A. Dirk Moses | |
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Born | Anthony Dirk Moses 1967 (age 56–57) Brisbane, Queensland, Australia |
Parents | |
Academic background | |
Education | |
Thesis | The Forty-fivers [1] (2000) |
Doctoral advisor | Martin Jay |
Academic work | |
Discipline | |
Sub-discipline | |
Institutions | |
Notable works | The Problems of Genocide |
Notable ideas | Racial century German catechism |
Website | dirkmoses |
Anthony Dirk Moses (born 1967) is an Australian scholar who researches various aspects of genocide. In 2022 he became the Anne and Bernard Spitzer Professor of Political Science at the City College of New York,after having been the Frank Porter Graham Distinguished Professor of Global Human Rights History at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. [2] [3] He is a leading scholar of genocide,especially in colonial contexts,as well as of the political development of the concept itself. [4] He is known for coining the term racial century in reference to the period 1850–1950. [5] He is editor-in-chief of the Journal of Genocide Research .
Dirk Moses is the son of Ingrid Moses,former Chancellor of the University of Canberra,and the noted historian John A. Moses. [6]
Moses received his Bachelor of Arts degree in history,government,and law at the University of Queensland in 1987. He received a Master of Philosophy degree in early modern European history at the University of St Andrews in 1989,a Master of Arts degree in modern European history at the University of Notre Dame in 1994,and a Doctor of Philosophy degree in modern European history at the University of California,Berkeley,in 2000. [7] His dissertation focuses on how West German intellectuals debated the Nazi past and democratic future of their country.
From 2000 to 2010 and 2016 to 2020,he taught at the University of Sydney,where he became professor of history in 2016. [8] Between 2011 and 2015,he was detached to the European University Institute as the Chair of Global and Colonial History. [9] In July 2020,Moses was named the Frank Porter Graham Distinguished Professor of Global Human Rights History at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
In 2004-05 he completed a fellowship at the Charles H. Revson Foundation at the Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies at the US Holocaust Memorial Museum for his project on “Racial Century:Biopolitics and Genocide in Europe and Its Colonies,1850-1950.”In 2007 he was an Alexander von Humboldt Foundation Fellow at the Zentrum für Zeithistorische Forschung in Potsdam,and in 2010 a fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington,D.C. He was a visiting fellow at the WZB Berlin Social Science Center for Global Constitutionalism in September–October 2019,and senior fellow at the Lichtenberg-Kolleg in Göttingen in winter 2019–20.
He has been senior editor of the Journal of Genocide Research since 2011, and co-edits the War and Genocide book series for Berghahn Books. He is a member of the editorial boards of the Journal of African Military History,Journal of Perpetrator Research,Patterns of Prejudice,Memory Studies,Journal of Mass Violence Research, borderland e-journal,and Monitor:Global Intelligence of Racism. He also serves on the advisory boards of the Vienna Wiesenthal Institute for Holocaust Studies,the University College Dublin Centre for War Studies,the Memory Studies Association,and the RePast project. He is also a friend of the International State Crime Initiative.
Taken as a whole,Moses' work engages in a critical history of modernity on several fronts. In his book,German Intellectuals and the Nazi Past (2007),Moses examined the West German phenomenon of “coming to terms with the past,”arguing that it assumed the status of a universal model for liberal internationalism. At the same time,he recovered Raphael Lemkin's broad understanding of genocide and applied it to the ignored case of settler colonialism. He has written extensively on the genocides of indigenous peoples in Australia and Canada,and he has integrated the Nazi Third Reich and Holocaust into a global context of empire building and counterinsurgency. This work,particularly the anthology Empire,Colony,Genocide (2008),is widely cited and has helped set new research agendas.
Moses has written extensively about the applicability of the term genocide on Australian frontier violence and the Holocaust. For instance,he edited Genocide and Settler Society:Frontier Violence and Stolen Aboriginal Children in Australian History (2004). This book collects illustrations of Australian genocide and positions them in a larger universal context. Moses shows how colonial violence unfolds by explaining it as form of extreme counterinsurgency.
