Benevolent prejudice

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Benevolent prejudice is a superficially positive prejudice expressed in terms of positive beliefs and emotional responses, which are associated with hostile prejudices or result in keeping affected groups in inferior societal positions. [1] Benevolent prejudice can be expressed towards those of different race, religion, ideology, country, sex, sexual orientation, or gender identity.

Contents

Some of the earliest and most notable studies on benevolent prejudice were conducted by researchers Susan Fiske and Peter Glick, with the primary focus of their research being the issue of sexism. Benevolent prejudice derives from their studies on ambivalent sexism, claiming that there are two main types of sexist attitudes: hostile and benevolent sexism. [2]

The term benevolent sexism eventually broadened into benevolent prejudice, with one of the earliest uses of the term being in a study by Susan Fiske and Peter Glick that focused on benevolent and hostile sexism across cultures. [3]

Application

Benevolent prejudice is a superficially positive type of prejudice expressed in terms of apparently positive beliefs and emotional responses. Though this type of prejudice is associated with supposedly good things in certain groups, it still results in keeping the group members in inferior positions in society. [1] Benevolent prejudices can help justify any hostile prejudices a person has toward a particular group. [4] It is defined by UK LGBT rights charity Stonewall as "expressions of positive views about minority groups that are not intended to demonstrate less positive attitudes towards them, but which may still produce negative consequences". [5]

Evidence[ citation needed ] also shows that there is a correlation between benevolent prejudices and hostile prejudices towards a particular group, in particular regarding the issue of benevolent prejudice towards women and misogyny. [6] Prejudiced, benevolent ideologies become very attractive to subordinate group members, such as women, because they do not appear to contradict self and group interests. [7]

Examples

Race

In an experiment run by Judd, Park, Ryan, Brauer, and Kraus (1995), [8] perceptions of African Americans held by European Americans show that they held hostile beliefs, indicating that they viewed African Americans as hostile, cliquish, irresponsible, and loud. However, the same European American participants held benevolent beliefs that African Americans were athletic, musical, religious, and had strong family ties. The study was also done with African American participants who were asked to share their beliefs about European Americans. The African Americans said that European Americans were self-centered, greedy, stuffy/uptight, and sheltered from the real world. However, the same African Americans held benevolent beliefs that European Americans were intelligent, organized, independent, and financially well-off. [8]

LGBT and people with disability

A Stonewall UK publication (Understanding Prejudice: Attitudes towards minorities) published in 2004 has found that interviewees used benevolent stereotyping of gay men as "fun" and "caring stereotypes" of individuals with disabilities, saying they were "vulnerable and in need of protection". This was seen as contrasting to the negative prejudices of Travellers and asylum seekers, who were often the subject of aggressive prejudice. [5] The survey also stated that:

These stereotypes are not intended to demonstrate a less positive attitude towards these groups, but lesbians, gay men or disabled people can experience these views as negative and discriminatory. This benevolent prejudice demonstrates a lack of understanding of what being disabled or lesbian and gay can mean; a lack of awareness of the more serious discrimination that these groups often experience; and the changing expectations and rights of these minority groups. Other research has suggested that these benevolent attitudes can play an important role in the social exclusion of particular groups, for example because labels like "nice", "kind" and "helpless" can define some minority groups as not competent or suitable for powerful positions. [5]

The survey also showed that men were more likely to exhibit aggressive prejudice, whereas women were more likely to exhibit benevolent prejudice. [5]

Sexism

Benevolent sexism takes the form of seemingly positive but also patronizing beliefs about women, which works effectively and invisibly to promote gender inequality due to it justifying the system and promising rewards from the more powerful group, in this case, men. [7] Benevolent sexism falls under the radar because most people do not view benevolent sexism as "real sexism" due to the lack of exposure to benevolent sexism, so it remains unchallenged. [9] When benevolent sexists turn out to be perpetrators of domestic sexual assaults, due to them being benevolent and not hostile when convicted, they are less likely to view the act as rape and tend to put more blame on the other party. [10] Benevolent sexists hold a lot of power that can cause harm since they promote acceptance of prejudicial attitudes that perpetuate gender inequalities, which hinder the ability to have equality in relationships and the workplace. [9] In relationships, it is appealing for both men and women with high levels of attachment anxiety to endorse benevolent sexism since it is consistent with the heightened characteristics of attachment anxiety. [11] Benevolent sexism is appealing because it makes people fall into relationship roles that "complete" one another with the belief it will heighten their intimacy goals. [11] On the other hand, men with attachment avoidance are less likely to endorse benevolent sexism in relationships but endorse hostile sexism. [11]

