Politics of resentment

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The politics of resentment, sometimes called grievance politics, is a form of politics which is based on resentment of some other group of people. [17]

Contents

Types

Male

Male grievance culture is a common feature in mass shooters, according to a study which examined their motivations in the intersection of white entitlement, middle-class instability, and heterosexual masculinity. The study's author, Leigh Paterson, wrote that such murderers may be highly motivated by "white male grievance culture". [18] [19]

Female

White

Columnist Michael Gerson argues that in American politics, the Republican Party has been "swiftly repositioned as an instrument of white grievance." [20] [ non-primary source needed ]

Reaction to demographic change

Demographic change in the United States propelled by immigration has led to an increasing proportion of people with diverse backgrounds, and a decreasing proportion of whites. By 1998, places like Hawaii, Houston, and New York City had no majority race. This trend increased in the 21st century, with several more cities where whites were once the majority, but no longer are. Highly visible advances of certain minorities, such as the first Black president and the first Hispanic Supreme Court justice, also took place in this period.

In some states, state legislators moved to restrict immigration by law. In the field of education, some white elected officials have moved to restrict diversity programs, or the availability of courses in ethnic studies or the impact of race in America, while others have worked at tightening election regulations in order to make it more difficult for members of ethnic minorities to vote, leading to opposing protests, sometimes clashing, between mostly white groups favoring restrictions on immigration and minorities, and by minority groups seeking to hold on to their rights. [21]

This came to a head during Donald Trump's 2016 presidential election campaign. [21] :2

Black

Nationalist

Sociologist Bart Bonikowski argues that ethno-nationalist populism is often based on stirring up resentment against "elites, immigrants, and ethnic, racial and religious minorities". [22]

Religious

Sexuality and gender

Grievance culture

Jason Manning and Bradley Campbell draw on the work of sociologist Donald Black on conflict and on cross-cultural studies of conflict and morality to argue that the contemporary culture wars resemble tactics described by scholars in which an aggrieved party or group seeks the support of third parties. They argue that grievance-based conflicts have led to large-scale moral change in which an emergent victimhood culture is clashing with and replacing older honor and dignity cultures. [23] Political commentator E. J. Dionne has written that culture war is an electoral technique to exploit differences and grievances, remarking that the real cultural division is "between those who want to have a culture war and those who don't." [24]

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Multiculturalism</span> Existence of multiple cultural traditions within a single country

The term multiculturalism has a range of meanings within the contexts of sociology, political philosophy, and colloquial use. In sociology and in everyday usage, it is a synonym for ethnic pluralism, with the two terms often used interchangeably, and for cultural pluralism in which various ethnic and cultural groups exist in a single society. It can describe a mixed ethnic community area where multiple cultural traditions exist or a single country within which they do. Groups associated with an indigenous, aboriginal or autochthonous ethnic group and settler-descended ethnic groups are often the focus.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ethnic conflict</span> Conflict between ethnic groups

An ethnic conflict is a conflict between two or more ethnic groups. While the source of the conflict may be political, social, economic or religious, the individuals in conflict must expressly fight for their ethnic group's position within society. This criterion differentiates ethnic conflict from other forms of struggle.

Populism is a range of political stances that emphasize the idea of "the people" and often juxtapose this group with "the elite". It is frequently associated with anti-establishment and anti-political sentiment. The term developed in the late 19th century and has been applied to various politicians, parties and movements since that time, often as a pejorative. Within political science and other social sciences, several different definitions of populism have been employed, with some scholars proposing that the term be rejected altogether.

Identity politics is politics based on a particular identity, such as race, nationality, religion, gender, sexual orientation, social background, caste, and social class. The term could also encompass other social phenomena which are not commonly understood as exemplifying identity politics, such as governmental migration policy that regulates mobility based on identities, or far-right nationalist agendas of exclusion of national or ethnic others. For this reason, Kurzwelly, Pérez and Spiegel, who discuss several possible definitions of the term, argue that it is an analytically imprecise concept.

The term "minority group" has different usages, depending on the context. According to its common usage, the term minority group can simply be understood in terms of demographic sizes within a population: i.e. a group in society with the least number of individuals, or less than half, is a "minority". Usually a minority group is disempowered relative to the majority, and that characteristic lends itself to different applications of the term minority.