Moses describes genocide as a “politicized concept that distorts historical understanding through manipulation of truth”(War and Genocide book series,2004). He also highlights limitations of the term genocide,suggesting how “historians can deploy it in the service of scholarship”(War and Genocide,2012). This view is elaborated in The Problems of Genocide:Permanent Security and the Language of Transgression (2021). In it Moses argues that international criminal law as well as genocide remembrance and prevention occlude the strategic logic of mass violence that secured Western global dominance over the past 500 years. Moses argues further that the concept of genocide's proximity to the Holocaust effectively depoliticizes the global understanding of civil war and anti-colonial struggles because it focuses on racial hatred. He argues that “atrocity crimes,”with genocide as the “crime of crimes,”screens out the actual security imperatives that drive state violence.
Generally Moses criticizes older paradigms in genocide studies for being "a moralizing discourse that tried to explain genocide by ascribing evil intentions to political leaders". Instead,he argues,"For reasons of state,leaders of virtually any government can engage in mass violence against civilians to assure the security of their borders and their civilians." What makes such crises genocidal,he says,is "the aspiration for permanent security,which entails the end of politics,namely the rupture of negotiation and compromise with different actors. Permanent security means the destruction or crippling of the perceived threatening other." [10] He adapted the phrase from Nazi Holocaust perpetrator Otto Ohlendorf,who stated during his trial that he killed Jewish children because otherwise they would grow up to avenge their parents. It was necessary to kill the children to achieve permanent security,Ohlendorf argued. [11] Moses states that "permanent security is a deeply utopian and sinister imperative",which has not been sufficiently examined by security studies, [12] and that instead of genocide (which privileges victims of racial murder over other kinds of killings of civilians) "permanent security should be illegal". [13]
In May 2021,Moses returned to his work on German intellectuals with a short article in the Swiss journal Geschichte der Gegenwart,in which he criticized an authoritarian moralization of the Nazi Holocaust that targeted people of colour. [14] That article intensified the so-called “Second Historians’Dispute”(or “Historikerstreit 2.0”) about the relationship between the Holocaust,colonial genocide,and Germany's relationship to Israel and Palestine. [15] Over the following months many historians and journalists published their thoughts,pro and con,in the pages of German newspapers (especially the Berliner Zeitung and Die Zeit),and in English on the blog New Fascism Syllabus. [16]
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: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)Genocide is the intentional destruction of a people in whole or in part.
Raphael Lemkin was a Polish lawyer of Jewish descent who is known for coining the term genocide and campaigning to establish the Genocide Convention. During the Second World War, he campaigned vigorously to raise international outrage against atrocities in Axis-occupied Europe. It was during this time that Lemkin coined the term "genocide" to describe Nazi Germany's extermination policies against Jews and Poles.
The Herero and Nama genocide was a campaign of ethnic extermination and collective punishment which was waged against the Herero (Ovaherero) and the Nama in German South West Africa by the German Empire. It was the first genocide to begin in the 20th century, occurring between 1904 and 1908.
Guenter Lewy is a German-born American author and political scientist who is a professor emeritus of political science at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. His works span several topics, but he is most often associated with his 1978 book on the Vietnam War, America in Vietnam, and several controversial works that deal with the applicability of the term genocide to various historical events, where Lewy denies both the Romani genocide and the Armenian genocide.
Henry Egon Friedlander was a German-American Jewish historian of the Holocaust who was noted for his arguments in favor of broadening the scope of casualties of the Holocaust.
Settler society is a theoretical term in the early modern period and modern history that describes a common link between modern, predominantly European, attempts to permanently settle in other areas of the world. It is used to distinguish settler colonies from resource extraction colonies. The term came to wide use in the 1970s as part of the discourse on decolonization, particularly to describe older colonial units.
The assertion that the Holocaust was a unique event in human history was important to the historiography of the Holocaust, but it has come under increasing criticism in the twenty-first century. Related claims include the claim that the Holocaust is external to history, beyond human understanding, a civilizational rupture, and something that should not be compared to other historical events. Uniqueness approaches to the Holocaust also coincide with the view that antisemitism is not another form of racism and prejudice but is eternal and teleologically culminates in the Holocaust, a frame that is preferred by proponents of Zionist narratives.
The genocide of Indigenous peoples, colonial genocide, or settler genocide is the intentional elimination of Indigenous peoples as a part of the process of colonialism.
Racism in Poland in the 20th and 21st centuries has been a subject of extensive study. Ethnic minorities made up a greater proportion of the country's population from the founding of the Polish state through the Second Polish Republic than in the 21st century, when government statistics show 94% or more of the population self-reporting as ethnically Polish.
