De-escalation policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran

Last updated

The De-escalation policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is a strategy in Iran's foreign policy that began during the second term of Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani's presidency and with the presidency of Mohammad Khatami since 1997, special attention was paid to this strategy. [1] [2] [3] [4] Hassan Rouhani (7th president of Iran) also mentioned the de-escalation policy as his top priority during his presidency. [5] [6] [7]

Contents

The "De-escalation policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran" briefly states that in the face of globalization, Iran's foreign relations with other countries should be based on building trust and resolving past misunderstandings. [8] "De-escalation policy" is based on principles such as the acceptance of political-economic pluralism, peaceful coexistence, the avoidance of ideological conflict, and the abandonment of hegemony and hegemonic policies. [9] [10] [11]

According to international relations experts, [12] the implementation of the "De-escalation policy" by Iran led to important successes, including the promotion of Iran's position in OPEC. [13] [14] [15] [16] [17]

Objectives and manners

The objectives and manners of the "De-escalation policy" in general can be summarized as follows: [18] [19]

Design and implement a set of confidence-building measures to eradicate some of the international system's common misconceptions about Iran, is the most important objective of "De-escalation policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran". [20] [21]

Chronicles

De-escalation in the sense of rebuilding relations with conflicting international and regional countries in the foreign policy process of countries, Iran started such a process from 1988 onwards. Economic and technological needs along with strategic necessities were the cause of this formation. This process paved the way for the emergence and expansion of the trust-building discourse. [22] [23]

Early in the formation of the Islamic Republic of Iran, regional resistance was a reflection of Islamic ideological indicators and led to the growth of the Islamic consciousness movement. In the second decade of the revolution, manifestations of Islamic pragmatism emerged. This was organized during the presidency of Hashemi Rafsanjani. The model of Islamic pragmatism was aimed at increasing national power through international interaction. Since 1997, the ground has been created for the activation of discourse forms related to the Islamic democratic orientation. Each of these discourse forms pursued a specific national role; [24] [25]

However, in the first decades of the Islamic Revolution, there were signs of radicalism and Ideological orientation in Iran's foreign policy, in other words, signs of Islamic ideological discourse can be seen in foreign policy; But the change in the internal structure as well as the processes related to the international system can be considered as a factor in transforming the Islamic ideological discourse. In the modern era, manifestations of the discourse of de-escalation emerged. This discourse has been focused on cooperation with the regional and international environment. [26] [27]

The beginning

The "De-escalation policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran" in foreign policy began in 1988. During this period, a change have been made in the "orientation" and "national role" of Iran's foreign policy. This can be considered a reflection of economic, strategic and security needs. Based on the necessities of the new period, also a change have been made in the priorities of Iran's foreign and economic policy. The first wave of de-escalation can be considered as a factor in rebuilding Iran's relations with the countries around of the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. The second wave of de-escalation began in 1997. During this period, conditions were provided to improve the level of cooperation between Iran and European countries. The main focus of the second wave of de-escalation was on the expansion of the "confidence-building" process. Iran's economic and strategic cooperation with European countries was enhanced. During this period, extensive efforts were made for "effective participation" of Iran with other countries in the economic and strategic fields. This trend was accompanied by reversals in the 2000s. [28] [29]

The approach of relative realism

Building trust can be considered a continuation of the policy of de-escalation. With the design of discourse formats, a serious ideal model was formed in the Islamic Republic of Iran and signs of a democratic Islamic discourse emerged in the new atmosphere. Although there have been changes in Iran's foreign policy, it can be considered a continuation of previous discourses. After the election of Mohammad Khatami in August 1997 as the fifth president of Iran and the outline of the new president's plans, the expansion of foreign relations and the handling of foreign issues and affairs continued within the framework of the approach of relative realism. With the difference that the way of expression and the way of dealing with other countries changed and the policy of economic adjustment and government industrial development gave way to political development and in foreign relations, accepting global pluralism means rejecting unipolar system and accepting equality of other cultures. It became the main axis of foreign policy and on this basis, another wave of de-escalation in Iran's foreign policy began. [30] [31]

