Genocide justification

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Otto Ohlendorf testifies at the Einsatzgruppen trial, in which he justified the Einsatzgruppen murders Otto Ohlendorf EGR.jpg
Otto Ohlendorf testifies at the Einsatzgruppen trial, in which he justified the Einsatzgruppen murders

Genocide justification is the claim that a genocide is morally excusable/defensible, necessary, and/or sanctioned by law. [1] Genocide justification differs from genocide denial, which is the attempt to reject the occurrence of genocide. Perpetrators often claim that genocide victims presented a serious threat, justifying their actions by stating it was legitimate self-defense of a nation or state. According to modern international criminal law, there can be no excuse for genocide. [2] [3] Genocide is often camouflaged as military activity against combatants, and the distinction between denial and justification is often blurred. [4]

Contents

Examples of genocide justification include the Turkish nationalists' claims in regard to the Armenian genocide, the Nazis' justifications behind the Holocaust, anti-Tutsi propaganda during the Rwandan genocide, [5] Serbian nationalists' justifications for the Srebrenica massacre and the Myanmar government's claims about the Rohingya genocide.

Legality

Several laws against genocide denial also forbid the justification of genocide. In addition, some countries have laws against genocide justification but not genocide denial. For example, in Spain, a law criminalizing genocide denial was struck down as unconstitutional by the Spanish Supreme Court. [6]

As of now, only 12 nations have criminalized genocide justification, including Andorra, Colombia, Liechtenstein, Macedonia, Rwanda, and Switzerland. [1] In addition, justification of genocide during ongoing killings may constitute incitement to genocide, which is criminalized under international criminal law. [7] [8]

In general

According to W. Michael Reisman, "in many of the most hideous international crimes, many of the individuals who are directly responsible operate within a cultural universe that inverts our morality and elevates their actions to the highest form of group, tribe, or national defense". [7] [8] Bettina Arnold observed, "It is one of the terrible ironies of the systematic extermination of one people by another that its justification is considered necessary." She also argued that archaeology and ancient history was sometimes used to justify genocide. [9] Robert Zajonc wrote, "I was not able to find any accounts of massacres not viewed by their perpetrators as right and necessary." [10] Rationalizing genocide helps perpetrators accept their actions and role in the genocide, preserving their self-image. [11]

According to the Encyclopedia of Genocide , the eugenics advocate Francis Galton bordered on the justification of genocide when he stated, "There exists a sentiment, for the most part quite unreasonable, against the gradual extinction of an inferior race." [12]

Examples

1804 Haiti massacre

According to the historian Philippe R. Girard, the genocide of French Creoles after the Haitian Revolution was justified by its perpetrators based on the following rationales:

  1. The ideals of the French Revolution justified the massacre.
  2. Atrocities committed by French troops in Haiti permitted revenge.
  3. Radical measures were necessary to secure victory in the war and emancipate the slaves.
  4. Whites were not human.
  5. Black leaders hoped to take over plantations previously owned by whites.

Girard notes that after the massacre, the man who ordered it, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, stated, "We answered these cannibals' war with war, crime with crime, outrage with outrage." For Dessalines, Girard writes, "genocide merely amounted to vengeance, even justice". [13] Historian C. L. R. James wrote that massacre was only a tragedy for its perpetrators because of the brutal practices of slaveholding. [3]

Adam Jones and Nicholas Robinson have classified this as a subaltern genocide, meaning a "genocide by the oppressed", and that it contains "morally plausible" elements of retribution or revenge. Jones points out that this type of genocide is less likely to be condemned and may even be welcomed, despite the torture and execution of thousands of women and children on the island. [3]

Armenian genocide

The defense of Van is a crucial element in works that seek to justify the genocide. Leavening the Levant (1916) (14586438289) restored.jpg
The defense of Van is a crucial element in works that seek to justify the genocide.