Across Cultures

An experiment run by Glick and Fiske et al. aimed to measure benevolent and hostile sexism across various countries and cultures. [12] The study found that in countries where the levels of hostile sexism were high, the levels of benevolent sexism were also high. Researchers claimed that "the strength of these correlations supports the idea that HS and BS act as complementary forms of sexism." [12] This was exemplified in countries such as Cuba and Nigeria, where men scored higher on sexism, resulting in a higher hostile and benevolent sexism score amongst women; therefore, the results in those countries provided "evidence consistent with the notion that disadvantaged groups adopt the system-justifying beliefs of dominant groups." [12]

Within Families

Family values have an impact on how benevolent sexism affects their children in adulthood, especially if their parents hold benevolent sexist ideology. Parents' benevolent sexism was positively related to conservation values because these values upheld the desire to "protect women from harm." [13] In other words, conservation values are seen as a good thing to ensure that women are treated properly but not equally. It is especially apparent when a father has high levels of benevolent sexism because they interprets their sexism as respect towards women instead of a hindrance to their freedom. [13] Since many people do not view it as harmful, these fathers are labeled caring people. [13] These values will then be passed onto their children, where they will be seen as valuing feminine stereotypes instead of sexism. [13]

Domains of Benevolent Sexism

  • Social ideologies
    • System-justifying beliefs that reflect social norms and tradition [10]
  • Violence
    • Justification of violence, such as victim blaming [10]
  • Stereotypes
    • Positive stereotypes that are focused on warmth [10]
  • Workplace
    • Providing women with paternalistic yet conditional support in the workplace [10]
  • Intimate relationships
    • Role-related mating preferences and dating/family norms [10]

Media literacy and stereotyping

An experiment run by Srividya Ramasubramanian and Mary Beth Oliver aimed to measure the reduction in prejudice in their participants. [14] In the experiment, participants were to watch a media literacy video, and then proceed to read stereotypical and counter-stereotypical news stories about African Americans, Asian-Indians, and Caucasian-Americans. [14] The participants were then prompted to fill out a questionnaire regarding their feelings about the aforementioned groups. The results revealed that the participants were more likely to display benevolent prejudice towards the Asian-Indian group, than to the Caucasian-American or African American group. Benevolent prejudice towards Asian-Indians was seen as a result of the cultural stereotypes associated with the group, such as passivity and deprivation, thus the results were "consistent with the argument that benevolent feelings stem from notions of superiority of dominant groups over subordinate groups seen as incompetent, yet sociable." [14]

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Prejudice</span> Attitudes based on preconceived categories

Prejudice being feature that can be an affective feeling towards a person based on their perceived group membership. The word is often used to refer to a preconceived evaluation or classification of another person based on that person's perceived personal characteristics, such as political affiliation, sex, gender, gender identity, beliefs, values, social class, age, disability, religion, sexuality, race, ethnicity, language, nationality, culture, complexion, beauty, height, body weight, occupation, wealth, education, criminality, sport-team affiliation, music tastes or other perceived characteristics.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">In-group and out-group</span> Sociological notions

In social psychology and sociology, an in-group is a social group to which a person psychologically identifies as being a member. By contrast, an out-group is a social group with which an individual does not identify. People may for example identify with their peer group, family, community, sports team, political party, gender, sexual orientation, religion, or nation. It has been found that the psychological membership of social groups and categories is associated with a wide variety of phenomena.

Susan Tufts Fiske is an American psychologist who serves as the Eugene Higgins Professor of Psychology and Public Affairs in the Department of Psychology at Princeton University. She is a social psychologist known for her work on social cognition, stereotypes, and prejudice. Fiske leads the Intergroup Relations, Social Cognition, and Social Neuroscience Lab at Princeton University. Her theoretical contributions include the development of the stereotype content model, ambivalent sexism theory, power as control theory, and the continuum model of impression formation.

Laurie A. Rudman is a social psychology feminist professor as well as the Director of the Rutgers University Social Cognition Laboratory who has contributed a great deal of research to studies on implicit and explicit attitudes and stereotypes, stereotype maintenance processes, and the media's effects on attitudes, stereotypes, and behavior on the Feminism movement. She was awarded the 1994 Gordon Allport Intergroup Relations Prize for her research examining the effects of sexist advertising on men's behavior toward female job applicants.