Achieving such goals was not possible in the short term; Because the general opposition of the international system regarding Iran continued. Although in Khatami's presidential term, Iran's economic policy and security behavior pattern were democratic and cooperative in nature; But evidence suggests that the international system had relatively limited flexibility with Iran. Thus, the model of confidence-building and de-escalation led to the formation of signs of a security crisis in Iran. [32] [33]

The non-aligned revisionist

With the election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as the sixth president of Iran, Iran's foreign policy continued with the slogan of de-escalation and peace in the region and the world. During this presidential term, the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran was designed based on the principles of de-escalation, justice, mutual understanding and the spread of peace and peaceful coexistence in the region and the world. [34]

Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's foreign policy can be called a non-aligned revisionist. During his eight years, especially in his early years, he tried to fight the current unipolar system by challenging the current hegemony and order in the world system. At the same time, he had invested heavily in the "Non-Aligned Movements" and was trying to create a union among these groups to go to face with the present order. Emphasizing the inefficiency of the current order, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad sought to both challenge the superpower and call international organizations inefficient. [35] Critics say Ahmadinejad's approach has been a source of tension in Iran's foreign policy. [36] [37]

Solve economic problems

After the election of Hassan Rouhani in August 2013 as the seventh president of Iran, he made de-escalation in foreign policy, especially in relation to the United States, his top priority. According to Rouhani, given the country's need for foreign investment to solve economic problems on the one hand and the US domination of world companies and economic institutions on the other hand, it is necessary for Iran's foreign policy to be directed towards de-escalation with the United States. The center of gravity and the main focus of de-escalation with Western countries, especially the United States, was considered the most important Rouhani strategic plan. Rouhani's goal in adopting a de-escalation policy is to promote security, development and normalization of Iran's foreign policy; But this policy has been fundamentally challenged by Trump's rise to power, the change of executive elites in the United States, US hostile policy toward the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the intensification of opposition activities at the national, regional, and international levels. [5] [6] [7] [38]

To solve economic problems, Rouhani sought to make Iran's foreign policy focus on relations with the United States and cooperation with that country. Rouhani is known in the West as a pragmatic politician who suspended Iran's nuclear program during Khatami's presidency. This, together with the election of Mohammad Javad Zarif as foreign minister, has led Iran's foreign policy to reduce tensions with the West, especially the United States. The election of Hassan Rouhani as president provided a good opportunity to negotiate with the United States. From Rouhani's point of view, the hostile relationship between Iran and the United States is not the right path. All of this points to his de-escalating foreign policy. [39]

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Saeed Jalili</span> Iranian politician

Saeed Jalili is an Iranian conservative politician and diplomat who was secretary of the Supreme National Security Council from 2007 to 2013. He is currently member of the Expediency Discernment Council.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Bagher Larijani</span>

Bagher Ardeshir Larijani is an Iranian medical practitioner at Tehran University of Medical Sciences. He is currently Chief Scientific Officer and Director General of the Endocrinology and Metabolism Research Institute (EMRI) which has been selected as the highest-ranking research institute in Iran on numerous occasions. According to Google Scholar, in February 2020, his citations exceeded 28021 with an h-index equal to 73. Since 2011, Essential Sciences Indicators (ESI) of ISI Web of Sciences has announced him to be amongst the world’s top 1% scientists. Professor Larijani’s main fields of interest include diabetes, obesity, osteoporosis, and medical ethics amongst several other interdisciplinary sciences related to endocrinology.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">2013 Iranian presidential election</span>

Presidential elections were held in Iran on 14 June 2013. Hassan Rouhani won with a landslide victory, elected in the first round of voting with 50.71% of the vote. Tehran Mayor Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf finished second with 16.56% of the vote. Over 36.7 million Iranians voted, 72.71% of eligible voters.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Hassan Rouhani</span> 7th President of Iran from 2013 to 2021

Hassan Rouhani is an Iranian Islamist politician who served as the seventh president of Iran from 2013 to 2021. He is also a sharia lawyer ("Wakil"), academic, former diplomat and Islamic cleric. He has been a member of Iran's Assembly of Experts since 1999. He was a member of the Expediency Council from 1991 to 2021, and also was a member of the Supreme National Security Council from 1989 to 2021. Rouhani was deputy speaker of the fourth and fifth terms of the Parliament of Iran (Majlis) and Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council from 1989 to 2005. In the latter capacity, he was the country's top negotiator with the EU three, UK, France, and Germany, on nuclear technology in Iran, and has also served as a Shia mujtahid, and economic trade negotiator.