Political polarization is the divergence of political attitudes away from the center, towards ideological extremes. Scholars distinguish between ideological polarization and affective polarization.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">White pride</span> Racial expression

White pride and white power are expressions primarily used by white separatist, white nationalist, fascist, neo-Nazi, and white supremacist organizations in order to signal racist or racialist viewpoints. It is also a slogan used by the prominent post-Ku Klux Klan group Stormfront and a term used to make racist/racialist viewpoints more palatable to the general public who may associate historical abuses with the terms white nationalist, neo-Nazi, and white supremacist.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">American nationalism</span> Nationalism in support of the collective identity of the United States

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Consociationalism is a form of democratic power sharing. Political scientists define a consociational state as one which has major internal divisions along ethnic, religious, or linguistic lines, but which remains stable due to consultation among the elites of these groups. Consociational states are often contrasted with states with majoritarian electoral systems.

An ethnocracy is a type of political structure in which the state apparatus is controlled by a dominant ethnic group to further its interests, power, dominance, and resources. Ethnocratic regimes in the modern era typically display a 'thin' democratic façade covering a more profound ethnic structure, in which ethnicity – and not citizenship – is the key to securing power and resources.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Intersectionality</span> Theory of discrimination

Intersectionality is a sociological analytical framework for understanding how groups' and individuals' social and political identities result in unique combinations of discrimination and privilege. Examples of these factors include gender, caste, sex, race, ethnicity, class, sexuality, religion, disability, height, age, weight and physical appearance. These intersecting and overlapping social identities may be both empowering and oppressing. However, little good-quality quantitative research has been done to support or undermine the practical uses of intersectionality.

Reverse racism, sometimes referred to as reverse discrimination, is the concept that affirmative action and similar color-conscious programs for redressing racial inequality are forms of anti-white racism. The concept is often associated with conservative social movements and reflects a belief that social and economic gains by Black people and other people of color cause disadvantages for white people.

Microaggression is a term used for commonplace verbal, behavioral or environmental slights, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative attitudes toward stigmatized or culturally marginalized groups. The term was coined by Harvard University psychiatrist Chester M. Pierce in 1970 to describe insults and dismissals which he regularly witnessed non-black Americans inflicting on African Americans. By the early 21st century, use of the term was applied to the casual disparagement of any socially marginalized group, including LGBT people, poor people, and disabled people. Psychologist Derald Wing Sue defines microaggressions as "brief, everyday exchanges that send denigrating messages to certain individuals because of their group membership". The persons making the comments may be otherwise well-intentioned and unaware of the potential impact of their words.

Michael Parker Banton CMG, FRAI was a British social scientist, known primarily for his publications on racial and ethnic relations. He was also the first editor of Sociology (1966-1969).

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Coptic nationalism</span>

Coptic nationalism refers to the nationalism of the Copts, a Christian ethnic and religious minority that primarily inhabit the area of modern Egypt. Coptic nationalism does not have a claim for a Coptic nation but asks for an equal position for Copts in Egypt. Most Copts live in the south of Egypt but the largest concentrations of Copts lives in Cairo and Alexandria. The Copts, like the rest of Egyptians, are descended from the pharaonic inhabitants of Egypt. Most ethnic Copts belongs to the Coptic Orthodox Church. Copts number between 10-15 percent of the Egyptian population of 104 million

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Eric Kaufmann</span> Canadian political and religious demographer

Eric Peter Kaufmann is a Canadian professor of politics from the University of Buckingham. He was appointed in October 2023, following his resignation from his post at Birkbeck, University of London, after two decades of service, citing political differences. He is a specialist on Orangeism in Northern Ireland, nationalism, and political and religious demography. He has authored, co-authored, and edited books and other publications on these subjects.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Michael Hechter</span> American sociologist

Michael Hechter is an American sociologist and Foundation Professor of Political Science at Arizona State University. He is also Emeritus Professor of Sociology at the University of Washington.

<i>Whiteshift</i> 2018 book by Eric Kaufmann

Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration and the Future of White Majorities is a 2018 non-fiction book written by Eric Kaufmann, a professor at Birkbeck College, University of London. Described by The Economist as a "monumental study of ethno-demographic change", Whiteshift covers politics in both Europe and North America and looks into the political views of the populist right. Kaufmann argues that the rise of Donald Trump in America and the populist right in Europe is a reaction to sweeping demographic change rather than to "economic anxiety".