Aversive racism is a social scientific theory proposed by Samuel L. Gaertner & John F. Dovidio (1986), according to which negative evaluations of racial/ethnic minorities are realized by a persistent avoidance of interaction with other racial and ethnic groups. As opposed to traditional, overt racism, which is characterized by overt hatred for and discrimination against racial/ethnic minorities, aversive racism is characterized by more complex, ambivalent expressions and attitudes nonetheless with prejudicial views towards other races. Aversive racism arises from unconscious personal beliefs taught during childhood. Subtle racist behaviors are usually targeted towards African Americans. Workplace discrimination is one of the best examples of aversive racism. Biased beliefs on how minorities act and think affect how individuals interact with minority members.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Stereotype</span> Generalized but fixed and oversimplified image or idea of a particular type of person or thing

In social psychology, a stereotype is a generalized belief about a particular category of people. It is an expectation that people might have about every person of a particular group. The type of expectation can vary; it can be, for example, an expectation about the group's personality, preferences, appearance or ability. Stereotypes are often overgeneralized, inaccurate, and resistant to new information. A stereotype does not necessarily need to be a negative assumption. They may be positive, neutral, or negative.

Ambivalent sexism is a theoretical framework which posits that sexism has two sub-components: "hostile sexism" (HS) and "benevolent sexism" (BS). Hostile sexism reflects overtly negative evaluations and stereotypes about a gender. Benevolent sexism represents evaluations of gender that may appear subjectively positive, but are actually damaging to people and gender equality more broadly. For the most part, psychologists have studied hostile forms of sexism. However, theorists using the theoretical framework of ambivalent sexism have found extensive empirical evidence for both varieties. The theory has largely been developed by social psychologists Peter Glick and Susan Fiske.

Ambivalent prejudice is a social psychological theory that states that, when people become aware that they have conflicting beliefs about an outgroup, they experience an unpleasant mental feeling generally referred to as cognitive dissonance. These feelings are brought about because the individual on one hand believes in humanitarian virtues such as helping those in need, but on the other hand also believes in individualistic virtues such as working hard to improve one's life.

The women-are-wonderful effect is the phenomenon found in psychological and sociological research which suggests that people associate more positive attributes with women when compared to men. This bias reflects an emotional bias toward women as a general case. The phrase was coined by Alice Eagly and Antonio Mladinic in 1994 after finding that both male and female participants tend to assign positive traits to women, with female participants showing a far more pronounced bias. Positive traits were assigned to men by participants of both genders, but to a far lesser degree.

Attributional ambiguity is a psychological attribution concept describing the difficulty that members of stigmatized or negatively stereotyped groups may have in interpreting feedback. According to this concept, a person who perceives themselves as stigmatized can attribute negative feedback to prejudice. This can lead stigmatized group members to feel uncertainty about whether negative outcomes are due to discrimination against them or their own behavior. In comparison, they might discredit positive feedback as a form of sympathy rather than seeing it as the result of their ability and achievement. The term was coined by Melvin Snyder, Robert E. Kleck, Angelo Strenta, and Steven J. Mentzer in 1979 before being popularized by Jennifer Crocker, Brenda Major and their colleagues in the 1990s.

Role congruity theory proposes that a group will be positively evaluated when its characteristics are recognized as aligning with that group's typical social roles. Conversely, the stereotype fit hypothesis suggests that group members will experience discrimination in different social roles or positions to the extent that their group stereotypically does not have characteristics associated with success in the position. For instance, women may not be considered a good fit for a managerial position if being aggressive is seen as a characteristic of a successful manager. Due to stereotype fit, men may be considered more qualified for the position and are not only more likely to be hired, but are also more likely to be promoted as well.

Hostile prejudice is the outward expression of hate for people of a different race, religion, ideology, country, sex, sexual orientation, or gender identity. Anyone who goes against specific criteria of dress, cultural or moral beliefs, or religious or political ideologies are subject to hostile racism. This racism often leads to direct discrimination to anyone who does not fit the prejudiced person's idea of a "normal" person. This behavior is most prevalent when there are noticeable differences between ingroups and outgroups, with the outgroup members experiencing hostile prejudice from ingroup members.

An implicit bias or implicit stereotype is the pre-reflective attribution of particular qualities by an individual to a member of some social out group. Recent studies have determined that "implicit bias" towards those of the opposite gender may be even more influential than racial implicit bias.

In social psychology, the stereotype content model (SCM) is a model, first proposed in 2002, postulating that all group stereotypes and interpersonal impressions form along two dimensions: (1) warmth and (2) competence.

Internalized sexism is a form of sexist behavior and attitudes enacted by women toward themselves or other women and girls. Internalized sexism is a form of internalized oppression, which "consists of oppressive practices that continue to make the rounds even when members of the oppressor group are not present." Internalized sexism can have a range of effects on women and girls such as problems with mental health and body image. Modes of internalization of sexism include early childhood inculturation and consumption of media, especially of celebrity and entertainment news.

