Drugs and Democracy in Rio de Janeiro

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Drugs and Democracy in Rio de Janeiro: Trafficking, Social Networks, and Public Security
Enrique Desmond Arias Drugs and Democracy in Rio de Janeiro Cover.png
AuthorEnrique Desmond Arias
Original titleDrugs and Democracy in Rio de Janeiro:Trafficking, Social Networks, and Public Security
CountryUSA
LanguageEnglish
SubjectAnthropology and Sociology
GenreHistory
PublishedOctober 2006
Pages1-279
ISBN 978-0-8078-5774-8
OCLC ssj0000141621

Drugs and Democracy in Rio de Janeiro: Trafficking, Social Networks, and Public Security is a book by Enrique Desmond Arias published by the University of North Carolina Press in 2006. [1] This book takes an interdisciplinary approach to understand public security, government operations, and drug related operations in Rio de Janeiro's favelas. Enrique Desmond Arias travels to Brazil to investigate the main reasons for a dramatic surge in crime, and he is also interested in figuring out what can be done.

Contents

His main focus is the intertwined relationships among all the different agents in Rio de Janeiro: governments, police, drug organizations, and the civilians caught in the cross hairs of the violence. Desmond Arias suggests that ethnographic research on Rio de Janeiro's crime problems must be approaches in a more complex method than what has already been done. His research in Rio de Janeiro is essential in providing an alternative solution to reducing crime that does not involve a higher military presence in the favelas or other conventional approaches taken by Brazilian governments to try and mitigate crime.

As the city of Rio polarizes itself and segregates communities, the wealthier Brazilians in Rio move into gated communities and begin walling off themselves from the much poorer Brazilians who are pushed to the peripheries of Rio. As the impoverished communities grow, their density allows crime to rise as there is less public security assigned to these unofficial shantytowns by the local governments. This has allowed drug traffickers to take control of these areas and expand their drug related operations.

As a result, local governments have tried to minimize crime, but the highly militarized police presence in these shantytowns has only led to wars between the police and anyone who may live in the favelas. Corruption is also another factor that contributes to the chaos, and Desmond Arias notes that these networks that connect the government and drug organizations is the main reason Rio cannot move out of this continuous violent state. Desmond Arias travels to three large favelas in the outskirts of Rio de Janeiro. The three favelas he spends his time are Tubarao, Santa Ana, and Vigario Geral. His work is primarily empirical research while he stays with people of the favelas and intimate interviews with people who are general citizens of the favela populations.

Synopsis

In the first page of the introduction he explains what Rio de Janeiro's social violence is like up until the time of his research. Rio de Janeiro's people have now been forcibly segregated by their income, and those who have been pushed out the favelas are now under drug trafficking organizations' jurisdiction. Desmond Arias makes a distinction of the main agents who are simultaneously the perpetrators and victims of this violence, "impoverished, poorly educated, non-white, adolescents and young men." [2]

Desmond Arias suggests that violence in Rio is not the ineffective policies or inability of Brazilian leaders to govern the people, but it is a mixture of the several factors that look at policy, relationships among different agents, and the inequality in Brazil. He makes an extremely important note in the introduction of the approaches ethnographers, anthropologists, and sociologists have taken when researching Rio's problems. [3]

According to Desmond Arias there are two conventional and widely accepted approaches to approaching Rio's crime problem where the divided city approach and the neo-clientelism approach. The divided city approach is an assumption that there is a stark difference between drug trafficking organizations and the local governments they are at war with. This approach suggests that there is no close relationships among the two agents and the hostile adversity among them can be traced back to the 80s after the transition from the dictatorship. This approach alludes to a weak Brazilian state incapable of governing and policing its own people. [4]

In response to the violence perpetrated by the drug trafficking organizations, the military police retaliate with their own violence and it fuels the never ending conflict among them. While this holds some truth, Desmond Arias believes this is incomplete and universally acceptable for all favelas and agents. The other approach suggested by Desmond Arias is the neo-clientalism approach that believes there is deeply-rooted intimate relationships among favela leaders and local politicians engaged in mutually beneficial relationships. As the drug trafficking organizations bribe politicians and police to conduct their regular illicit activities, politicians are re-elected and they collect bribes, and on the other hand the drug trafficking organizations are not as heavily policed by the state. [5]

Desmon Arias' nine years in Rio are very important because he deviates away from these two approaches as the strict methods for understanding Brazil. He believes that one or the other cannot be fully encompassing of the complex relationships, violence, and inequality in Brazil. Although he is more leaning to the neo-clientilism approach, he believes that people, communities, and outside factors produce a much more complex reality.

