California Proposition 18 was on the November 4, 1958 California ballot measure as an initiated constitutional amendment. This measure is more commonly referred as the "right to work" law and would have added a new provision, Section 1-A to Article 1 of the State Constitution. The amendment would "prohibit employers and employee organizations from entering into collective bargaining or other agreements which establish membership in a labor organization, or payment of dues or charges of any kind, as a condition of employment or continued employment." [1] That is, making union membership voluntary, rather than compulsory, for employment. [2] [3]
The proposition would also declare certain practices unlawful such as those practices relating to membership in labor organizations. It also provides for injunction and damage suits against any individuals or group found to violate or attempt to violate the amendment. Proposition 18 also provides the definition for a “labor organization”. [1] The proposition did not pass. [4]
Unions started to gain ground following the passage of several governmental acts such as the Railway Labor Act of 1926, Wagner Act of 1935, and the Taft Hartley Act of 1947. The newly empowered unions would be able to engage in union shop activities due to the nature of these acts. [5] With negotiating power now firmly in the hands of union officials and employers a growing concern about the power of employment and safety of workers' rights loomed. There was a shift from craft-unions to industrial-unions, ultimately changing the population of union members from approximately 3,000,000 in 1935 to 15,000,000 in 1945. Labor unions had more power than they ever did before. In response to these major changes, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947. [3] The Taft-Hartley Act of 1947, still in effect today, forbids certain practices by unions, including forcing workers to join a union, and allowed states to elect to pass right-to-work laws.
The creation of the McClellan Committee, which was a select committee in charge of investigating the extent of corruption in labor-management relations, would expose many corrupt bosses and labor unions. [1] This national issue would be decided on the state level.
Proponents of the constitutional amendment argued that all workers should have the right to elect whether or not they join a labor organization. Supporters of the proposition believed that voluntary unionism would provide a safeguard against the exploitation that could arise from monopoly control of employment. [1] [2]
Those who supported the measure reasoned that it would grant workers the freedom of choice that was guaranteed in the U.S Constitution to all American citizens. [1] This amendment would consequently protect workers from the unfair practices and corruption of employers and union officers.
Supporters also claimed that passing the right-to-work law in California would help rid of disloyal union leaders. [6]
Supporters include:
Opponents argued that, the "right to work" measure would jeopardize California's economy and pit employers and employees against one another during a time when there is a fluctuating national economy and international tension. [1] The resulting tension between employers and employees would destroy industrial relations
The measure was deemed immoral and ran contrary to the U.S democratic system. The U.S government is based on the principle of majority rule and according to the Taft Hartley Act states that union open shop can only exist where there is majority rule because the majority of employees has chosen a single union as their bargaining agent. [1] According to opponents of the measure union open shop is therefore “the American, democratic way” as well. [1]
Opponents of Proposition 18 quote statistics from the U.S Department of Commerce that reveal California's per capita income is 60 percent larger than those states who passed such “right to work” measures. Therefore, passage of the proposition would lower income and profits of all professional persons. [1]
Opposition includes:
Opponents of Prop. 18 recorded spending $1,250,000 against the measure, according to the Secretary of State's office. Their receipts totaled $1,523,653, while spending $1,241,196. Supporters of Prop. 18 recorded their receipts to total $507,053 and spending $390,419. [8] Prop. 18 opposition outspent the supporters three to one. It was reported that General Electric was the biggest supporter of the proposition residing outside of California, with the majority being spent on advertising. The largest out-of-state check written for the opposition was by the National Council for Industrial Peace in Washington. [9]
California Proposition 18 was defeated in the general elections of 1958 on November 4. The vote was 2.079.975 for (40,4%) and 3.070.837 against (59,6%). [10]
It was defeated by the efforts of unions and civil rights groups who fought to maintain the status quo, maintaining union strength. The labor issue created a rift in the Republican Party caused by the rivalry of Governor Goodwin J. Knight and Senator William F. Knowland would create a shift in the political tide in favor of the Democrats. [11] The liberal Democrats would remain firm and united in opposing the proposition, which would pay off with Edmund G. Brown winning the governorship of California and political control of California being held firmly in the hands of the Democratic party. [11]
The National Labor Relations Act of 1935, also known as the Wagner Act, is a foundational statute of United States labor law that guarantees the right of private sector employees to organize into trade unions, engage in collective bargaining, and take collective action such as strikes. Central to the act was a ban on company unions. The act was written by Senator Robert F. Wagner, passed by the 74th United States Congress, and signed into law by President Franklin D. Roosevelt.
The Labor Management Relations Act, 1947, better known as the Taft–Hartley Act, is a United States federal law that restricts the activities and power of labor unions. It was enacted by the 80th United States Congress over the veto of President Harry S. Truman, becoming law on June 23, 1947.
The Labor Management Reporting and Disclosure Act of 1959, is a US labor law that regulates labor unions' internal affairs and their officials' relationships with employers.
In the context of labor law in the United States, the term right-to-work laws refers to state laws that prohibit union security agreements between employers and labor unions. Such agreements can be incorporated into union contracts to require employees who are not union members to contribute to the costs of union representation. Unlike the right to work definition as a human right in international law, U.S. right-to-work laws do not aim to provide a general guarantee of employment to people seeking work but rather guarantee an employee's right to refrain from being a member of a labor union.
A pre-entry closed shop is a form of union security agreement under which the employer agrees to hire union members only, and employees must remain members of the union at all times to remain employed. This is different from a post-entry closed shop, which is an agreement requiring all employees to join the union if they are not already members. In a union shop, the union must accept as a member any person hired by the employer. By comparison, an open shop does not require union membership of potential and current employees.