In social psychology, a positive stereotype refers to a subjectively favourable belief held about a social group. Common examples of positive stereotypes are Asians with better math ability, African Americans with greater athletic ability, and women with being warmer and more communal. As opposed to negative stereotypes, positive stereotypes represent a "positive" evaluation of a group that typically signals an advantage over another group. As such, positive stereotypes may be considered a form of compliment or praise. However, positive stereotypes can have a positive or negative effect on targets of positive stereotypes. The positive or negative influence of positive stereotypes on targets depends on three factors: (1) how the positive stereotype is stated, (2) who is stating the positive stereotype, (3) in what culture the positive stereotype is presented.

Intergroup relations refers to interactions between individuals in different social groups, and to interactions taking place between the groups themselves collectively. It has long been a subject of research in social psychology, political psychology, and organizational behavior.

In social psychology, a metastereotype is a stereotype that members of one group have about the way in which they are stereotypically viewed by members of another group. In other words, it is a stereotype about a stereotype. They have been shown to have adverse effects on individuals that hold them, including on their levels of anxiety in interracial conversations. Meta-stereotypes held by African Americans regarding the stereotypes White Americans have about them have been found to be largely both negative and accurate. People portray meta-stereotypes of their ingroup more positively when talking to a member of an outgroup than to a fellow member of their ingroup.

Felicia Pratto is a social psychologist known for her work on intergroup relations, dynamics of power, and social cognition. She is Professor of Psychological Sciences at the University of Connecticut. Pratto is a Fellow of the Association for Psychological Science.

Peter Samuel Glick is an American social psychologist and the Henry Merritt Wriston Professor in the Social Sciences at Lawrence University. He is known for his research on gender stereotyping and ambivalent sexism. In 2022, Glick, Amy Cuddy, and Susan Fiske were honored with the Society of Experimental Social Psychology's Scientific Impact Award for their 2002 paper proposing the stereotype content model.

References

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  3. Glick, Peter. (2000-11-01). "Beyond prejudice as simple antipathy : hostile and benevolent sexism across cultures" (PDF). Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 79 (5). American Psychological Association: 763–75. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.79.5.763. hdl: 11511/40492 . OCLC   927076206. PMID   11079240.
  4. Monin, Benoît; Miller, Dale T. (2001). "Moral credentials and the expression of prejudice". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology . 81 (1): 33–43. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.81.1.33. PMID   11474723.
  5. 1 2 3 4 "Understanding Prejudice: Attitudes towards minorities" (PDF). Stonewall (charity). 2004. Retrieved 7 March 2015.
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  9. 1 2 Barreto, Manuela; Ellemers, Naomi (September 2005). "The burden of benevolent sexism: how it contributes to the maintenance of gender inequalities". European Journal of Social Psychology. 35 (5): 633–642. doi:10.1002/ejsp.270. ISSN   0046-2772.
  10. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Bareket, Orly; Fiske, Susan T. (November 2023). "A systematic review of the ambivalent sexism literature: Hostile sexism protects men's power; benevolent sexism guards traditional gender roles". Psychological Bulletin. 149 (11–12): 637–698. doi:10.1037/bul0000400. ISSN   1939-1455. PMID   37824246.
  11. 1 2 3 Fisher, Molly I.; Hammond, Matthew D. (July 2019). "Personal Ties and Prejudice: A Meta-Analysis of Romantic Attachment and Ambivalent Sexism". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 45 (7): 1084–1098. doi:10.1177/0146167218804551. ISSN   0146-1672.
  12. 1 2 3 Glick, Peter. (2000-11-01). "Beyond prejudice as simple antipathy : hostile and benevolent sexism across cultures" (PDF). Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 79 (5). American Psychological Association: 763–75. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.79.5.763. hdl: 11511/40492 . OCLC   927076206. PMID   11079240.
  13. 1 2 3 4 Barni, Daniela; Fiorilli, Caterina; Romano, Luciano; Zagrean, Ioana; Alfieri, Sara; Russo, Claudia (2022). "Gender Prejudice Within the Family: The Relation Between Parents' Sexism and Their Socialization Values". Frontiers in Psychology. 13. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2022.846016 . ISSN   1664-1078. PMC   8908212 . PMID   35282201.
  14. 1 2 3 Ramasubramanian, Srividya; Oliver, Mary Beth (2007-05-15). "Activating and Suppressing Hostile and Benevolent Racism: Evidence for Comparative Media Stereotyping". Media Psychology. 9 (3): 623–646. doi:10.1080/15213260701283244. hdl: 1969.1/188022 . ISSN   1521-3269. S2CID   143458226.

Further reading