Andreas Wimmer is a Swiss sociologist who is the Lieber Professor of Sociology and Political Philosophy at Columbia University. He has a PhD in social anthropology from the University of Zurich.

Constructivism presumes that ethnic identities are shapeable and affected by politics. Through this framework, constructivist theories reassesses conventional political science dogmas. Research indicates that institutionalized cleavages and a multiparty system discourage ethnic outbidding and identification with tribal, localized groups. In addition, constructivism questions the widespread belief that ethnicity inherently inhibits national, macro-scale identification. To prove this point, constructivist findings suggest that modernization, language consolidation, and border-drawing, weakened the tendency to identify with micro-scale identity categories. One manifestation of ethnic politics gone awry, ethnic violence, is itself not seen as necessarily ethnic, since it attains its ethnic meaning as a conflict progresses.

References

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  2. Betz, Hans-Georg (1993). "The New Politics of Resentment: Radical Right-Wing Populist Parties in Western Europe". Comparative Politics. 25 (4): 413–427. doi:10.2307/422034. ISSN   0010-4159. JSTOR   422034.
  3. Cohen, Jean L. (2019). "Populism and the Politics of Resentment". Jus Cogens. 1 (1): 5–39. doi: 10.1007/s42439-019-00009-7 .
  4. Cramer, Katherine J. (2016). The Politics of Resentment: Rural Consciousness in Wisconsin and the Rise of Scott Walker. University of Chicago Press. ISBN   978-0-226-34925-1.
  5. Dudas, Jeffrey R. (2005). "In the Name of Equal Rights: "Special" Rights and the Politics of Resentment in Post-Civil Rights America". Law & Society Review. 39 (4): 723–758. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5893.2005.00243.x.
  6. Engels, Jeremy (2010). "The Politics of Resentment and the Tyranny of the Minority: Rethinking Victimage for Resentful Times". Rhetoric Society Quarterly. 40 (4): 303–325. doi:10.1080/02773941003785652. S2CID   144812968.
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  8. Fukuyama, Francis (2018). Identity: The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. ISBN   978-0-374-71748-3.
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  15. Nord, Philip G. (2005). The Politics Of Resentment: Shopkeeper Protest In Nineteenth-century Paris. Transaction Publishers. ISBN   978-1-4128-3843-6.
  16. Wells, Karen; Watson, Sophie (2005). "A politics of resentment: Shopkeepers in a London neighbourhood". Ethnic and Racial Studies. 28 (2): 261–277. doi:10.1080/01419870420000315843. S2CID   144285129.
  17. Multiple sources: [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] [15] [16]
  18. Paterson, Leigh (9 August 2019). "Many Mass Shooters Share A Common Bond: Male Grievance Culture". Guns & America Project. Washington, D.C.: WAMU | American University Radio. Archived from the original on 2020-02-20. Retrieved 2021-02-17.
  19. Madfis, Eric (2014). "Triple Entitlement and Homicidal Anger: An Exploration of the Intersectional Identities of American Mass Murderers". Men and Masculinities. 17 (1): 67–86. doi:10.1177/1097184X14523432. ISSN   1524-9220. OCLC   5574553164. S2CID   145599622.
  20. Gerson, Michael (1 March 2021). "Opinion | The GOP is now just the party of white grievance" . The Washington Post. Retrieved 17 November 2021.
  21. 1 2 Jardina, Ashley (28 February 2019). White Identity Politics. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–2. ISBN   978-1-108-59013-6.
  22. Bonikowski, Bart (2017). "Ethno-nationalist populism and the mobilization of collective resentment". The British Journal of Sociology. 68 (Suppl 1): S181–S213. doi: 10.1111/1468-4446.12325 . ISSN   1468-4446. PMID   29114869.
  23. Campbell, Bradley; Manning, Jason (2014). "Microaggression and Moral Cultures". Comparative Sociology. 13 (6): 692–726. doi:10.1163/15691330-12341332.
  24. Dionne, E. J. (January 2006). "Why the Culture War Is the Wrong War". The Atlantic .

Further reading