Justification and rationalization are commonly associated with the Armenian genocide. Perpetrators portrayed the killings as a legitimate defense against Armenians who were perceived as traitors colluding with Russia during a time of war. [3] [15] Both at the time and later, it has been claimed that the deportation of Armenians was justified by military necessity. [16] Historian Hans-Lukas Kieser points out, "To justify genocide, Talaat framed a whole discourse and set of arguments, so that the self-righteous justification for murder and destruction remained entrenched in later memoirs, politics, and historiography." [17] In an interview with Berliner Tageblatt in May 1915, Talaat stated, "We have been blamed for not making a distinction between guilty and innocent Armenians. [To do so] was impossible. Because of the nature of things, one who was still innocent today could be guilty tomorrow. The concern for the safety of Turkey simply had to silence all other concerns. Our actions were determined by national and historical necessity." [18] During the trial of Soghomon Tehlirian, several German newspapers such as the Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung , the Frankfurter Zeitung or the Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger published articles and essays which justified the annihilation of the Armenian people. [19]

In 1919, Mustafa Kemal stated:

Whatever has befallen the non-Muslim elements living in our country, is the result of the policies of separatism they pursued in a savage manner, when they allowed themselves to be made tools of foreign intrigues and abused their privileges. There are probably many reasons and excuses for the undesired events that have taken place in Turkey. And I want definitely to say that these events are on a level far removed from the many forms of oppression which are committed in the states of Europe without any excuse. [20]

Historian Erik Jan Zürcher comments, "All the classic elements in the defense of violent aggression are here: they asked for it, it was not really so bad and anyway, others have done the same and worse." [20]

In 1920, parliamentarian Hasan Fehmi stated:

This deportation business, as you know, has put the whole world in an uproar, and has branded us all as murderers. We knew even before this was done that the Christian world would not stand for it, and that they would turn their fury and hatred on us because of it. But why should we call ourselves murderers? These things that were done were to secure the future of our homeland, which we hold more sacred and dear than our very lives. [21]

According to Fatma Müge Göçek, "The sentiments of the Turkish state and populace toward these CUP leaders are best captured in one memoir that noted:"

There were no Armenians left in east, central Anatolia and to a certain degree in the western regions. If this cleaning had not been carried out, getting the independence struggle to succeed could have been much more difficult and could have cost us much more. May God be merciful and compassionate toward Enver and Talat Pashas who actualized this [cleaning]. Their foresight has saved the Turkish nation. [22]

In the interwar era, many Germans believed that the Armenian genocide was justified. Author Stefan Ihrig argues that, in the early 1920s, the Germans who had denied the Armenian genocide switched to justifying it after accepting the historicity of the events. [4]

The Holocaust

Adolf Hitler's speech in the Reichstag Adolf Hitler's speech in the Reichstag, 30 January 1939.png
Adolf Hitler's speech in the Reichstag

The Nazis preferred to justify the killing of Jews rather than deny it entirely as seen in Hitler's prophecy, a speech by Hitler where he stated that it was time to "wrestle the Jewish world enemy to the ground", [23] and that the German government was completely determined "to get rid of these people". [24] [25] [26] Another example of Nazi justification is the 1943 Posen speeches, in which SS chief Heinrich Himmler argued that the systematic mass murder of Jews was necessary and justified, although an unpleasant task for individual SS men. [27] [28] [29]

During the Einsatzgruppen trial, Otto Ohlendorf, responsible for the deaths of 90,000 Jews, did not deny that the crimes occurred or that he was responsible for them. Instead, he justified the systematic murder as anticipatory self-defense against the mortal threat supposedly posed by Jews, Romani people, Communists, and others. Ohlendorf argued that the killing of Jewish children was necessary because, knowing how their parents died, they would grow up to hate Germany. [30] [31] Ohlendorf's claims were not accepted by the court and he was sentenced to death for crimes against humanity, war crimes, and membership in a criminal organization. He was executed by hanging in 1951. [30]

Since the end of World War II, cases of justifying the Holocaust have also been observed in Iran, the Arab world, and Eastern Europe, in which the alleged behavior of Jews is claimed to cause antisemitism and justify the killing of Jews. [32] [33] [34] [35] [36] [37] Some Moldovan historians have claimed that the Holocaust in Romania was justified by the lack of loyalty shown by Jews to the interwar Romanian state. [38] [39]

Rwandan genocide

The Rwandan genocide was justified by its perpetrators as a legitimate response to the military campaign of the Rwandan Patriotic Front, including by its mastermind, Théoneste Bagosora, who repeated these arguments at the trial which resulted in his conviction for genocide. [40] Justification attempts include "shifting blame from the government to the RPF forces and an attempt to claim the acts were done in self-defense". [1]

The cover of the November 1991 issue of Kangura. The title states, "Tutsi: Race of God", while the text to the right of the machete states, "Which weapons are we going to use to beat the cockroaches for good?". The man pictured is the second president of the First Republic, Gregoire Kayibanda, who made Hutu the governing ethnicity after the 1959 massacres. Kangura.png
The cover of the November 1991 issue of Kangura. The title states, "Tutsi: Race of God", while the text to the right of the machete states, "Which weapons are we going to use to beat the cockroaches for good?". The man pictured is the second president of the First Republic, Grégoire Kayibanda, who made Hutu the governing ethnicity after the 1959 massacres.

