A Treatise on the Patriarchal, or Co-operative System of Society

Last updated

A Treatise on the Patriarchal, or Co-operative System of Society as it Exists in Some Governments and Colonies in America, and in the United States, Under the Name of Slavery, with its Necessity and Advantages, was the first major defense of slavery published in the United States. Written by Florida slave trader, planter, and Quaker Zephaniah Kingsley, it was first published under the signature “A Resident of Florida” in 1828, although Kingsley's name is found at the end of the Preface. It was reprinted three times (1829, 1833, and 1834), indicating significant readership. [1] :xi No other pro-slavery writing in the United States was reprinted as often.

Contents

Kingsley believed that free people of color, better treated in Spanish Florida than in the Southern United States, should be allowed to own property, and other rights, and made the case that they were good citizens and beneficial to the country in which they lived.

Daniel Stowell included an annotated edition of the Treatise in his Balancing Evils Judiciously: The Proslavery Writings of Zephaniah Kingsley (see previous note).

Kingsley's "Address to the Legislative Council of Florida"

The Treatise was preceded by Kingsley's "Address to the Legislative Council of Florida [of which he was a member] on the subject of its Colored population", about 1826. In this speech, published in 2000, he calls upon the Legislative Council to accommodate the "free colored population", so that they have a "friendly feeling toward the white population". This is necessary for "our personal safety as well as the permanent condition of our Slave property" ("the most numerous, valuable & productive class [of] our population"). In other words, and he cites examples, the free blacks would side with the whites in protecting them from slave insurrection or other slave misconduct. [1] :26–35

This "Address", having fallen on deaf ears, was followed by his resignation from the Legislative Council. Within 10 years, Kingsley, in despair over the situation of free blacks, departed from the United States. He moved with his multiple wives, slaves, and free blacks to a new plantation, Mayorasgo de Koka, in what is now the Dominican Republic but at that time was part of Haiti. [1] :19–20

The Treatise

In the meantime, he attempted to influence public opinion towards "free people of color" by means of his self-published Treatise. In the Preface, declaring himself a "votary of rational policy", he states that his object is "to destroy the prejudice existing against slavery". According to Kingsley, if slavery is practiced with "justice" and "benevolence", slaves are just as happy as free men, equally as virtuous, less "corrupted", far more productive, and "they yield more support and benefit to the state". Furthermore, "the slave or Patriarchal System of Society...is better adapted for strength, endurability and independence, than any other state of society hitherto adopted." [1] :39–40

Blacks are suited for a hot climate

In the body of the Treatise, he sets forth the view that blacks are better suited than whites for working in a hot climate. [1] :41 "The negro under the management of a just, conscientious and humane master (of which description it will certainly be allowed that there are some)...will surely enjoy a happier and more enviable state of existence than the poor white man... who has to contend with cold and hunger, besides religious and moral tyranny." [1] :41–42 "The labor of the negro, under the wholesome restraint of an intelligent direction, is like a constant stream." [1] :42

Nations with slaves are stronger

According to Kingsley, a slave state is more powerful in case of war. [1] :42 He examines other "slave holding states". In the case of Brazil, the war between Brazil and "the Republic of Buenos Ayres" (he refers to the Cisplatine War) shows the strength of a slave state contrasted with the weakness of a white antislave state. The Brazilian slaves did not respond to the Argentine offers of freedom and protection if they escaped. "This trait of virtue and fidelity in the Brazilian slaves, is to be attributed to humane and just treatment." Under Brazilian law, any slave, in theory, could buy his freedom. Slaves are allowed to own some property, such as "stock". "The persons, properties, and rights...[of] the free people of color...are protected by law," and "the free children of quarteroons and a white man are white by law." [1] :43–45

