Dorothy Blount Lamar

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Lamar with her fellow executive committee members at a Confederate Reunion in Macon in 1911. Picture from her autobiography When All Is Said and Done. Dolly Blount Lamar at a Macon, Georgia Confederate Reunion in 1911.png
Lamar with her fellow executive committee members at a Confederate Reunion in Macon in 1911. Picture from her autobiography When All Is Said and Done.

Eugenia Dorothy (also Dolly) Blount Lamar (crediting herself Mrs Walter D Lamar [2] ) was an American historian and activist from Macon, Georgia. A staunch defender of the values of the American South during the early 20th century, she was the president of the Georgia Division of the United Daughters of the Confederacy (GDUDC) [3] [4] and for many years was the organization's historian. [5]

Contents

Lamar was interested in Southern history and literature as well. She left a sum of money to Mercer University, to fund an annual lecture named for her; the Lamar Lectures have been held at Mercer since 1957. [4] She was also a supporter of the reputation and legacy of poet and Confederate veteran Sidney Lanier, and was the president of the Lanier association in Macon. [6]

Biography

Lamar (at right) celebrating the birthday of Jefferson Davis in 1938, with Walter F. George on the left and Imogene Smith in the middle Birthday of confederate hero observed. Washington, D.C., June 4. The 130th anniversary of the birth of Jefferson Davis, president of the short lived war, was observed at the Capitol today LCCN2016873668.tif
Lamar (at right) celebrating the birthday of Jefferson Davis in 1938, with Walter F. George on the left and Imogene Smith in the middle

Dorothy Blount was a daughter of lawyer, politician, and Confederate veteran James Henderson Blount. Married to Walter D. Lamar, heir to a local Georgia pharamaceutical business, Dolly Lamar opposed women having the right to vote in Georgia. [4] [2] [7] Professor Michael Kreyling of Vanderbilt University characterized her as "Southern Conservatism to the backbone the kind of antimodern, antiprogressive, static 'drag' that Gunnar Myrdal and his ilk loved to hate", who "resisted change as she would have resisted Sherman". [4] She was elected vice-president of the Georgia Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage (GAOWS) in May 1914, [2] and argued in her pamphlet The Vulnerability of the White Primary that giving women the vote in the South, in particular, would have the undesirable outcome of jeopardizing the control of politics by white people, [2] [4] a point that she also made in an address to the Constitutional Amendment Committee of the Georgia Legislature. [4] [8]

In opposition to Rebecca Latimer Felton, Lamar and GDUDC president Mildred Rutherford made their case to the Legislature on 1914-07-07 that the (then proposed) Susan B. Anthony Amendment was the Fifteenth Amendment in another guise, and by giving Black women the vote would engender racial equality. [9] [10] The daughter of James Henderson Blount, Lamar had graduated from Wesleyan Female College in Macon, and had gone on to Wellesley Women's College only after obtaining a guarantee from its officials that no "negro" girls attended that Massachusetts school. [7]

She argued, furthermore, the partisan politics was a man's world, in which the involvement of women actually diminished their power (for which she used the example of the then failure to enact Prohibition in the states where women already had the vote), took a states' rights position that women's suffrage was a Northern imposition upon Southern states, and strongly criticized (her characterization of) the suffragists' assertion that men could not by themselves alleviate the (then) problem with illiteracy in Georgia. [11] [12] She called the suffragists "a fungus growth of misguided women" upon the majority of women in the state who were (by her assertion) not in favour of having the vote. [13] Other arguments that she employed were that giving all women the right to vote, or even just all white women, would give it to "lower class" women, and dilute the influence of women of the "best class", again criticizing the suffragists for ignoring "the fact that some women are not good, some men are good" and for (in her view) erroneously assuming that "all women will vote for uplift". [14] She rejected a "no taxation without representation" argument in favor of suffrage on the grounds that its logical extension would be to give Black people the right to vote, since they were taxpayers who were not allowed to vote, too. [12] As she put it in her autobiography: "A hidden threat to Southern customs was of course in the amendment's grant of equal suffrage to all women, thus upsetting the restrictions of the white primary, which since Reconstruction days had left Southern political affairs in the hands of white voters. Obviously this encroachment on our system would lead to universal suffrage and serious political unbalance over the South." [15]

Two years after that address, in May 1916, Lamar publicly challenged Helen Shaw Harrold to a public debate in an open letter, with the proceeds from ticket sales to be donated to Heimath Hall; although even anti-suffragist newspapers observed the irony that this was a three hour long public debate by two women upon a purely political subject and by its very nature indicated (in the words of an editorial in the Macon Daily Telegraph) that women were "far enough along to vote". [16] After much back and forth over the topic for debate, and whether the winner should be judged by men (an idea to which Lamar was opposed), Lamar withdrew the challenge. [17]

