The 1967 Hong Kong riots were large-scale anti-government riots that occurred in Hong Kong during British colonial rule. Beginning as a minor labour dispute,the demonstrations eventually escalated into protests against the colonial government. The protests were partially inspired by successful anti-colonial demonstrations in Portuguese Macau which had occurred a few months prior.
The use of roadside bombs and petrol bombs by demonstrators prompted the Hong Kong Police Force (HKPF) to raid the demonstrators' strongholds and arrest their leaders. Fifty-one people were killed in the subsequent violence. As many of the bombs were made in pro-Chinese Communist Party (CCP) schools,then governor David Trench decided to close those schools and ban pro-CCP publications in the colony.
The protests occurred in the backdrop of the Cultural Revolution taking place in the People's Republic of China (Mainland China),with many of the protesters harbouring leftist views and sympathies toward the CCP. After the riots,the British Hong Kong government publicly reflected on its failure to address certain social grievances and carried out major social reforms. However,another series of riots would occur in 1981.
Tensions
The initial demonstrations were labour disputes that began as early as May 1967 in shipping,taxi,textile,and cement companies. The unions that took up the cause were all members of the Hong Kong and Kowloon Federation of Trade Unions,a labour group with strong ties to Beijing.[1]
The political climate was tense in Hong Kong in the spring of 1967. Across the colony's northern border was a tumultuous People's Republic of China (PRC),with Red Guards carrying out purges and engaging in infighting amidst the Cultural Revolution. To the west of Hong Kong,in the Portuguese colony of Macau,two months of violent clashes between colonial police and pro-CCP demonstrators had just ended. Order was not restored to Macau despite the intervention of the Portuguese army,and a general strike in January 1967 pressured the Portuguese government into agreeing to many of the demonstrators' demands,placing the colony under the de facto control of the PRC.[2] Up to 31 protests were held in Hong Kong.[3]
Outbreak of violence
A KMB double decker set ablaze by rioters on 12 May 1967Bystanders look on as police officers prepare to confront rioters on 21 May 1967. The rioters are out of the picture,below the balcony and to the right of where the photographer is standing.
On 1 May (International Workers' Day),three labour strikes began in Hong Kong,[4] including one at the Hong Kong Artificial Flower Works,a factory producing artificial flowers in San Po Kong.[5] Of the 679 workers in the factory,only 174 were unionised and willing to strike.[6]Picketing workers clashed with management,and riot police were called in on 6 May. In violent clashes between the police and the picketing workers,21 workers were arrested. Representatives from the union protested at police stations but were themselves arrested.[citation needed]
The next day,large-scale demonstrations erupted on the streets of Hong Kong. Many pro-CCP demonstrators carried Mao Zedong's Little Red Book in their left hands and shouted communist slogans. The Hong Kong Police Force engaged with the demonstrators and arrested another 127 people.[7] A curfew was imposed and all police personnel were called into duty.[8]
In the PRC,newspapers praised the demonstrators' activities and condemned the colonial government's actions as "fascist atrocities". In Hong Kong,the pro-Beijing newspapers Ta Kung Pao and Wen Wei Po similarly voiced their support for the demonstrators and opposition to the colonial government.[9]
In Hong Kong's Central District,large loudspeakers broadcasting pro-CCP rhetoric and propaganda were placed on the roof of the Bank of China Building. Colonial authorities responded by blaring out Cantonese opera from larger speakers placed nearby.[8] Posters were put up on walls with slogans like "Blood for Blood","Stew the White-Skinned Pig","Fry The Yellow Running Dogs","Down With British Imperialism" and "Hang David Trench".[10] Students distributed newspapers carrying information about the demonstrations and pro-CCP rhetoric to the public.[citation needed]
On 16 May,demonstrators formed the "Committee of Hong Kong and Kowloon Compatriots from All Circles for Struggle Against British Hong Kong Persecution" or "Anti-British Struggle Committee" for short.[11]Yeung Kwong of the Hong Kong and Kowloon Federation of Trade Unions was appointed its chairman. The committee organised and coordinated a series of large demonstrations. Hundreds of supporters from 17 different leftist organisations demonstrated outside Government House,chanting pro-CCP slogans.[12] At the same time,many workers went on strike,with Hong Kong's transport services being disrupted particularly badly.[citation needed]
More violence erupted on 22 May,with another 167 people being arrested. The rioters began to adopt more sophisticated tactics,such as throwing stones at police officers or police vehicles passing by,before retreating into leftist "strongholds" such as newspaper offices,banks or department stores once the police responded.[citation needed] Casualties began soon after. At least eight protester deaths were recorded before 1 July;most of the victims were shot or beaten to death by the police.
