AnneMarie Adams and Sally McMurray, pp. 167–182. Nashville University of Tennessee Press. JSTOR
  82. 1 2 Contaminants in subsistence foods from the western Alaska coastal region. Samples collected in 2004 for the Alaska Traditional Diet Project. Prepared by the Alaska Department of Health and Social Services. July 19, 2011.
  83. p. 69, Subsistence salmon fishing in Nushagak Bay, Southwest Alaska, Jody Seitz, technical paper no. 195, Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence, Juneau, Alaska, December 1990. Page 68.
  84. p. 5, Botulism in Alaska, a guide for physicians and healthcare providers, 2005 update, State of Alaska, Department of Health & Social Services, Division of Public Health, Section of Epidemiology.
  85. Ahnie Marie Al'aq David Litecky (2011). The Dwellers Between: Yup'ik Shamans and Cultural Change in Western Alaska. The University of Montana
  86. 1 2 3 Fienup-Riordan, Ann et al. (2000). Hunting Tradition in a Changing World: Yup'ik Lives in Alaska Today. New Brunswick, New jersey and London: Rutgers University Press.
  87. The journals of Iakov Netsvetov: the Yukon years, 1845–1863. Translated by Lydia T. Black. The Limestone Press. 1984. ISBN   978-0-919642-01-0.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
  88. Tanya Storch (2006), Religions and Missionaries around the Pacific, 1500–1900
  89. Moravian Mission Station, Bethel on the Kuskokwim. Alaska's Digital Archive.
  90. Marcus Baker (1906), Geographic Dictionary of Alaska . Second edition by James McCormick. USGS Bulletin: 299. Washington: Government Printing Office
  91. Fienup-Riordan, Ann. (1991). The Real People and the Children of Thunder: The Yup'ik Eskimo Encounter With Moravian Missionaries John and Edith Kilbuck. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press.
  92. Fienup-Riordan, Ann. (1990). Eskimo Essays: Yup'ik Lives and Howe We See Them. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.
  93. Hazel, K.L. & Mohatt, G.V. (2001). "Cultural and Spiritual Coping in Sobriety: Informing Substance Abuse prevention for Alaska Native Communities". American Journal of Community Psychology, 29(5):1–46.
  94. David Henry, James Allen, Carlotta Ching Ting Fok, Stacy Rasmus, and Bill Charles (2012). "Patterns of protective factors in an intervention for the prevention of suicide and alcohol abuse with Yup'ik Alaska Native youth". The American Journal of Drug and Alcohol Abuse 38(5):476-82.
  95. Gerald V. Mohatt, Carlotta Ching Ting Fok, David Henry, James Allen (2014). "Feasibility of a community intervention for the prevention of suicide and alcohol abuse with Yup'ik Alaska Native youth: the Elluam Tungiinun and Yupiucimta Asvairtuumallerkaa studies". American Journal of Community Psychology 54(1–2):153-69.
  96. Chapter 3: Injury. Northslope.org.
  97. Matthew Berman, Teresa Hull, and P. May (2000). "Alcohol control and injury death in Alaska native communities: wet, damp and dry under Alaska's local option law". Journal of Studies on Alcohol 61(2):311–319
  98. 1 2 J. Paul Seale, Sylvia Shellenberger, and John Spence (2006). "Alcohol problems in Alaska Natives: lessons from the Inuit". American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research 13(1):1–31.
  99. Centers for Disease Control Prevention (CDC) (2003). "Fetal alcohol syndrome–Alaska, Arizona, Colorado, and New York, 1995–1997". Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report . 51 (20): 433–5. PMID   12056499.
  100. "Health problems in American Indian/Alaska Native women". National Women's Health & Information. Archived from the original on 2006-02-11.
  101. "Study: 12 percent of Indian deaths due to alcohol" Associated Press article by Mary Clare Jalonick Washington, D.C. (AP) 9-08 News From Indian Country accessed October 7, 2009
  102. Matthew Berman and Teresa Hull (2001). "Alcohol Control by Referendum in Northern Native communities: The Alaska Local Option Law". Arctic 65(1):77–83.
  103. "Dry / Damp Communities". Alcoholic Beverage Control Board.
  104. Overview and Findings. Princeton.edu.
  105. Henry W. Griest, The Big Sickness. Arcticcircle.uconn.edu.
  106. "Historical Estimates of World Population" . Retrieved 29 March 2013.
  107. The Great Pandemic: The United States in 1918–1919, U.S. Department of Health & Human Services.
  108. "Flu Epidemic Hit Utah Hard in 1918, 1919". Deseret News . 28 March 1995. Retrieved 7 July 2012.
  109. "The Great Pandemic of 1918: State by State". Archived from the original on 6 May 2009. Retrieved 4 May 2009.
  110. 1 2 Donahue, Deirdre (07/29/2003). "'Miles' takes measure of canine, human heroism". USA Today.
  111. ( Salisbury & Salisbury 2003 , pp. 42, 50)
  112. http://www.aianea.com/elder/Marie%20Meade.pdf [ bare URL PDF ]
  113. "List of resources with contributor: Uyaquq (Helper Neck)". UAF: Alaska Native Language Archive. Accessed 6 Feb 2014.

Bibliography