Following the assassination of Hutu President Juvénal Habyarimana, Hutu propagandists exploited the pre-existing stereotype that equated all Tutsi with the RPF. By intentionally merging the Tutsi community with the RPF. they propagated the narrative that Tutsi were responsible for the president's assassination. This narrative is reinforced by the statement, "relying on the easy identification of all Tutsi with the RPF, Hutu propagandists said Tutsi deserved whatever ill befell them because it was they who had launched the war in the first place." [41]

The emergence of the Hutu newspaper Kangura marked a turning point in the dissemination of anti-Tutsi propaganda, often inciting violence. Established in the early 1990s, Kangura played a pivotal role in shaping public opinion and escalating ethnic tensions in Rwanda. The cover of the November 1991 issue of Kangura, is emblematic of this propaganda campaign. Next to a menacing image of a machete, the text poses a chilling question, "Which weapons are we going to use to beat the cockroaches for good?" This dehumanizing language was deliberately employed to justify violence against the Tutsi population. The manipulation of historical figures in such imagery aimed to legitimize the Hutu victimhood narrative and fuel the genocidal ideologies that would later manifest in the tragic events of 1994.

The media landscape of the region, which included a popular radio show Radio Rwanda, played a crucial role in shaping public opinion of Tutsi people. In March 1992, Radio Rwanda warned that "Hutu leaders in Bugesera were going to be murdered by Tutsi", deliberately spreading false information to spur the Hutu massacres of Tutsi.  Collusion between various media outlets including Kangura and the radio station RTLM, strengthened the impact of these false narratives, further reinforcing dangerous ideologies that culminated in the events of the Rwandan genocide in 1994. [41]

Bosnian genocide

The Srebrenica massacre is justified by Serbian nationalists who argue that it was necessary to defend against the "Muslim threat", or as a justified revenge for the 1993 Kravica attack. However, Serbian nationalists do not acknowledge that genocide occurred in Bosnia despite the ICTY verdict, and argue that the Bosnian death toll is substantially lower than historians and the ICTY have concluded. [42] [43] Conducting interviews with Serbs in Bosnia, Janine Natalya Clark found that many interviewees endorsed the idea "that those killed in Srebrenica were combatants and therefore legitimate military targets", alongside beliefs that the massacre was exaggerated. [44]

Rohingya genocide

Rohingya refugees gathered on Genocide Remembrance Day Rohingya refugees gathered on Genocide Remembrance Day.jpg
Rohingya refugees gathered on Genocide Remembrance Day

Myanmar leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, defends the military's actions during what has been described as the Rohingya genocide in Myanmar, a result of private and structural Islamophobia in Myanmar, as well as increasing tensions and conflict "between Rohingya Muslims and the Burman Buddhist Majority". [45] [46] [47] In 2017, The Intercept reported that she was "an apologist for genocide, ethnic cleansing and mass rape". [48] After her December 2019 remarks in the International Court of Justice, American political scientist William Felice wrote that she used "the same arguments that organizers of genocide and ethnic cleansing deployed throughout the 20th century to validate mass murder". [49] Physicians for Human Rights states that Myanmar "continues to justify their mass extermination [of Rohingya] as a reasonable response to 'terrorist activities.'" [50] Refugees International said that she was "defending the most indefensible of crimes"—genocide. [51] The Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) of Myanmar's democratic government were hostile and violent in their persecution and abuse of Rohingya Muslims. [45] Their actions were justified "through the pretence of operating in the name of a democratically elected regime and not a military dictatorship". [45]

See also

Related Research Articles

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Genocide is the intentional destruction of a people in whole or in part.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Genocide denial</span> Attempt to deny the scale and severity of genocide

Genocide denial is the attempt to deny or minimize the scale and severity of an instance of genocide. Denial is an integral part of genocide and includes the secret planning of genocide, propaganda while the genocide is going on, and destruction of evidence of mass killings. According to genocide researcher Gregory Stanton, denial "is among the surest indicators of further genocidal massacres".