Featherbedding is the practice of hiring more workers than are needed to perform a given job, or to adopt work procedures which appear pointless, complex and time-consuming merely to employ additional workers. The term "make-work" is sometimes used as a synonym for featherbedding.
In labor law, a union shop, also known as a post-entry closed shop, is a form of a union security clause. Under this, the employer agrees to either only hire labor union members or to require that any new employees who are not already union members become members within a certain amount of time. Use of the union shop varies widely from nation to nation, depending on the level of protection given trade unions in general.
In organized labor, a hiring hall is an organization, usually under the auspices of a labor union, which has the responsibility of furnishing new recruits for employers who have a collective bargaining agreement with the union. It may also refer to a physical union hall, the office from which the union may conduct its activities.
United States labor law sets the rights and duties for employees, labor unions, and employers in the US. Labor law's basic aim is to remedy the "inequality of bargaining power" between employees and employers, especially employers "organized in the corporate or other forms of ownership association". Over the 20th century, federal law created minimum social and economic rights, and encouraged state laws to go beyond the minimum to favor employees. The Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 requires a federal minimum wage, currently $7.25 but higher in 29 states and D.C., and discourages working weeks over 40 hours through time-and-a-half overtime pay. There are no federal laws, and few state laws, requiring paid holidays or paid family leave. The Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993 creates a limited right to 12 weeks of unpaid leave in larger employers. There is no automatic right to an occupational pension beyond federally guaranteed Social Security, but the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 requires standards of prudent management and good governance if employers agree to provide pensions, health plans or other benefits. The Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 requires employees have a safe system of work.
An open shop is a place of employment at which one is not required to join or financially support a union as a condition of hiring or continued employment.
Labor unions represent United States workers in many industries recognized under US labor law since the 1935 enactment of the National Labor Relations Act. Their activity centers on collective bargaining over wages, benefits, and working conditions for their membership, and on representing their members in disputes with management over violations of contract provisions. Larger labor unions also typically engage in lobbying activities and electioneering at the state and federal level.
Union busting is a range of activities undertaken to disrupt or weaken the power of trade unions or their attempts to grow their membership in a workplace.
The Blue Eagle at Work: Reclaiming Democratic Rights in the American Workplace is a legal treatise written by Charles J. Morris which analyzes collective bargaining under the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA), the federal statute governing most private sector labor relations in the United States. Published in 2005 by Cornell University Press, the text claims that the NLRA guarantees that employees under that Act have the right to bargain collectively through minority unions—but only on a members-only basis—in workplaces where there is not an established majority union, notwithstanding that the present practice and general understanding of the law is that only majority-union employees are entitled to engage in collective bargaining on an exclusivity basis. Contracts resulting from such minority-union bargaining would apply to union members only, not to other employees.
NLRB v. Mackay Radio & Telegraph Co., 304 U.S. 333 (1938), is a United States labor law case of the Supreme Court of the United States which held that workers who strike remain employees for the purposes of the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). The Court granted the relief sought by the National Labor Relations Board, which sought to have the workers reinstated by the employer. However, the decision is much better known today for its obiter dicta in which the Court said that an employer may hire strikebreakers and is not bound to discharge any of them if or when the strike ends.
Communications Workers of America v. Beck, 487 U.S. 735 (1988), is a decision by the United States Supreme Court which held that, in a union security agreement, unions are authorized by statute to collect from non-members only those fees and dues necessary to perform its duties as a collective bargaining representative. The rights identified by the Court in Communications Workers of America v. Beck have since come to be known as "Beck rights", and defining what Beck rights are and how a union must fulfill its duties regarding them is an active area of modern United States labor law.
The Save Our Secret Ballot, Inc. (SOS) is a 501(c)(4) conservative advocacy organization created to promote states to pass constitutional amendments that would ban card check legislation. Former U.S. Congressman Ernest Istook (R-OK) is Chairman of the National Advisory Board.
Harris v. Quinn, 573 U.S. 616 (2014), is a US labor law case of the United States Supreme Court regarding provisions of Illinois state law that allowed a union security agreement. Since the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947 prohibited the closed shop, states could still choose whether to allow unions to collect fees from non-union members since the collective agreements with the employer would still benefit non-union members. The Court decided 5–4 that Illinois's Public Labor Relations Act, which permitted the union security agreements, violated the First Amendment. A similar case was decided by the Court in 2018, Janus v AFSCME, overturning the Court's unanimous decision in Abood v. Detroit Board of Education (1977) which the appeals court had upheld in Harris.
Electromation Inc, 309 N.L.R.B. 990 (1992), is a US labor law case related to employer domination of labor organizations.
Proposition 22 was a ballot initiative in California that became law after the November 2020 state election, passing with 59% of the vote and granting app-based transportation and delivery companies an exception to Assembly Bill 5 by classifying their drivers as "independent contractors", rather than "employees". The law exempts employers from providing the full suite of mandated employee benefits while instead giving drivers new protections:
The Richard L. TrumkaProtecting the Right to Organize Act, or PRO Act, is a proposed United States law that would amend previous labor laws such as the National Labor Relations Act for the purpose of expanding "various labor protections related to employees' rights to organize and collectively bargain in the workplace.” The measure would prevent employers from holding mandatory meetings for the purpose of counteracting labor organization and would strengthen the legal right of employees to join a labor union. The bill would also permit labor unions to encourage secondary strikes. The PRO Act would weaken "right-to-work" laws, which exist in 27 U.S. states. It would allow the National Labor Relations Board to fine employers for violations of labor law, and would provide compensation to employees involved in such cases. It is named after Richard Trumka, who was elected president of the AFL-CIO on September 16, 2009, and served in that office until his death in August 5, 2021.