Tubarao, Santa Ana, and Vigario Geral

In his time at these favelas he looks at the main political agents associated with each favela. He thoroughly explains the geography of each of the favelas and describes their creation over time. Tubarao is located near a wealthy area of Rio, has not been neglected like other favelas, and generally has a decent relationship with government officials and the people. At the same time, this is one of the most violent favelas in Rio. Its murder rate has been increasing quickly over the years. Santa Ana is different from Tubarao. It is closer to an industrial region populated mostly by working-class people in Rio. This favela is further from the core of Rio and police are known for their corruption. Vigário Geral has a dense afro-Brazilian population.

Each of these favelas has a different economic situation, yet they all are continuously plagued by corruption and violence by drug trafficking organizations, police and elected officials. Arias does intimate and careful interviews of the people in these favelas. Through his research, we are opened to a world of continuous corruption and violence that the people feel first-hand. His work is important for understanding the differences among the actors to which we are introduced in the beginning of the book. His research is also reflective of his approach to Rio. He understands that the relationships among all actors is much more complicated than we know and we are used to seeing in Rio.

Lastly, Desmond Rias alludes that although Rio's situation may seem bleak there are possibilities of a better future. He proposes a solution that may mitigate some of the violence and corruption in Rio. Desmond Arias believes a more transparent network between local governments and the people would help some issues such as corruption and by doing so, the network between the drug trafficking organizations and politicians would dissolve power from corrupt officials and drug trafficking leaders.

Critical reception

Review by Bryan McCann in The Americas 64 (2007): 308-309. [6]

Review by Anthony W. Pereira in the Journal of Latin American Studies 39 (2007): 885-887. [7]

Review by Barbara Hudson in the British Journal of Criminology 48 (2009): 108-110. [8]

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Favela</span> Shanty town or slum in Brazil

Favela is an umbrella name for several types of working-class neighborhoods in Brazil. The term, which means slum or ghetto, was first used in the Slum of Providência in the center of Rio de Janeiro in the late 19th century, which was built by soldiers who had lived under the favela trees in Bahia and had nowhere to live following the Canudos War. Some of the first settlements were called bairros africanos. Over the years, many former enslaved Africans moved in. Even before the first favela came into being, poor citizens were pushed away from the city and forced to live in the far suburbs.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Rocinha</span> Neighborhood in Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

Rocinha is the largest favela in Brazil, located in Rio de Janeiro's South Zone between the districts of São Conrado and Gávea. Rocinha is built on a steep hillside overlooking Rio de Janeiro, and is located about one kilometre from a nearby beach. Most of the favela is on a very steep hill, with many trees surrounding it. Around 200,000 people live in Rocinha, making it the most populous favela in Brazil.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Jacarezinho, Rio de Janeiro</span> Neighborhood in Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

Jacarezinho is a Brazilian neighborhood and also a favela with more than 60,300 residents living in an area of 40 ha. The place is located in the North Zone of Rio de Janeiro city, and it borders the neighborhoods of Jacaré, Méier, Engenho Novo and Triagem. It is the third largest favela in Rio de Janeiro, only behind Rocinha and Complexo do Alemão. The favela expanded along with the city's industrialization, and it became the biggest favela in Rio de Janeiro by the mid-20th century, with a population of 23,000 in 1960. The crucial element in its growth was the industrial boom in the nearby Méier district after World War II, according to historian Julio Cesar Pino, author of a book about the favelas of Rio de Janeiro.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Anthony Garotinho</span> Brazilian politician

Anthony William Matheus de Oliveira, also known as Anthony Garotinho, is a Brazilian politician, radio broadcaster and convicted felon. He legally adopted his stage name "Garotinho", originally a nickname he took while working as a radio sports broadcaster.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Law enforcement in Brazil</span> Overview of law enforcement in Brazil

In Brazil, the Federal Constitution establishes eight law enforcement institutions - seven titulars and one auxiliar. The titular institutions are: the Federal Police, the Federal Highway Police, the Federal Railroad Police, the Federal Penal Police, the State Military Police and Fire Brigade, the State Civil Police and the State Penal Police. Of these, the first four are affiliated to federal authorities and the latter three are subordinated to state governments. These public safety institutions are part of the Executive branch of either federal or state government. Apart from these eight institutions, there are others which affiliate to municipal authorities: the Municipal Guards. According to Minister Alexandre de Moraes of the Supreme Federal Court, "...the Municipal Guards are inserted in public safety as the auxiliary and related body of public security force..." Federal law 13,022 gave them de facto and de jure police attributions.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Comando Vermelho</span> Brazilian criminal organization