The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (CPPCG), or the Genocide Convention, is an international treaty that criminalizes genocide and obligates state parties to pursue the enforcement of its prohibition. It was the first legal instrument to codify genocide as a crime, and the first human rights treaty unanimously adopted by the United Nations General Assembly, on 9 December 1948, during the third session of the United Nations General Assembly. The Convention entered into force on 12 January 1951 and has 152 state parties as of 2022.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines</span> Radio station in the 1994 Rwandan genocide

Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) was a Rwandan radio station which broadcast from July 8, 1993, to July 31, 1994. It played a significant role in inciting the Rwandan genocide that took place from April to July 1994, and has been described by some scholars as having been a de facto arm of the Hutu government.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Hassan Ngeze</span> Rwandan journalist and convicted war criminal

Hassan Ngeze is a Rwandan journalist and convicted war criminal best known for spreading anti-Tutsi propaganda and Hutu superiority through his newspaper, Kangura, which he founded in 1990. Ngeze was a founding member and leadership figure in the Coalition for the Defence of the Republic (CDR), a Rwandan Hutu Power political party that is known for helping to incite the genocide.

<i>Kangura</i> Magazine in Rwanda that served to stoke ethnic hatred in the run-up to the Rwandan Genocide

Kangura was a Kinyarwanda and French-language magazine in Rwanda that served to stoke ethnic hatred in the run-up to the Rwandan genocide. The magazine was established in 1990, following the invasion of the rebel Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), and continued publishing up to the genocide. Edited by Hassan Ngeze, the magazine was a response to the RPF-sponsored Kanguka, adopting a similar informal style. "Kangura" was a Rwandan word meaning "wake others up", as opposed to "Kanguka", which meant "wake up". The journal was based in Gisenyi.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Armenian genocide denial</span> Fringe theory that the Armenian genocide did not occur

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The "Hutu Ten Commandments" was a document published in the December 1990 edition of Kangura, an anti-Tutsi, Hutu Power Kinyarwanda-language newspaper in Kigali, Rwanda. The Hutu Ten Commandments are often cited as a prime example of anti-Tutsi propaganda that was promoted by genociders in Rwanda following the 1990 invasion by the Rwandan Patriotic Front and prior to the 1994 Rwandan genocide. The chief editor of Kangura, Hassan Ngeze, was convicted of genocide and crimes against humanity in 2003 by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and was sentenced to 35 years' imprisonment.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Génocidaires</span> Rwandan genocide participants

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<i>Blood and Soil</i> (book) 2007 book by Ben Kiernan

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Rwandan genocide denial is the pseudohistorical assertion that the Rwandan genocide did not occur, specifically rejection of the scholarly consensus that Rwandan Tutsis were the victims of genocide between 7 April and 15 July 1994. The perpetrators, a small minority of other Hutu, and a fringe of Western writers dispute that reality.

During the Rwandan genocide of 1994, over the course of 100 days, up to half a million women and children were raped, sexually mutilated, or murdered. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) handed down the first conviction for the use of rape as a weapon of war during the civil conflict, and, because the intent of the mass violence against Rwandan women and children was to destroy, in whole or in part, a particular ethnic group, it was the first time that mass rape during wartime was found to be an act of genocidal rape.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Incitement to genocide</span> Crime under international law

Incitement to genocide is a crime under international law which prohibits inciting (encouraging) the commission of genocide. An extreme form of hate speech, incitement to genocide is an inchoate offense and is theoretically subject to prosecution even if genocide does not occur, although charges have never been brought in an international court without mass violence having occurred. "Direct and public incitement to commit genocide" was forbidden by the Genocide Convention in 1948. Incitement to genocide is often cloaked in metaphor and euphemism and may take many forms beyond direct advocacy, including dehumanization and accusation in a mirror.

<i>Justifying Genocide</i> Book by Stefan Ihrig

Justifying Genocide: Germany and the Armenians from Bismarck to Hitler is a 2016 book by Stefan Ihrig which explores how violence against the Ottoman Armenians, from the Hamidian massacres to the Armenian genocide, influenced German views and led to the acceptance of genocide as a legitimate "solution" to "problems posed by an unwelcome minority". It discusses how the topic was debated in Germany after World War I and the influence of these debates and perceptions of history on the Holocaust.