In the British colonies (he claims this is also true of the "Spanish, French, and Dutch colonies") the "free colored people" are "gradually rendered fit to take place of the whites, whose lives have long been uselessly sacrificed to a hot climate, which does not, nor can ever agree with them." In fact, many of the "free colored people... being rich and liberally educated, enjoy great respectability, and having the same interest with the whites, and great influence with the slaves, form a barrier to insurrection." Again, quarteroons with a white father were legally white. [1] :45–46

In the case of Haiti, or Hayti as he spells it, many liberated slaves remained productive, on plantations, throughout the revolution. Some were armed and defended their masters. But when the "patriarchal restraint of its Colonial system of government" was gone, productivity declined greatly, as there is "less necessity for hard work" in "a healthy, fertile, and mild climate such as Hayti, where few clothes are required, and bountiful nature produces spontaneously the necessities of life." [1] :47–50

The virtues of negros

"From all these facts it follows that, under a just and prudent system of management, negros are safe, permanent, productive and growing property, and easily governed; that they are not naturally desirous of change but are sober, discreet, honest and obliging, are less troublesome and possess a much better moral character than the ordinary class of corrupted whites of similar condition. [1] :8 Despite this, in slaveholding states, the white majority, who inhabit the "high, healthy country," have “a strong feeling of prejudice against every other shade of color”. As the colored are "absolutely necessary", a "smaller degree of prejudice against color would better comport". However, in our slaveholding states, "the great quantity of whites in the up country is at all times ready to put down or exterminate all the colored people in the case of insurrection." They govern by "fear and force", instead of "wisdom and policy". [1] :9

North Carolina, "by the liberal provisions of her constitution and enlightened policy to her free, colored people", is the state most favorable to free blacks; "I believe no disadvantage has ever been perceived in North Carolina from its free citizens of color being allowed to vote". [1] :9 (The right of free North Carolina blacks to vote was taken away in 1835. [2] ) As in the British West India colonies, taxes should be the same on everyone, "and the law both criminal and civil should be as impartial as the sun". [1] :9

Southern plantations will be most productive if:

Racial mixing as policy

"How much more meritorious and laudable [than improving domestic animals] would that philanthropist be to whose energy and moral courage mankind were indebted for exposing and removing a prejudice that not only continues to entail ill health and degeneracy on the people, but completely neutralises the physical [defensive] strength of the country, by placing one portion of the inhabitants in hostile array against the other." [1] :10

In other words, Kingsley was advocating deliberate racial mixing, as a step towards eliminating the racial "problem". This he personally practiced; he purchased his first wife in Cuba, and later three other slaves, all of which he freed, as common-law co-wives or concubines. He commented on the "convenience" of being able to purchase wives, or sexual partners. [3] :190 He asserted that people of mixed negro and white parents were healthier and more beautiful than either Africans or Europeans, and considered his mixed-race children a barrier to an impending race war. [4]

"The red aborigines were in this country a healthy people. The negroes are not only a healthy people, but robust and durable even in the swamps. The intermediate grades of color are not only healthy, but when condition is favorable, they are improved in shape, strength and beauty.... Daily experience shows that there is no natural antipathy between the casts [sic] on account of color; and it only requires to repeal laws as impolitic as they are injust and unnatural; which confound beauty, merit and condition in one state of infamy and degradation on account of complexion, and to leave nature to find out a safe and wholesome remedy for evils which, of all others, are now the most deplorable, because they are morally irreconcilable to the fundamental principles of happiness, and self preservation."

Kingsley's notes

Kingsley accompanied his 8-page text with 6 pages of notes, 5 of them occupied by one note, in which he expounds on the harm done by "white preachers (missionaries) from England". [5] :13 The rebel Denmark Vesey was heavily involved in religion. [5] :13 While inveighing against "superstition", he does note that two "influential negroes", loyal to their masters and preventing others from escaping, "were Africans and professors of the Mahomedan religion". [5] :13–14 He also speaks against "a favorite project of some of our least mathematical economists", [5] :14 the transporting of slaves to Africa, which he saw as prohibitively expensive. "A great opportunity was lost of colonising more rationally at the evacuation of the Spanish part of Saint Domingo [Haiti], where there would have been ample room for all the colored people of the U. States, within five days sail of Charleston." [5] :16