Genocidal rape, a form of wartime sexual violence, is the action of a group which has carried out acts of mass rape and gang rapes, against its enemy during wartime as part of a genocidal campaign. During the Armenian Genocide, the Greek genocide, the Assyrian genocide, the second Sino-Japanese war, the Holocaust, the Bangladesh Liberation War, the Bosnian War, the Rwandan genocide, the Congolese conflicts, the South Sudanese Civil War, the Yazidi Genocide, Rohingya genocide, the mass rapes that had been an integral part of those conflicts brought the concept of genocidal rape to international prominence. Although war rape has been a recurrent feature in conflicts throughout human history, it has usually been looked upon as a by-product of conflict and not an integral part of military policy.
Racial century is a term that has been used by historians to refer to the century between 1850 and 1950, especially in the context of postcolonial studies. The term employs race and racism as the primary category of analysis of global, national, and local affairs.
Genocide studies is an academic field of study that researches genocide. Genocide became a field of study in the mid-1940s, with the work of Raphael Lemkin, who coined genocide and started genocide research, and its primary subjects were the Armenian genocide and the Holocaust; the Holocaust was the primary subject matter of genocide studies, starting off as a side field of Holocaust studies, and the field received an extra impetus in the 1990s, when the Rwandan genocide occurred. It received further attraction in the 2010s through the formation of a gender field.
Genocide justification is the claim that a genocide is morally excusable/defensible, necessary, and/or sanctioned by law. Genocide justification differs from genocide denial, which is the attempt to reject the occurrence of genocide. Perpetrators often claim that genocide victims presented a serious threat, justifying their actions by stating it was legitimate self-defense of a nation or state. According to modern international criminal law, there can be no excuse for genocide. Genocide is often camouflaged as military activity against combatants, and the distinction between denial and justification is often blurred.
The connection between colonialism and genocide has been explored in academic research. According to historian Patrick Wolfe, "[t]he question of genocide is never far from discussions of settler colonialism." Historians have commented that although colonialism does not necessarily directly involve genocide, research suggests that the two share a connection.
Genocide is the deliberate and systematic destruction, in whole or in part, of an ethnic, racial, religious, or national group. The term was coined in 1944 by Raphael Lemkin. It is defined in Article 2 of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (CPPCG) of 1948 as "any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group, as such: killing members of the group; causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; deliberately inflicting on the group's conditions of life, calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; [and] forcibly transferring children of the group to another group."
The Problems of Genocide: Permanent Security and the Language of Transgression is a 2021 book by Australian historian A. Dirk Moses. The book explores what Moses sees as flaws in the concept of genocide, which he argues allows killings of civilians that do not resemble the Holocaust to be ignored. Moses proposes "permanent security" as an alternative to the concept of genocide. The book was described as important, but his emphasis on security is considered only one factor to be causing mass violence.
In discussions of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, the Holocaust and the Nakba have come to be regarded as interrelated events, both historically and in the way these two tragedies have influenced perceptions of the conflict by both parties. In Israel, all Israeli Jews are considered survivors of the Holocaust who must implement the imperative of never again in regards to being a Jewish victim. The uniqueness of the Holocaust is emphasized and any linkage between the Holocaust and the Nakba is rejected. The 2018 book The Holocaust and the Nakba argues that "unless we can hold these two moments in our hearts and minds as part of the same story, there can be no moving forward in the seemingly unmovable conflict that is Israel-Palestine".
This is a select annotated bibliography of scholarly English language books and journal articles about the subject of genocide studies; for bibliographies of genocidal acts or events, please see the See also section for individual articles. A brief selection of English translations of primary sources is included for items related to the development of genocide studies. Book entries may have references to journal articles and reviews as annotations. Additional bibliographies can be found in many of the book-length works listed below; see Further Reading for several book and chapter-length bibliographies. The External links section contains entries for publicly available materials on the development of genocide studies.
The genocide of Indigenous Australians refers to the systematic and deliberate actions taken primarily by European colonisers and their descendants, particularly during the 18th to the 20th centuries, aimed at eradicating Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures, languages, and people. Motivations for the genocide varied, and included motivations aimed at preserving a "white Australia", or assimilating Indigenous populations "for their own good".