The claim that there was a Jewish war against Nazi Germany is an antisemitic conspiracy theory promoted in Nazi propaganda which asserts that the Jews, framed within the theory as a single historical actor, started World War II and sought the destruction of Germany. Alleging that war was declared in 1939 by Chaim Weizmann, president of the World Zionist Organization, Nazis used this false notion to justify the persecution of Jews under German control on the grounds that the Holocaust was justified self-defense. Since the end of World War II, the conspiracy theory has been popular among neo-Nazis and Holocaust deniers.

<i>In Praise of Blood</i> Non-fiction book by Judi Rever

In Praise of Blood: The Crimes of the Rwandan Patriotic Front is a 2018 non-fiction book by Canadian journalist Judi Rever and published by Random House of Canada; it has also been translated into Dutch and French. The book describes alleged war crimes by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), Rwanda's ruling political party, during its ascent to power in the 1990s.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Armenian genocide and the Holocaust</span> Comparison of genocides

The relationship between the Armenian genocide and the Holocaust has been discussed by scholars. The majority of scholars believe that there is a direct causal relationship between the Armenian genocide and the Holocaust, however, some of them do not believe that there is a direct causal relationship between the two genocides.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Genocides in history</span> Overview of genocide in a historical context

Genocide is the deliberate and systematic destruction, in whole or in part, of an ethnic, racial, religious, or national group. The term was coined in 1944 by Raphael Lemkin. It is defined in Article 2 of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (CPPCG) of 1948 as "any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group, as such: killing members of the group; causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; deliberately inflicting on the group's conditions of life, calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; [and] forcibly transferring children of the group to another group."

Accusation in a mirror (AiM) is a technique often used in the context of hate speech incitement, where one falsely attributes one's own motives and/or intentions to one's adversaries. It has been cited, along with dehumanization, as one of the indirect or cloaked forms of incitement to genocide, which has contributed to the commission of genocide, for example in the Holocaust or the Rwandan genocide. By invoking collective self-defense, accusation in a mirror is used to justify genocide, similar to self-defense as a defense for individual homicide.