Reception

Although it was published four times, reception was mixed. While some Southerners used it to defend the institution of slavery, others saw Kingsley's support of a free class of blacks as a prelude to the abolition of it. [6] :148–149 Abolitionists considered Kingsley's arguments for slavery weak and wrote that logically, the planter should conclude that slavery must be eradicated. Lydia Child, a New York-based abolitionist, included him in 1836 on a list of people perpetuating the "evils of slavery". [6] :154–156 Although Kingsley was wealthy, learned, and powerful, the treatise was a factor in the decline of his reputation in Florida, and his decision to leave the United States.

"Given the backdrop of British emancipation, mounting slave resistance throughout the Atlantic, and the growing radicalism of abolitionism, he failed to find a sympathetic audience anywhere." [7]

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Slavery in the colonial history of the United States</span> Slavery in colonies that became the United States

Slavery in the colonial history of the United States refers to the institution of slavery as it existed in the European colonies which eventually became part of the United States. In these colonies, slavery developed due to a combination of factors, primarily the labour demands for establishing and maintaining European colonies, which had resulted in the Atlantic slave trade. Slavery existed in every European colony in the Americas during the early modern period, and both Africans and indigenous peoples were victims of enslavement by European colonizers during the era.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">American Colonization Society</span> 19th-century group in the United States

The American Colonization Society (ACS), initially the Society for the Colonization of Free People of Color of America until 1837, was an American organization founded in 1816 by Robert Finley to encourage and support the migration of freeborn blacks and emancipated slaves to the continent of Africa. It was modeled on an earlier British colonization in Africa, which had sought to resettle London's "black poor".

An African American is a citizen or resident of the United States who has origins in any of the black populations of Africa. African American-related topics include:

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Free people of color</span> Persons of partial African and European descent who were not enslaved

In the context of the history of slavery in the Americas, free people of color were primarily people of mixed African, European, and Native American descent who were not enslaved. However, the term also applied to people born free who were primarily of black African descent with little mixture. They were a distinct group of free people of color in the French colonies, including Louisiana and in settlements on Caribbean islands, such as Saint-Domingue (Haiti), St. Lucia, Dominica, Guadeloupe, and Martinique. In these territories and major cities, particularly New Orleans, and those cities held by the Spanish, a substantial third class of primarily mixed-race, free people developed. These colonial societies classified mixed-race people in a variety of ways, generally related to visible features and to the proportion of African ancestry. Racial classifications were numerous in Latin America.

The Black Codes, sometimes called the Black Laws, were laws which governed the conduct of African Americans. In 1832, James Kent wrote that "in most of the United States, there is a distinction in respect to political privileges, between free white persons and free colored persons of African blood; and in no part of the country do the latter, in point of fact, participate equally with the whites, in the exercise of civil and political rights." Although Black Codes existed before the Civil War and although many Northern states had them, the Southern U.S. states codified such laws in everyday practice. The best known of these laws were passed by Southern states in 1865 and 1866, after the Civil War, in order to restrict African Americans' freedom, and in order to compel them to work for either low or no wages.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Free Negro</span> Emancipated people of color

In the British colonies in North America and in the United States before the abolition of slavery in 1865, free Negro or free Black described the legal status of African Americans who were not enslaved. The term was applied both to formerly enslaved people (freedmen) and to those who had been born free, whether of African or mixed descent.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Jonathan Clarkson Gibbs</span> Presbyterian minister

Jonathan Clarkson Gibbs, II was an American Presbyterian minister who served as Secretary of State and Superintendent of Public Instruction of Florida, and, along with U.S. Congressman Josiah Thomas Walls, was among the most powerful black officeholders in the state during Reconstruction. An African American who served during the Reconstruction era, he was the first black Florida Secretary of State, holding the office over a century prior to the state's second black Secretary of State, Jesse McCrary, who served for five months in 1979.

