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Group 8 (Swedish : Grupp 8) was a feminist organization in Sweden, founded by eight women in Stockholm in 1968. The organization took up various feminist issues such as: demands for expansions of kindergartens, 6-hour working day, equal pay for equal work and opposition to pornography. Initially the organization was based in Stockholm, but later local groups were founded throughout the country. Although Group 8 dissolved in the early 2000s, their influence on feminism in Sweden is still prevalent. [1]
The eight original founders of the organization in 1968 were Barbro Back Berger, Birgitta Bolinder, Gunnel Granlid, Birgitta Svanberg, Greta Sörlin, Ulla Torpe, Anita Theorell and Åsa Åkerstedt. Karin Westman Berg, literary scholar and member of the Women's Literature Project at Uppsala University, held a gender conference circa 1967 in which the Group 8 founders attended. It was at this conference where the eight women first met.
By 1970 the group had increased to 16 members, all operating under the slogan "the private is political", which was intended to give recognition to women's struggles. [2] Only four years after Group 8 appeared in Stockholm, forty-three Group 8's surfaced with about ten members each. A larger Group 8, with roughly thirty-five members, was formed in Malmö. [2]
Other U.S. and European countries had their own ways of going about establishing feminist equality in the 1960s and 1970s. In the United States, the feminist movement in the 1960s focused on, among other things, inequality in the workplace. Only 38% of women held jobs, and these jobs were limited to teachers, nurses, and secretaries. During this period, most white women were college educated, and felt irritated that they were confined to the house. A group of women, including Betty Friedan, decided to found an organization to fight this gender discrimination called the National Organization for Women (NOW). American feminists have inserted themselves in state, local, and national levels of politics since the 1960s. In Britain, feminists played more of a secondary role. Britain has a centralized, closed system and lacks policy networks. Both Americans and the British have developed opposition towards feminist groups and lessened their abilities to initiate political policies.
In contrast to the U.S. and Britain, Swedish feminist have achieved many of their goals in regards to women's equality. Although Sweden's approach was not very effective, they still played a very significant role in establishing non-discrimination policies. Women in Sweden began liberating themselves from their patriarchal society as early as the 17th century. They were permitted to attend school, conduct business in their own names, and gained equal inheritance rights. Although they had made some progress, Swedish women still had many obstacles in their way preventing them from reaching full equality. It was not until 1968 that Group 8 was created.
Group 8, a militant, feminist movement in Sweden took up various issues, such as demands for expansions of kindergartens, a 6-hour work day, equal pay for equal work, and opposition to pornography. Initially the organization was based in Stockholm, but later local groups were founded throughout the country. Group 8 consisted of about 1,000 members but had no true leader. The women of Group 8 created a sense of political activism through the use of media. They made sure female feminist columnists and writers were hired by the two major newspapers in Sweden, allowing for a feminist voice to be heard by just about everyone. The group also sponsored housing set aside solely for women in order to help protect, strengthen, and empower the female population. Group 8 never became a consistently strong organization because they were more focused on class than on gender. Group 8's impact and efforts towards equality have since died down a lot. [2] Although Group 8 no longer holds a significant position in the feminist movement, it still publishes an issue of their magazine, "Kvinnobulletinen", every month. "Kvinnobulletinen", also known as "Women's Bulletin," was started by Gunilla Thorgren, who was the chief editor from 1970 to 1975. The magazine was first released in 1970 and covered various feminist issues such as prostitution, unionism, women in the workplace, heterosexuality, and homosexuality.
As a liberal democracy, the Swedish system typically has little opposition to framework and rules for the resolution of conflict. The local government gives power to executive committees to govern at a community level. [3] This distinguishes Swedish politics as well as their low level of political activism, with the exception of voting. Swedish officials are typically suspicious of women's groups that do exist in Sweden; this is primarily due to the structure of the women's organizations being more traditional rather than "liberationists". [2] Because the government model emphasizes consensus, minorities typically have difficulty developing and implementing movements for their cause.