Height of violence
In the afternoon of the Sha Tau Kok incident,police officers stood guard at the cordon outpost. A military helicopter arrived at the scene to conduct low-altitude reconnaissance.A British Army bomb disposal expert attempts to disarm an improvised explosive device.
On 8 July,several hundred demonstrators from the PRC,including members of the People's Militia,crossed the border at Sha Tau Kok and attacked Hong Kong police officers stationed nearby. The police attempted to disperse the crowd using tear gas and wooden bullets,prompting armed members of the crowd to open fire on the police. Five police officers were killed and eleven injured in a brief exchange of fire.[13] The People's Daily in Beijing ran editorials supporting the demonstrators' actions in Hong Kong;rumours that the PRC was preparing to take control of the colony began to circulate. The pro-CCP protesters in Hong Kong tried in vain to organise a general strike in the colony. Attempts to persuade the ethnic Chinese serving in the police to join their ranks were equally unsuccessful.[citation needed]
Unable to progress by peaceful means,the demonstrators resorted to more extreme measures,planting bombs,as well as decoys,throughout the city.[14] Normal life was severely disrupted and casualties began to rise. An eight-year-old girl,Wong Yee-man,and her two-year-old brother,Wong Siu-fan,were killed by a bomb wrapped like a gift placed outside their residence.[15]Bomb disposal experts from the police and the British Forces Overseas Hong Kong defused as many as 8,000 home-made bombs,of which 1,100 were found to be real.[16][17] Locals nicknamed these bombs "pineapples".[18] Most police stations across Hong Kong were fortified with sandbags as police facilities were the target of numerous attacks using bombs,homemade fragmentation explosives,and various projectiles.[19][20][21][22]
The Hong Kong government imposed emergency regulations,granting the police special powers in an attempt to quell the unrest. Leftist newspapers were banned from publishing;leftist schools alleged to be bomb-making factories,such as Chung Wah Middle School,were shut down;many pro-CCP leaders were arrested and detained;and some of them were later deported to mainland China.[16]
On 19 July,demonstrators set up barbed wire defences on the Bank of China Building.[23]
In response,police raided leftist strongholds,including Kiu Kwan Mansion.[18] In one of the raids,helicopters from HMS Hermes –a Royal Navy aircraft carrier –landed police on the roof of the building.[24] Upon entering the building,the police discovered bombs and weapons,as well as a leftist "hospital" complete with dispensary and an operating theatre.[25]
The public outcry against the violence was widely reported in the media,and the demonstrators again switched tactics. On 24 August,Lam Bun,a popular anti-communist radio commentator,was murdered by a death squad posing as road maintenance workers as he drove to work with his cousin. Lam's assailants prevented him from getting out of his car,and he was burned alive.[26] Other prominent figures of the media who had voiced opposition against the riots were also threatened,including Louis Cha,then chairman of the Ming Pao newspaper,who consequently left Hong Kong for almost a year before returning.[citation needed]
The waves of bombings did not subside until October 1967. In December,Chinese PremierZhou Enlai ordered the leftist groups in Hong Kong to stop all bombings,and the riots in Hong Kong finally came to an end after 18 months.[27] It became known much later that,during the riots,the commander of the People's Liberation Army's Guangzhou Military RegionHuang Yongsheng (one of Lin Biao's top allies) secretly suggested invading and occupying Hong Kong,but his plan was vetoed by Zhou Enlai.[28]
Aftermath
Casualties
By the time the rioting subsided at the end of the year,51 people had been killed,of whom at least 22 were killed by the police and 15 died in bomb attacks,with another 832 people sustaining injuries,while 4,979 people were arrested and 1,936 convicted.[29] Millions of dollars in property damage resulted from the rioting,far in excess of that reported during the 1956 riot.[27] Confidence in the colony's future declined among some sections of Hong Kong's populace,and many wealthy residents sold their properties and migrated overseas,particularly to places such as Australia,Canada,and Singapore.