After World War I, in light of the social upheavals that it caused, Lamar expanded her position to include suffragists' "alleged" association with people like Max Eastman, a suffragist and socialist, and criticized them as misguided and their connection to socialism as the result of their ignorance. [18]

A further irony is that as soon as women gained that right to vote, Lamar began using it, stating in her autobiography that she was "somewhat active in politics" and was "making public my attitude on measures and candidates and speaking and writing for what I believed right". [19] History professor Elizabeth Gillespie McRae observed in a 1998 article that whilst claiming to be a "reluctant politician" Lamar in fact took to politics quite aggressively. [20]

Lamar was a founder member of the GAOWS, and alongside fellow founding member Caroline Patterson was its primary speaker, recruiter, and legislative lobbyist. [21]

Other interests

Lamar's other interests, aside from the GDUDC and GAOWS, encompassed the YWCA, the Sidney Lanier Foundation, and the Georgia Federation of Club Women, she being one of the leading club women of the state. [7] Lamar was interested in Southern history and literature as well. She left a sum of money to Mercer University, to fund an annual lecture named for her; the Lamar Lectures have been held at Mercer since 1957, with the first lecturer being Donald Davidson. [4] She was also a great supporter of the reputation and legacy of poet and Confederate veteran Sidney Lanier, and was the president of the Lanier association in Macon. [6] Charles R. Anderson, in his preface to the Centennial Edition of Lanier's work and letters, thanks her: "special thanks are due to Mrs. Walter D. Lamar, whose enthusiasm for Lanier was instrumental in launching this project". [22] She was also the engine behind efforts to get Lanier honored in the New York Hall of Fame; she was successful on her third attempt, in 1945, and fronted the $5000 for the bust, which was made by Hans Schuler. [23]

Publications

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Timeline of women's suffrage in Georgia (U.S. state)</span>

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Women's suffrage in Arkansas</span>

Women's suffrage had early champions among men in Arkansas. Miles Ledford Langley of Arkadelphia, Arkansas proposed a women's suffrage clause during the 1868 Arkansas Constitutional Convention. Educator, James Mitchell wanted to see a world where his daughters had equal rights. The first woman's suffrage group in Arkansas was organized by Lizzie Dorman Fyler in 1881. A second women's suffrage organization was formed by Clara McDiarmid in 1888. McDiarmid was very influential on women's suffrage work in the last few decades of the nineteenth century. When she died in 1899, suffrage work slowed down, but did not all-together end. Both Bernie Babcock and Jean Vernor Jennings continued to work behind the scenes. In the 1910s, women's suffrage work began to increase again. socialist women, like Freda Hogan were very involved in women's suffrage causes. Other social activists, like Minnie Rutherford Fuller became involved in the Political Equality League (PEL) founded in 1911 by Jennings. Another statewide suffrage group, also known as the Arkansas Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA) was organized in 1914. AWSA decided to work towards helping women vote in the important primary elections in the state. The first woman to address the Arkansas General Assembly was suffragist Florence Brown Cotnam who spoke in favor of a women's suffrage amendment on February 5, 1915. While that amendment was not completely successful, Cotnam was able to persuade the Arkansas governor to hold a special legislative session in 1917. That year Arkansas women won the right to vote in primary elections. In May 1918, between 40,000 and 50,000 white women voted in the primaries. African American voters were restricted from voting in primaries in the state. Further efforts to amend the state constitution took place in 1918, but were also unsuccessful. When the Nineteenth Amendment passed the United States Congress, Arkansas held another special legislative session in July 1919. The amendment was ratified on July 28 and Arkansas became the twelfth state to ratify the Nineteenth Amendment.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Mary Latimer McLendon</span> American activist

Mary Latimer McLendon was an activist in the prohibition and women's suffrage movements in the U.S. state of Georgia.

References

  1. McRae 1998, p. 803.
  2. 1 2 3 4 Taylor 1959, p. 16.
  3. Lamar 1915, p. 318.
  4. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Kreyling 2003, p. 107.
  5. Manis 2004, p. 180.
  6. 1 2 Barefoot 2000, p. 26.
  7. 1 2 3 McRae 1998, p. 802.
  8. McRae 1998, p. 810.
  9. Floyd 1946, p. 87.
  10. Taylor 1959, p. 17.
  11. McRae 1998, pp. 811–812.
  12. 1 2 Taylor 1959, p. 18.
  13. Taylor 1959, pp. 18–19.
  14. McRae 1998, p. 818.
  15. Lamar 1952, p. 209.
  16. McRae 1998, pp. 820–821.
  17. McRae 1998, p. 821.
  18. McRae 1998, p. 824.
  19. Gates Schuyler 2008, p. 44.
  20. McRae 1998, pp. 809–810.
  21. McRae 1998, p. 807.
  22. Anderson 1945, p. xi.
  23. Lamar 1952, pp. 170–98.

Reference bibliography

Further reading