Anna Madgigine Jai Kingsley, born Anta Madjiguène Ndiaye, also known as Anta Majigeen Njaay or Anna Madgigine Jai, was a West African from present-day Senegal, who was enslaved and sold in Cuba, probably via the slave pens on Gorée Island. In Cuba she was purchased, as wife, by plantation owner and slave trader Zephaniah Kingsley. After his death, she became a planter and slave owner in her own right, as a free Black woman in early 19th-century Florida.

<i>Partus sequitur ventrem</i> Former legal doctrine of slavery by birth

Partus sequitur ventrem was a legal doctrine passed in colonial Virginia in 1662 and other English crown colonies in the Americas which defined the legal status of children born there; the doctrine mandated that children of slave mothers would inherit the legal status of their mothers. As such, children of enslaved women would be born into slavery. The legal doctrine of partus sequitur ventrem was derived from Roman civil law, specifically the portions concerning slavery and personal property (chattels), as well as the common law of personal property.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Kingsley Plantation</span> United States historic place

Kingsley Plantation is the site of a former estate on Fort George Island, in Duval County, Florida, that was named for its developer and most famous owner, Zephaniah Kingsley, who spent 25 years there. It is located at the northern tip of Fort George Island at Fort George Inlet, and is part of the Timucuan Ecological and Historic Preserve managed by the U.S. National Park Service. Kingsley's house is the oldest plantation house still standing in Florida, and the solidly-built village of slave cabins is one of the best preserved in the United States. It is also "the oldest surviving antebellum Spanish Colonial plantation in the United States."

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Quakers in the abolition movement</span> Quaker activism

The Religious Society of Friends, better known as the Quakers, played a major role in the abolition movement against slavery in both the United Kingdom and in the United States. Quakers were among the first white people to denounce slavery in the American colonies and Europe, and the Society of Friends became the first organization to take a collective stand against both slavery and the slave trade, later spearheading the international and ecumenical campaigns against slavery.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Proslavery thought</span> Ideology that perceives slavery as a positive good

Proslavery is support for slavery. It is sometimes found in the thought of ancient philosophers, religious texts, and in British writings and in American writings especially before the American Civil War but also later through the 20th century. Arguments in favor of slavery include deference to the Bible and thus to God, some people being natural slaves in need of supervision, slaves often being better off than the poorest non-slaves, practical social benefit for the society as a whole, and slavery being a time-proven practice by multiple great civilizations.

Zephaniah Kingsley Jr. was a plantation owner, born in England, who moved as a child with his family to South Carolina, and became a planter, slave trader, and merchant. He built four plantations in the Spanish colony of Florida near what is now Jacksonville, Florida. He served on the Florida Territorial Council after Florida was acquired by the United States in 1821. Kingsley Plantation, which he owned and where he lived for 25 years, has been preserved as part of the Timucuan Ecological and Historic Preserve, run by the United States National Park Service. Finding his large and complicated family progressively more insecure in Florida, he moved them to a vanished plantation, Mayorasgo de Koka, in what was then Haiti but soon became part of the Dominican Republic.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Mayorasgo de Koka</span> Region in Haiti

Mayorasgo de Koka was a 35,000-acre (140 km2) tract of land in what was at its inception in Haiti, but since 1844 is in the Dominican Republic. After renting it in 1837, Zephaniah Kingsley purchased it in 1838. As whites were barred from land ownership in Haiti it was titled in the name of Zephaniah's eldest son, the mixed-"race" George Kingsley. It is currently located in the province of Puerto Plata, on the north coast of the Dominican Republic.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Anti-miscegenation laws in the United States</span> Laws against interracial marriage