References

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  2. ↑ Scarre, Geoffrey (December 2005). "Excusing the Inexcusable? Moral Responsibility and Ideologically Motivated Wrongdoing". Journal of Social Philosophy. 36 (4): 457–472. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9833.2005.00288.x.
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  5. ↑ Lower, Matthew; Hauschildt, Thomas (2014-05-09). "The Media as a Tool of War: Propaganda in the Rwandan Genocide". Human Security Centre. Retrieved 2021-03-16.
  6. ↑ Elósegui, María (2017). "Denial or Justification of Genocide as a Criminal Offence in European Law". Racial Justice, Policies and Courts' Legal Reasoning in Europe. Springer International Publishing. pp. 49–90. ISBN   978-3-319-53580-7.
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  17. ↑ Kieser, Hans-Lukas (2018). Talaat Pasha: Father of Modern Turkey, Architect of Genocide . Princeton University Press. p. 294. ISBN   978-1-4008-8963-1.
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  20. 1 2 Zürcher, Erik Jan (2011). "Renewal and Silence: Postwar Unionist and Kemalist Rhetoric on the Armenian Genocide". In Suny, Ronald Grigor; Göçek, Fatma Müge; Naimark, Norman M. (eds.). A Question of Genocide: Armenians and Turks at the End of the Ottoman Empire. Oxford University Press. pp. 306–316 [312]. ISBN   978-0-19-979276-4.
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  26. ↑ Confino, Alon (2014). A World Without Jews: The Nazi Imagination from Persecution to Genocide. Yale University Press. p. 226. ISBN   978-0-300-19046-5.
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  30. 1 2 Wolfe, Robert (July 1980). "Putative Threat to National Security as a Nuremberg Defense for Genocide". The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 450 (1): 46–67. doi:10.1177/000271628045000106. JSTOR   1042558. S2CID   146521956. Ohlendorf stated, 'I believe that it is very simple to explain if one starts from the fact that [the Führer] order not only tried to achieve security, but permanent security, lest the children grow up and inevitably, being the children of parents who had been killed, they would constitute a danger no smaller than that of the parents.'
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  35. ↑ Litvak, Meir; Webman, Esther (January 2004). "The Representation of the Holocaust in the Arab World". Journal of Israeli History. 23 (1): 100–115. doi:10.1080/1353104042000241947. S2CID   162351680.
  36. ↑ Litvak, Meir (2017). "Iranian Antisemitism and the Holocaust". Antisemitism Before and Since the Holocaust: Altered Contexts and Recent Perspectives. Springer International Publishing. pp. 205–229. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-48866-0_9. ISBN   978-3-319-48866-0.
  37. ↑ Göran Larsson, "Fact Or Fraud?: The Protocols of the Elders of Zion", (1994), p. 44. During the Second World War there were frequent contacts between the Nazis and several Arab leaders, the most notorious being the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Hadj Amin Al-Husseini, well-known for his collaboration with Hitler and the Nazi leadership. After the war, Hitler's extermination of the Jews has often been justified in Arab countries, and some Nazi war criminals have found a safe haven there to continue their antisemitic activities. Not surprisingly, The Protocols have been translated into Arabic and have become a bestseller in the Arab world. Antisemitic organisations have often used Arab countries as the base for distribution of antisemitic material...
  38. ↑ Tartakovsky, Dmitry (August 2008). "Conflicting Holocaust narratives in Moldovan nationalist historical discourse". East European Jewish Affairs. 38 (2): 211–229. doi:10.1080/13501670802184090. S2CID   144672487.
  39. ↑ Solonari, Vladimir (20 November 2018). "From Silence to Justification?: Moldovan Historians on the Holocaust of Bessarabian and Transnistrian Jews". Nationalities Papers. 30 (3): 435–457. doi:10.1080/0090599022000011705. S2CID   162214245.
  40. ↑ Krivushin, Ivan (2018). "History as a Justification for Genocide: the Interpretation of Rwanda's Past by Théoneste Bagosora". Istoriya. 9 (5). doi:10.18254/S0002306-5-1. S2CID   158477329.
  41. 1 2 "Propaganda and Practice (HRW Report - Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda, March 1999)". www.hrw.org. Retrieved 2023-12-08.
  42. ↑ Robiou, Marcia (29 March 2019). "What is Genocide? The Ultimate Crime, Explained". FRONTLINE. Retrieved 31 July 2020. The Serbs' skepticism surrounding the Srebrenica genocide is not a denial that mass killings occurred: the dominant narrative among nationalist Serbs is that war crimes were justified to defend against the Muslims.
  43. ↑ Nettelfield, Lara J.; Wagner, Sarah E. (2013). "Pushing Back: Denial". Srebrenica in the Aftermath of Genocide. Cambridge University Press. ISBN   978-1-139-03496-8.
  44. ↑ Clark, Janine Natalya (March 2012). "The 'crime of crimes': genocide, criminal trials and reconciliation". Journal of Genocide Research. 14 (1): 55–77. doi:10.1080/14623528.2012.649895. S2CID   73350853.
  45. 1 2 3 Bakali, Naved (April 2021). "Islamophobia in Myanmar: the Rohingya genocide and the 'war on terror'". Race & Class. 62 (4): 53–71. doi:10.1177/0306396820977753. S2CID   233194481.
  46. ↑ "Aung San Suu Kyi: Democracy icon who fell from grace". BBC News. 23 January 2020. Retrieved 31 July 2020.
  47. ↑ "Aung San Suu Kyi defends Myanmar against genocide claims in UN court". Financial Times . 11 December 2019. Retrieved 31 July 2020.
  48. ↑ Hasan, Mehdi (13 April 2017). "Burmese Nobel Prize Winner Aung San Suu Kyi Has Turned Into an Apologist for Genocide Against Muslims". The Intercept. Retrieved 31 July 2020.
  49. ↑ Felice, William (25 December 2019). "A Nobel laureate justifies genocide and ethnic cleansing". Tampa Bay Times. Retrieved 31 July 2020.
  50. ↑ Kine, Phelim (December 13, 2019). "'The Lady' is a Liar: Suu Kyi's Genocide Whitewash". Physicians for Human Rights. Retrieved 31 July 2020.
  51. ↑ Sullivan, Daniel (14 December 2019). "Aung San Suu Kyi's Defense of Genocide". Fair Observer. Retrieved 1 August 2020.

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