Comando Vermelho, also known as C.V., is a Brazilian criminal organization engaged primarily in drug trafficking, arms trafficking, protection racketeering, kidnappings-for-ransom, armored truck hijackings, loansharking, irregular warfare, narco-terrorism, and turf wars against rival criminal organizations, such as Primeiro Comando da Capital and Terceiro Comando Puro. The gang formed in 1979 out of a prison alliance between common criminals and leftist guerrillas, who were imprisoned together at Cândido Mendes. The prisoners formed the alliance to protect themselves from prison violence and guard-inflicted brutality; as the group coalesced, the common criminals were infused with leftist social justice ideals by the guerrillas. In 1979, prison officials labeled the alliance “Comando Vermelho,” a name which the prisoners eventually co-opted as their own. In the 1980s, the gang expanded beyond Ilha Grande into other prisons and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro, and became involved in the rapidly growing cocaine industry. Meanwhile, Brazil’s shift towards democracy and the eventual end of the military dictatorship in 1985 allowed the leftist guerrillas to re-enter society; thus, the CV largely abandoned its left-wing ideology.

Amigos dos Amigos is a criminal organization that operates in the Brazilian city of Rio de Janeiro. It was started up in 1998 when a member of Comando Vermelho was expelled from the organization for ordering the murder of another member. The gang's main rivals are Comando Vermelho and Terceiro Comando Puro. ADA controls many drug selling points in the North and West zones.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Sérgio Cabral Filho</span> Brazilian politician

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Crime in Brazil</span> National crime information on Brazil

Crime in Brazil involves an elevated incidence of violent and non-violent crimes. Brazil's homicide rate was 27.4 per 100,000 inhabitants, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Brazil has the highest number of intentional homicides in the world, with 57,358 in 2018. In recent years, the homicide rate in Brazil has begun to decline. The homicide rate was 20.64 per 100,000 in 2020 with 43,879 killings, similar to 2019, but down from 30.67 per 100,000 in 2017.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Crime and violence in Latin America</span> Crime information

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Military Police of Rio de Janeiro State</span> Military police force of the state of Rio de Janeiro

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Pacifying Police Unit</span>

The Pacifying Police Unit, abbreviated UPP, is a law enforcement and social services program pioneered in the state of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, which aims to reclaim territories, most commonly favelas, controlled by gangs of drug dealers. The program was created and implemented by State Public Security Secretary José Mariano Beltrame, with the backing of Rio Governor Sérgio Cabral. The stated goal of Rio's government is to install 40 UPPs by 2014. By May 2013, 231 favelas had come under the UPP umbrella. The UPP program scored initial success expelling gangs, and won broad praise. But the expensive initiative expanded too far, too fast into dozens of favelas as state finances cratered, causing a devastating backslide that enabled gangs to recover some of their lost grip.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">2010 Rio de Janeiro security crisis</span>

In November 2010, there was a major security crisis in the Brazilian city of Rio de Janeiro and some of its neighboring cities. The city's criminal drug trafficking factions initiated a series of attacks in response to the government placing permanent police forces into Rio's slums.

Viva Rio, a nongovernmental organization based in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, was founded in December 1993 to combat the growing violence in the city. The organization has expanded into a multinational organization with a goal “to promote a culture of peace and social development through field work, research and formulation of public policies”. Its mission statement is “to integrate a divided society and develop a culture of peace, integrating with civil society and public policies, working at grassroots and internationally through: designing and testing solutions to social problems, consultancies, advocacy, training, campaigns, communication”.

On July 14, 2013, Amarildo de Souza, a 43-year-old bricklayer from the Rocinha favela in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, was called in for questioning by Unidade de Polícia Pacificadora (UPP) officers on his way home from the market. Believed to be connected to drug trafficking activity in the favela despite having no prior involvement in illegal activity, de Souza was brought in for questioning during Operation Armed Peace, during which roughly 300 officers from Rocinha's UPP force flooded the favela in order to arrest drug traffickers. It was during this two-day long raid that de Souza was brought to the police station and never seen again.

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Catalytic Communities (CatComm) is a Rio de Janeiro-based non-profit, think tank, and advocacy non-government organization (NGO) that conducts work in sustainable community development, human rights, communications, and urban planning. It is "one of the first online initiatives to share solutions to civic and social problems." Founded in 2000, the organization has been recognized in media news outlets, academic publications, and local communities for their work. Its stated vision is to "leverage social media, provide community training, and advocate for participatory planning and pro-favela policies with the long term goal of realizing the potential of Rio de Janeiro as a true example of inclusive urban integration".

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Elias Maluco</span>

Elias Pereira da Silva, also known as Elias Maluco, was one of Rio de Janeiro's most powerful drug traffickers. Maluco, a member of the criminal faction Comando Vermelho, commanded drug trafficking in thirty slums in the vicinity of Complexo do Alemão and Penha, Brazil. He was accused of killing over sixty people.