In the United States, anti-miscegenation laws were passed by most states to prohibit interracial marriage, and in some cases also prohibit interracial sexual relations. Some such laws predate the establishment of the United States, some dating to the later 17th or early 18th century, a century or more after the complete racialization of slavery. Nine states never enacted such laws; 25 states had repealed their laws by 1967, when the United States Supreme Court ruled in Loving v. Virginia that such laws were unconstitutional in the remaining 16 states. The term miscegenation was first used in 1863, during the American Civil War, by journalists to discredit the abolitionist movement by stirring up debate over the prospect of interracial marriage after the abolition of slavery.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">History of slavery in Florida</span>

Slavery in Florida is more central to Florida's history than it is to almost any other state. Florida's purchase by the United States from Spain in 1819 was primarily a measure to strengthen the system of slavery on Southern plantations, by denying potential runaways the formerly safe haven of Florida.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Chesapeake rebellion</span>

The Chesapeake rebellion of 1730 was the largest slave rebellion of the colonial period in North America. Believing that Virginian planters had disregarded a royal edict from King George II which freed slaves, two hundred slaves gathered in Princess Anne County, Virginia, in October, electing captains and demanding that Governor Gooch honor the royal edict. White planters stopped these meetings, arresting some slaves and forcing others to flee. Although hundreds of slaves fled to the Great Dismal Swamp, they were immediately hunted down by the authorities and their Pasquotank allies.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Battle of Cap-Français (1793)</span> 1793 Haitian Revolution conflict

The Battle of Cap-Français took place from 20 to 22 June 1793 during the Haitian Revolution. It was originally a conflict between commissioners sent by the French Republican government, who were supported by rebellious slaves and free people of color, against the colony's elite and white royalist slave owners, who sparked an uprising against the commissioners in the city, led to a military conflict between whites and coloreds within the city, to eventually lead to an attack by slaves throughout the city.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Slavery as a positive good in the United States</span> Prevailing view in the Southern US prior to the American Civil War

Slavery as a positive good was the prevailing view of Southern U.S. politicians and intellectuals just before the American Civil War, as opposed to seeing it as a crime against humanity or a necessary evil. They defended the legal enslavement of people for their labor as a benevolent, paternalistic institution with social and economic benefits, an important bulwark of civilization, and a divine institution similar or superior to the free labor in the North.

African Americans have made considerable contributions to the history and development of Jacksonville, Florida. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the population make up of African American in Jacksonville Florida is 30.7%.

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 Genovese, Eugene D. (2000). "Foreword". In Stowell, Daniel W. (ed.). Balancing Evils Judiciously : The Proslavery Writings of Zephaniah Kingsley. University Press of Florida. ISBN   978-0813017334.
  2. Sanders, John L. (2000). "Our Constitutions: A Historical Perspective". State Library of North Carolina. Archived from the original on 2008-04-18.
  3. Allman, T. D. (2013). Finding Florida. The True History of the Sunshine State. Atlantic Monthly Press. ISBN   9780802120762.
  4. Brown, Canter (January 1995). "Race Relations in Territorial Florida, 1821-1845". The Florida Historical Quarterly . 73 (3): 287–307. JSTOR   30150451.
  5. 1 2 3 4 5 Kingsley, Zephaniah (1829). Treatise on the Patriarchal or Co-operative System of Society as it Exists in some Governments and Colonies in America, and in the United States, under the Name of Slavery, with its Necessity and Advantages (2nd ed.).
  6. 1 2 Fleszar, Mark J. (2009). The Atlantic Mind: Zephaniah Kingsley, Slavery, and the Politics of Race in the Atlantic World (M.A. thesis). Georgia State University. Archived from the original on 2018-10-05. Retrieved 2018-10-05.
  7. Fleszar, Mark J. (December 2012). "'My Laborers in Haiti Are Not Slaves': Proslavery Fictions and a Black Colonization Experiment on the Northern Coast, 1835–1846". Journal of the Civil War Era . 2 (4): 478–510, at p. 478. doi:10.1353/cwe.2012.0084. JSTOR   26070274. S2CID   161344657.