The Iranian presidential election debates of 2013 was held from 31 May to 7 June. For the 2013 election, the IRIB has approved three televised debates with all candidates, different from last election's format which was person-by-person. For each question, one candidate was chosen randomly to give his response. Then, other candidates shared their ideas. The eight candidates have explained their cultural and political plans during debates. The debates were focused on such issues as the economy, foreign policy, and Iran’s comprehensive talks with the P5+1 group over the country’s nuclear energy program. More than 45,000,000 people world-wide watched the debates according to IRIB.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Shapour Marhaba</span> Iranian politician

Shapour Marhaba (Persian: شاپور مرحبا; born 1957) is an Iranian politician. Marhaba was elected from the Astara electoral district to the 4th, 5th (By-election) and 7th Iranian legislative elections.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">2017 Hassan Rouhani presidential campaign</span>

Hassan Rouhani, the incumbent President of Iran, launched his reelection campaign for the Presidential office in February 2017. The election itself and related events received international media attention with many issues being raised. Rouhani achieved a decisive victory after the May 2017 vote, with Interior Minister Abdolreza Rahmani Fazli announcing that out of 41.3 million total votes cast Rouhani got 23.6 million. Ebrahim Raisi, Rouhani's closest rival, had picked up 15.8 million votes in contrast.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Elham Fakhari</span>

Elham Fakhari is a psychologist, Politician, writer, painter, poet, member of the Central Council of the National Trust Party, and a former member of the City Council of Tehran, Ray, and Tajrish.

Eghtesad online in Persian is the first economic news agency in Iran which reviews news and provides analyses on economic issues in two languages: Persian and English. This economic news agency does not have any affiliation with Iran government or political parties & is financially independent.

The National Geoscience Database of Iran or in brief NGDIR is a scientific and research government agency in Iran which works in the field of Geology of Iran and centrally manages Geoscience data. This center was established in 1999 in the field of data collection authority with the aim of managing, preserving and sharing Geoscience data.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Fathollah Mojtabaei</span> Iranian author and historian

Fathollah Mojtabaei is an Iranian author and historian. He is a permanent member of Academy of Persian Language and Literature and a member of the faculty of the Center for the Great Islamic Encyclopedia.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Mostafa Faghihi</span> Iranian journalist

Mostafa Faghihi is an Iranian reformist journalist. He has also been the former editor-in-chief and current owner of Entekhab and media consultant to Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. He has been summoned to Iranian courts several times on charges of insulting the Supreme Leader and President of Iran, criticizing Iranian military and security officials, and spreading lies by the prosecutor, the Ministry of Intelligence, and the Revolutionary Guards. Due to some of his revelations, Faqihi has been covered by the Iranian and international media.

The pattern-making policy of the Islamic Republic is an idea derived from the Iranian Revolution and the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which states that Iran should be "inspiring" in its foreign policy and present its governing style as a pattern for other countries, especially Islamic countries. The purpose of this patterning is not necessarily to provide objective copies of Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist, and pattern-makers can reconstruct their perception of religious democracy.

The Theory of Umm al-Qura is a theory to explain the foreign policy and analysis of the borders of power of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Iran's position in the Islamic world, which was proposed by Mohammad Javad Larijani in the 1980s. According to this theory, the Islamic world is a single nation and the criterion for the unity of the nation is its leadership. If a country can raise its level of leadership beyond its territorial boundaries with the formation of an Islamic government, it will be in position of "Umm al-Qura" on the Islamic world as the core of the Islamic international government.