In 2005 the political part Feminist Initiative was formed, and announced it would field candidates in future elections. This political party, originally influenced by Group 8 and similar organizations, acquired 2500 members.[ citation needed ]
In 1971, the group relaunched International Women's Day manifestations and also started publishing Kvinnobulletinen.
By April 8, 1972, the exhibition Women was compiled by Group 8 in the Modern Museum (in Swedish) - a modern art museum in Stockholm. Later, in the same year, Group 8 is attributed to a reversal conducted by the Minister of Finance, Gunnar Sträng. They had three very clear demands: women's right to work, daycare, and education. [4]
In 1973 a section that felt that more emphasis needed to be given to the class struggle broke away and formed Women of Labor (in Swedish: Arbetets kvinnor).
After making valuable contributions to Swedish societal issues, Group 8's importance to feminism in Sweden declined towards the end of the 70's. In Sweden, some of the largest beneficiaries of Group 8's impact include the National Organization for Women's and Girls' Shelters in Sweden [5] (ROKS) and the Feminist Initiative.
Feminism is a range of socio-political movements and ideologies that aim to define and establish the political, economic, personal, and social equality of the sexes. Feminism holds the position that modern societies are patriarchal—they prioritize the male point of view—and that women are treated unjustly in these societies. Efforts to change this include fighting against gender stereotypes and improving educational, professional, and interpersonal opportunities and outcomes for women.
Radical feminism is a perspective within feminism that calls for a radical re-ordering of society in which male supremacy is eliminated in all social and economic contexts, while recognizing that women's experiences are also affected by other social divisions such as in race, class, and sexual orientation. The ideology and movement emerged in the 1960s.
Liberal feminism, also called mainstream feminism, is a main branch of feminism defined by its focus on achieving gender equality through political and legal reform within the framework of liberal democracy and informed by a human rights perspective. It is often considered culturally progressive and economically center-right to center-left. As the oldest of the "Big Three" schools of feminist thought, liberal feminism has its roots in 19th century first-wave feminism seeking recognition of women as equal citizens, focusing particularly on women's suffrage and access to education, the effort associated with 19th century liberalism and progressivism. Liberal feminism "works within the structure of mainstream society to integrate women into that structure." Liberal feminism places great emphasis on the public world, especially laws, political institutions, education and working life, and considers the denial of equal legal and political rights as the main obstacle to equality. As such liberal feminists have worked to bring women into the political mainstream. Liberal feminism is inclusive and socially progressive, while broadly supporting existing institutions of power in liberal democratic societies, and is associated with centrism and reformism. Liberal feminism tends to be adopted by white middle-class women who do not disagree with the current social structure; Zhang and Rios found that liberal feminism with its focus on equality is viewed as the dominant and "default" form of feminism. Liberal feminism actively supports men's involvement in feminism and both women and men have always been active participants in the movement; progressive men had an important role alongside women in the struggle for equal political rights since the movement was launched in the 19th century.
Equality feminism is a subset of the overall feminism movement and more specifically of the liberal feminist tradition that focuses on the basic similarities between men and women, and whose ultimate goal is the equality of both genders in all domains. This includes economic and political equality, equal access within the workplace, freedom from oppressive gender stereotyping, and an androgynous worldview.
Second-wave feminism was a period of feminist activity that began in the early 1960s and lasted roughly two decades, ending with the feminist sex wars in the early 1980s and being replaced by third-wave feminism in the early 1990s. It occurred throughout the Western world and aimed to increase women's equality by building on the feminist gains of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
Pro-feminism refers to support of the cause of feminism without implying that the supporter is a member of the feminist movement. The term is most often used in reference to men who actively support feminism and its efforts to bring about the political, economic, cultural, personal, and social equality of women with men. A number of pro-feminist men are involved in political activism, most often in the areas of gender equality, women's rights, and ending violence against women.
The men's movement is a social movement that emerged in the 1960s and 1970s, primarily in Western countries, which consists of groups and organizations of men and their allies who focus on gender issues and whose activities range from self-help and support to lobbying and activism.
Gender mainstreaming is the public policy concept of assessing the implications for people of different genders of a planned policy action, including legislation and programmes.