On 6 May 2021, at least 29 people were killed in a shootout between police and drug traffickers in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. The raid occurred in Jacarezinho, Rio de Janeiro, a favela notable for its high crime rate. The raid occurred at approximately 11 a.m. local time, following reports that a local drug gang was recruiting children.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Armed conflict for control of the favelas in Greater Rio de Janeiro</span> Ongoing armed conflict in Brazil

The armed conflict for control of the favelas in Greater Rio de Janeiro is an ongoing conflict between Brazilian militias, organized criminal groups Comando Vermelho, Amigos dos Amigos, Terceiro Comando Puro and the Brazilian state.

References

  1. "Drugs and Democracy in Rio de Janeiro | Enrique Desmond Arias | University of North Carolina Press". University of North Carolina Press. Retrieved 2018-01-24.
  2. Arias, Enrique Desmond. Drugs and Democracy in Rio De Janeiro: Trafficking, Social Networks, and Public Security. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2006. (Page 1-2)
  3. Arias, Enrique Desmond. Drugs and Democracy in Rio De Janeiro: Trafficking, Social Networks, and Public Security. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2006. (Page 1-2)
  4. Arias, Enrique Desmond. Drugs and Democracy in Rio De Janeiro: Trafficking, Social Networks, and Public Security. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2006.(Page 5-6)
  5. Arias, Enrique Desmond. Drugs and Democracy in Rio De Janeiro: Trafficking, Social Networks, and Public Security. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2006.(Page 5-6)
  6. McCann, Bryan (2007-11-08). "Drugs and Democracy in Rio de Janeiro: Trafficking, Social Networks and Public Security (review)". The Americas. 64 (2): 308–309. doi:10.1353/tam.2007.0156. ISSN   1533-6247.
  7. Pereira, Anthony W. (2007). "Review of Drugs and Democracy in Rio de Janeiro: Trafficking, Social Networks, and Public Security". Journal of Latin American Studies. 39 (4): 885–887. JSTOR   40056602.
  8. Hudson, Barbara (2008). "Review of Drugs and Democracy in Rio deJaneiro". The British Journal of Criminology. 48 (1): 108–110. JSTOR   23639119.

Reviews

"A remarkably-researched political ethnography of social violence in the hyper-violent drug-infested world of Brazilian favelas. . . . Intrepid and sophisticated."—Qualitative Sociology [1]

"A refreshing antidote to the earnest but misleading dichotomies of much official discourse. . . . Arias adds a distinctive voice . . . in terms of his subject matter, theoretical perspective, and methods."—Journal of Latin American Studies [2]

"A path-breaking book that will change the way we understand Rio de Janeiro and other cities plagued by the territorial control of violent criminal networks."—The Americas [3]

"Arias is to be applauded for his courageous and sustained research in very difficult locations, and for his evident humanity and concern for the residents of the favelas."—British Journal of Criminology [4]

"This book is a major contribution to the scholarly discussion on urban violence in Latin America."—Latin Americanist [5]

"Accessibly written and tightly argued, this book should reorient social science and policy debates on its topic, and will find wide adoption across a range of courses."—CHOICE [6]

Democracy Rio de Janeiro State Violence

  1. "Drugs and Democracy in Rio De Janeiro | Enrique Desmond Arias." University of North Carolina Press. Accessed March 23, 2018. https://www.uncpress.org/book/9780807857748/drugs-and-democracy-in-rio-de-janeiro/.
  2. "Drugs and Democracy in Rio De Janeiro | Enrique Desmond Arias." University of North Carolina Press. Accessed March 23, 2018. https://www.uncpress.org/book/9780807857748/drugs-and-democracy-in-rio-de-janeiro/.
  3. "Drugs and Democracy in Rio De Janeiro | Enrique Desmond Arias." University of North Carolina Press. Accessed March 23, 2018. https://www.uncpress.org/book/9780807857748/drugs-and-democracy-in-rio-de-janeiro/.
  4. "Drugs and Democracy in Rio De Janeiro | Enrique Desmond Arias." University of North Carolina Press. Accessed March 23, 2018. https://www.uncpress.org/book/9780807857748/drugs-and-democracy-in-rio-de-janeiro/.
  5. "Drugs and Democracy in Rio De Janeiro | Enrique Desmond Arias." University of North Carolina Press. Accessed March 23, 2018. https://www.uncpress.org/book/9780807857748/drugs-and-democracy-in-rio-de-janeiro/.
  6. "Drugs and Democracy in Rio De Janeiro | Enrique Desmond Arias." University of North Carolina Press. Accessed March 23, 2018. https://www.uncpress.org/book/9780807857748/drugs-and-democracy-in-rio-de-janeiro/.