The Look to the East policy is a strategy in Iran's foreign policy that has been proposed since the beginning of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's presidency in 2005. Of course, there is no consensus among experts as to which countries are among the goals of the Look to the East policy, and from which point of view this policy should be viewed, and there are at least three different views.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">The policy of exporting the Islamic Revolution</span> One of the foreign policy strategies in the Islamic Republic of Iran

The policy of exporting the Islamic Revolution is a strategy in Iran's foreign policy that believes in exporting the teachings of the Iranian Revolution of 1979 to achieve similar examples in Islamic and even non-Islamic countries. This policy has been explicitly and at various times announced by Ruhollah Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran. One of the basic slogans of the Islamic Revolution of Iran is the export of the revolution. Accordingly, the purpose is exporting the revolution as a culture, ideology and an intellectual and epistemological method.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">United States cultural diplomacy in Iran</span> U.S. soft power confrontation with Iran

The United States Cultural Diplomacy in Iran refers to the use of soft power of cultural diplomacy by the US government towards Iran in order to achieve its own interests.

References

  1. ↑ "(از تنش زدایی تا تعامل سازنده و موثر) بازتاب جهانی شدن در سیاست خارجی خاتمی - نورمگز" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  2. ↑ "بازتاب جهانی شدن در سیاست خارجی خاتمی - پرتال جامع علوم انسانی" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  3. ↑ "بازتاب جهانی شدن در سیاست خارجی خاتمی - مگیران". فصلنامه راهبرد (in Persian). 12 (36): 181. Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  4. ↑ سوری, جواد (2005). "از تنش‌زدایی تا تعامل سازنده و مؤثر: بازتاب جهانی‌شدن در سیاست خارجی خاتمی". Rahbord Journal (in Persian) (36): 187.
  5. 1 2 "سیاست تنش‌زدایی روحانی در قبال آمریکا؛ اهداف و موانع" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  6. 1 2 "سیاست تنش زدایی روحانی در قبال آمریکا؛ اهداف و موانع - پرتال جامع علوم انسانی" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  7. 1 2 "سیاست تنش‌زدایی روحانی در قبال آمریکا؛ اهداف و موانع - ایرنا" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  8. ↑ سوری, جواد (2005). "از تنش‌زدایی تا تعامل سازنده و مؤثر: بازتاب جهانی‌شدن در سیاست خارجی خاتمی". Rahbord Journal (in Persian) (36): 182.
  9. ↑ "تنش زدایی در سیاست خارجی مورد جمهوری اسلامی ایران (78 - 1367) - پرتال جامع علوم انسانی" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  10. ↑ "تنش زدایی در سیاست خارجی مورد جمهوری اسلامی ایران (78 - 1367) - نورمگز" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  11. ↑ ازغندی, علیرضا (1999). "تنش زدایی در سیاست خارجی: مورد جمهوری اسلامی ایران (۷۸-۱۳۶۷)". سیاست خارجی (in Persian) (52): 1038.
  12. ↑ "رزومه - سیروس فیضی" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  13. ↑ "تعامل نفت و سياست خارجي در جمهوري اسلامي ايران رهيافت تنش زدايي - مرکز اطلاعات علمی جهاد دانشگاهی" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  14. ↑ "تعامل نفت و سیاست خارجی در جمهوری اسلامی ایران رهیافت تنش زدایی - مگیران". فصلنامه روابط خارجی (in Persian). 2 (5): 110. Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  15. ↑ "تعامل نفت و سیاست خارجی در جمهوری اسلامی ایران رهیافت تنش زدایی - نورمگز" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  16. ↑ "تعامل نفت و سیاست خارجی در جمهوری اسلامی ایران رهیافت تنش زدایی - پرتال جامع علوم انسانی" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  17. ↑ فیضی, سیروس (2010). "تعامل نفت و سیاست خارجی در جمهوری اسلامی ایران: رهیافت تنش زدایی". فصلنامه روابط خارجی (in Persian) (5): 113.