A radio commentator for Commercial Radio Hong Kong who was killed in an incendiary attack by a group of men posing as road maintenance workers on his way to work on 24 August. Died on 25 August.
A rioting mechanical worker who was shot and killed by police in Tung Tau Village,Wong Tai Sin.
Lam Kwong-hoi (林光海)
1967-08-29
A technician for Commercial Radio Hong Kong who was killed in an incendiary attack with his elder cousin Lam Bun on his way to work on 24 August. Died on 29 August.
Aslam Khan
22
1967-09-03
A firefighter who was killed by a homemade bomb during a failed defusing
Cheung Chak (章集)
38
1967-09-03
A rioting bus driver who was wounded in a police shooting on 30 August. Died of pneumonia on 3 September.
Yau Chun-yau (邱進友)
1967-09-20
A Royal Hong Kong Jockey Club worker who was killed by the explosion of his own bomb near barracks in Kam Tsin,Sheung Shui.
Lo Hon-bun (盧漢彬)
1967-10-01
A rioter who was killed in a police shooting
To Hung-kwong (杜雄光)
19
1967-10-13
A police constable who was killed by a bomb in Wanchai[33]
Tong Tak-ming Peter (唐德明)
18
1967-10-14
A middle school student who was killed by a bomb in Wanchai
Ronald J. McEwen
37
1967-11-05
A senior police inspector who was killed by a bomb in Causeway Bay while clearing the area of civilians. Many others were injured.[33]
Sit Chun-hung
1967-11-28
A police constable who was stabbed to death in Shek Kip Mei[33]
Lee Koon-sang
1967-12-9
A police constable who was shot and killed in Kam Tin[33]
List of convicted demonstrators who died in custody
Name
Prisoner no.
Date of death
Notes
Tsang Tin-sung
27381
1968-01-27
A 32-year-old worker who took part in the Mong Kok riot on 15 July 1967,sentenced to 14 months in jail. Found dead after hanging himself on the morning of 27 January 1968.
Tang Chuen
28017
1969-12-29
Chairman of a pro-CCP workers' union who initiated a riot in Taikoo Dockyard on 6 June 1967,sentenced to 6 years in jail. Died from liver disease in Queen Mary Hospital on 29 December 1969.
Reactions
The funeral of PC Lee Koon-sang on 13 December 1967
On 22 August,in Beijing,thousands of people demonstrated outside the office of the British chargéd'affaires,before Red Guards attacked,ransacked,and burned down the main building.[34]
Many leftist groups with close ties to the PRC were dissolved during and after the 1967 riots. The murder of radio host Lam Bun,in particular,outraged many Hong Kong residents and discredited the leftist movement in Hong Kong as a whole. The credibility of the PRC and its local sympathisers among Hong Kong residents was severely damaged for more than a generation.[35]
Social reforms
The 1966 and 1967 riots in Hong Kong served as a catalyst for social reforms in Hong Kong,with the implementation of positive non-interventionism in 1971,while David Trench grudgingly introduced some social reforms. It was not until the governorship of Murray MacLehose in the 1970s that the scope of reforms was greatly expanded,transforming the lives of those living in Hong Kong and marking the emergence of Hong Kong as one of the Four Asian Tigers,[36] as well as the emergence of the "Lion Rock Spirit",said to be the "core values of Hong Kong people".[citation needed]
In 2017,hundreds of protesters who took part in the 1967 riots were hailed as heroes in a memorial ceremony at Wo Hop Shek public cemetery to mark the 50th anniversary of the uprising. Prominent attendees included former finance sector lawmaker Ng Leung-sing,the Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions' Michael Luk Chung-hung,and head of the 67 Synergy Group Chan Shi-yuen. They called for Beijing to vindicate the protests,which they have continued to refer to as a "patriotic act against British colonial tyranny".[40]
Police website revisionism controversy
In mid-September 2015,media reported that the Hong Kong Police Force had made material deletions from its website concerning "police history",in particular,the political cause and the identity of the groups responsible for the 1967 riots,with mention of communists being expunged.