The Norwegian Association for Women's Rights is Norway's oldest and preeminent women's and girls' rights organization that works "to promote gender equality and all women's and girls' human rights through political and legal reform within the framework of liberal democracy." Founded in 1884, NKF is Norway's second oldest political organization after the Liberal Party. NKF stands for an inclusive, intersectional and progressive mainstream liberal feminism and has always been open to everyone regardless of gender. Headquartered at Majorstuen, Oslo, NKF consists of a national-level association as well as regional chapters based in the larger cities, and is led by a national executive board. NKF has had a central role in the adoption of all major gender equality legislation and reforms since 1884.
Equity feminism is a form of liberal feminism that advocates the state's equal treatment of women and men without challenging inequalities perpetuated by employers, educational and religious institutions, and other elements of society. The concept has been discussed since the 1980s. Equity feminism has been defined and classified as a kind of classically liberal or libertarian feminism, in contrast with social feminism, difference feminism, gender feminism, and equality feminism.
Feminism is aimed at defining, establishing, and defending a state of equal political, economic, cultural, and social rights for women. It has had a massive influence on American politics. Feminism in the United States is often divided chronologically into first-wave, second-wave, third-wave, and fourth-wave feminism.
Feminist views on pornography range from total condemnation of the medium as an inherent form of violence against women to an embracing of some forms as a medium of feminist expression. This debate reflects larger concerns surrounding feminist views on sexuality, and is closely related to those on prostitution, BDSM, and other issues. Pornography has been one of the most divisive issues in feminism, particularly in Anglophone (English-speaking) countries. This division was exemplified in the feminist sex wars of the 1980s, which pitted anti-pornography activists against pro-pornography ones.
Some variants of feminism are considered more conservative than others. Historically feminist scholars tend to not have much interest in conservative women but in recent years there have been efforts at greater scholarly analysis of these women and their views.
A variety of movements of feminist ideology have developed over the years. They vary in goals, strategies, and affiliations. They often overlap, and some feminists identify themselves with several branches of feminist thought.
The feminist movement has affected change in Western society, including women's suffrage; greater access to education; more equitable pay with men; the right to initiate divorce proceedings; the right of women to make individual decisions regarding pregnancy ; and the right to own property.
State feminism is feminism created or approved by the government of a state or nation. It usually specifies a particular program. The term was coined by Helga Hernes with particular reference to the situation in Norway, which had a tradition of government-supported liberal feminism dating back to the 1880s, and is often used when discussing the government-supported gender equality policies of the Nordic countries, that are linked to the Nordic model. The term has also been used in the context of developing countries where the government may prescribe its form of feminism and at the same time prohibit non-governmental organizations from advocating for any other feminist program. In this sense it is possible to distinguish between a liberal state feminism found in Western democracies such as the Nordic countries, and a somewhat more authoritarian state feminism that is often also linked to secularism, found e.g. in certain Middle Eastern countries.
Anna Cecilia Petra Östergren is a Swedish feminist writer, debater, social commentator and an instructor in self-defense. She has an MA in Social Anthropology, and is a doctoral student at Lund University. Her research is titled "The State of Feminism".
Feminism in Thailand is perpetuated by many of the same traditional feminist theory foundations, though Thai feminism is facilitated through a medium of social movement activist groups within Thailand's illiberal democracy. The Thai State claims to function as a civil society with an intersectionality between gender inequality and activism in its political spheres.
Taiwan has a complex history of feminist and women's rights movements with periods of progressiveness where feminism and strong female icons flourished and periods of strict authoritarianism where equality and individual rights were devalued. Thanks in part to the work of generations of feminists, Taiwan is nowadays one of the most gender-equal countries in Asia, consistently ranking higher than its East Asian neighbors in international indices on gender equality.
Feminism in Sweden is a significant social and political influence within Swedish society. Swedish political parties across the political spectrum commit to gender-based policies in their public political manifestos. The Swedish government assesses all policy according to the tenets of gender mainstreaming. Women in Sweden are 45% of the political representatives in the Swedish Parliament. Women make up 43% of representatives in local legislatures as of 2014. In addition, in 2014, newly sworn in Foreign Minister Margot Wallström announced a feminist foreign policy.