  18. ↑ "فرارو - سیاست تنش زدایی و جهش تولید" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  19. ↑ "سیاست تنش زدایی و نقش آن در جهش تولید - رضا طالعی فر" (in Persian). Archived from the original on 9 July 2021. Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  20. ↑ "فرارو - کارکرد دیپلماسی اقتصادی در سال جهش تولید" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  21. ↑ "اهمیت کارکرد دیپلماسی اقتصادی در سال جهش تولید - دکتر رضا طالعی فر" (in Persian). Archived from the original on 9 July 2021. Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  22. ↑ ترابی, طاهره (2010). "تنش زدايي نامتوازن در سياست خارجي ايران ۸۸-۱۳۶۷". فصلنامه ژئوپليتيك (in Persian) (19): 103.
  23. ↑ "تنش‌زدایی نامتوازن در سیاست خارجی ایران 88-1367 - نشریات علمی ایران" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  24. ↑ ترابی, طاهره (2010). "تنش زدايي نامتوازن در سياست خارجي ايران ۸۸-۱۳۶۷". فصلنامه ژئوپليتيك (in Persian) (19): 104.
  25. ↑ "مقاله نشریه تنش زدایی نامتوازن در سیاست خارجی ایران 88- 1367 - جویشگر علمی فارسی (علم نت)" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  26. ↑ ترابی, طاهره (2010). "تنش زدايي نامتوازن در سياست خارجي ايران ۸۸-۱۳۶۷". فصلنامه ژئوپليتيك (in Persian) (19): 107.
  27. ↑ "تنش زدایی نامتوازن در سیاست خارجی ایران 88- 1367 - مگیران". فصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک (in Persian). 6 (3): 102. Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  28. ↑ ترابی, طاهره (2010). "تنش زدايي نامتوازن در سياست خارجي ايران ۸۸-۱۳۶۷". فصلنامه ژئوپليتيك (in Persian) (19): 102.
  29. ↑ "تنش زدایی نامتوازن در سیاست خارجی ایران 88-1367 - پرتال جامع علوم انسانی" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  30. ↑ ترابی, طاهره (2010). "تنش زدايي نامتوازن در سياست خارجي ايران ۸۸-۱۳۶۷". فصلنامه ژئوپليتيك (in Persian) (19): 109.
  31. ↑ ترابی, طاهره (23 September 2010). "تنش‌زدایی نامتوازن در سیاست خارجی ایران 88-1367 - فصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک". فصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک (in Persian). 6 (19): 102–120. Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  32. ↑ ترابی, طاهره (2010). "تنش زدايي نامتوازن در سياست خارجي ايران ۸۸-۱۳۶۷". فصلنامه ژئوپليتيك (in Persian) (19): 110.
  33. ↑ "تنش زدایی نامتوازن در سیاست خارجی ایران 1367 - 88 - نورمگز" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  34. ↑ "احمدی نژاد سیاست خارجی ایران، تنش زدایی و صلح در منطقه و جهان است - ایرنا" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  35. ↑ "مروری بر سیاست خارجی ایران از ۸۴ تا ۹۷؛ قطار از ریل خارج می‌شود Euronews" (in Persian). 11 February 2019. Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  36. ↑ "مقاله بررسی جایگاه تنش زایی و تنش زدایی در سیاست خارجی دولت های احمدی نژاد و روحانی" (in Persian). 5 November 1395. Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  37. ↑ "مقاله کنفرانس بررسی جایگاه تنش زایی و تنش زدایی در سیاست خارجی دولت های احمدی نژاد و روحانی - جویشگر علمی فارسی (علم نت)" (in Persian). Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  38. ↑ کریمی فرد, حسین (2019). "سیاست تنش زدایی روحانی در قبال آمریکا؛ اهداف و موانع". فصلنامه سیاست، مجله دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی (in Persian) (49): 205.
  39. ↑ کریمی فرد, حسین (2019). "سیاست تنش زدایی روحانی در قبال آمریکا؛ اهداف و موانع". فصلنامه سیاست، مجله دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی (in Persian) (49): 213.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.