For example,"Bombs were made in classrooms of leftist schools and planted indiscriminately on the streets" became "Bombs were planted indiscriminately on the streets";the fragment "waving aloft the Little Red Book and shouting slogans" disappeared,and an entire sentence criticising the hypocrisy of wealthy pro-Beijing businessmen,the so-called "red fat cats",was deleted.[41]
The editing gave rise to criticisms that history was being rewritten to make it appear as though the British colonial government,rather than the demonstrators,were responsible for the start of the violence. Stephen Lo,the new Commissioner of Police,said the content change of the official website was to simplify it for easier reading;Lo denied that there were any political motives,but his denials left critics unconvinced.[42] The changes were subsequently reversed.
Jasper Tsang Yok-sing is a Hong Kong politician. He is the founding member of the largest pro-Beijing party the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB) from 1992 to 2003 and the 2nd President of the Legislative Council from 2008 to 2016.
The Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions (HKFTU) is a pro-Beijing labour and political group established in 1948 in Hong Kong. It is the oldest and largest labour group in Hong Kong with over 420,000 members in 253 affiliates and associated trade unions. Presided by Ng Chau-pei and chaired by Kingsley Wong, it currently holds four seats in the Legislative Council and 43 seats in the District Councils.
The region of Hong Kong has been inhabited since the Old Stone Age, later becoming part of the Chinese Empire with its loose incorporation into the Qin dynasty. Starting out as a farming fishing village and salt production site, it became an important free port and eventually a major international financial center.
The 1956 Hong Kong riots, also known as the Double Ten riots, were the result of escalating provocations between the pro-Kuomintang and pro-CCP camps on Double Ten Day, 10 October 1956.
The handover of Hong Kong from the United Kingdom to the People's Republic of China was at midnight on 1 July 1997. This event ended 156 years of British rule in the former colony, which began in 1841.
The 1966 Hong Kong riots, also known as the 1966 Star Ferry riots, were a series of disturbances that took place over four nights on the streets of Kowloon, Hong Kong in the spring of 1966. The riots started as peaceful demonstrations against the British colonial government's decision to increase the fare of Star Ferry foot-passenger harbour crossing by 25 percent.
The May Thirtieth Movement was a major labor and anti-imperialist movement during the middle-period of the Republic of China era. It began when the Shanghai Municipal Police opened fire on Chinese protesters in Shanghai's International Settlement on May 30, 1925. The shootings sparked international censure and nationwide anti-foreign demonstrations and riots.
Yeung Kwong was a Hong Kong trade unionist and labour rights activist. He served as chairman of the Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions (HKFTU) from 1962 to 1980 and as its president from 1980 to 1988. He played a leading role in the 1967 Hong Kong riots against British rule in Hong Kong.
The united front is a strategy directed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Government of China to consolidate their control over Hong Kong. To accomplish this aim, a number of different strategies have been used since the 1980s. Today the control is mostly done through manipulation of local elections.
The Committee of Hong Kong–Kowloon Chinese Compatriots of All Circles for the Struggle Against Persecution by the British Authorities in Hong Kong, often shortened to the Struggle Committee, was a political committee which opposed the British colonial administration in Hong Kong. It was established by pro-Chinese Communist Party (CCP) activists during the 1967 Hong Kong riots. Yeung Kwong, the then chairman of the Hong Kong and Kowloon Federation of Trade Unions, led the Struggle Committee as the chairman of a 17-member executive committee.
The 12-3 incident was a series of political demonstrations and riots against Portuguese colonial rule in Macau which occurred on December 3, 1966. The incident, inspired by the Cultural Revolution in the People's Republic of China, occurred as a direct response to a violent police crackdown by colonial authorities against local Chinese protesters demonstrating against corruption and colonialism in Macau.
The pro-Beijing camp, pro-establishment camp or pro-China camp is a political alignment in Hong Kong which generally supports the policies of the Beijing central government and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) towards Hong Kong. The term "pro-establishment camp" is regularly in use to label the broader segment of the Hong Kong political arena which has the closer relationship with the establishment, namely the governments of the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). Pro-Beijing politicians are labeled "patriots" by pro-Beijing media and "loyalists" by the rival pro-democracy camp.
The Hong Kong Chinese Reform Association is a pro-Beijing political organisation established in 1949 in Hong Kong. It was one of the three pillars of the pro-Communist leftist camp throughout most of the time in Hong Kong under colonial rule.
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Socialism in Hong Kong is a political trend taking root from Marxism and Leninism which was imported to Hong Kong in the early 1920s. Socialist trends have taken various forms, including Marxism–Leninism, Maoism, Trotskyism, democratic socialism and liberal socialism, with the Marxist–Leninists being the most dominant faction due to the influence of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime in the mainland. The "traditional leftists" became the largest force representing the pro-Beijing camp in the post-war decades, which had an uneasy relationship with the colonial authorities. As the Chinese Communist Party adopted capitalist economic reforms from 1978 onwards and the pro-Beijing faction became increasingly conservative, the socialist agenda has been slowly taken up by the liberal-dominated pro-democratic camp.
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This segment of the timeline of the 2019–2020 Hong Kong protests covers the month of July 2019. The anniversary of the 1997 handover of Hong Kong to China on 1 July saw large daytime protests. In the evening of that day, protesters stormed the Legislative Council Building and defaced symbols, with police only moving in after midnight. This incident, which was sharply condemned by the government of Carrie Lam, did however not lead to a split between peaceful and violent protesters. Observers linked the understanding of the non-violent protesters for the violent wing to the lack of willingness of the Lam government to engage in dialogue about the protesters' five demands. Apart from major protests on Sundays, there were also mostly peaceful demonstrations during the week.
The month of August 2019 in the 2019–2020 Hong Kong protests saw a continuation of protests throughout the city. Several of the peaceful daytime protests were held by social groups such as families, the elderly, and various professions. In many instances, peaceful protests occurs during the day, turning increasingly violent at night. In North Point and Tsuen Wan, white- or blue-shirted armed groups were attacking protesters, but unlike in the Yuen Long violence of 21 July they were beaten back in North Point. Protesters aimed at drawing international attention through methods such as extended sit-ins at the airport. In many occasions, an eye injury of a female protester who had served as frontline medical staff became a symbol of the protests. At the airport protests, a mainland journalist was violently tackled by protesters who did not reveal his identity to the protesters. Protesters later apologised for this incident, reducing tensions and satisfying some pro-establishment lawmakers. The Prince Edward station attack on 31 August proved to be a further landmark event in the protests.
In October 2019, the 2019–2020 Hong Kong protests saw a further escalation of violence. It became evident that the protests were unlikely to end soon, and that they posed the biggest popular challenge to Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leader Xi Jinping since his ascension to CCP general secretary in 2012. To bring the situation under control, Chief Executive Carrie Lam invoked colonial-era powers to impose an anti-mask law, aimed at preventing protesters from hiding their identity. Observers considered the law, which came into force on 4 October, as a precedent for possible wider use of emergency powers at the expense of citizens' freedoms and in addition democratic rights, as they even saw the possibility of the upcoming District Council elections being cancelled based on the emergency law. The mask ban did, however, not achieve the desired effect, but rather proved a further focal point of protests. In November, the High Court ruled the mask ban to be unconstitutional, although in April 2020, an Appeal Court ruled that it was constitutional in the case of unlawful assemblies.
After the rapid deterioration of the overall situation in the city in the course of the previous months of the 2019–2020 Hong Kong protests, a degree of calming of the protests occurred in December 2019. This was due to several factors. One was an initial expectation of the protesters and their supporters that the government would finally offer concessions on the Five Demands – apart from the withdrawn extradition bill – after the resounding defeat of the pro-establishment camp in the District Council Elections on 24 November, which had dealt a blow to government rhetoric about its public support. The mass protests on 8 December were largely an expression of dissatisfaction that these concessions had not been forthcoming. Another factor seen as responsible for the decrease in the size of the protests was that the arrests during the Siege of Polytechnic University had thinned the ranks of the protesters.
↑ May Upheaval in Hong Kong, Committee of Hong Kong and Kowloon Compatriots from All Circles for Struggle Against British Hong Kong Persecution, p. 8 (1967).
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