Mexican-American women's fashion

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Fashion is known to be a form of expression throughout many cultures, just like the Mexican American culture. Over the decades Mexican American women's fashion evolved to celebrate beauty and fashion standards of the day. However, such evolution wasn't often well seen by society, instead it was often deemed non-normative or un-American. This style evolution started in the 1920s with American influence creating the Pelonas, the 1940s when the Pachuca culture came to be, and later evolved into the Chicanas in the 70s and the Cholas in the 90s.

Contents

Pelonas - 20s

Las Pelonas, meaning "the shorthaired/bald girls," is a style that emerged in the U.S-Mexico borderlands during the early 20th century and served as a form of rebellion against traditional gender roles and societal expectations. [1] [2] [3] The name refers to the bobbed haircuts that these women had. [1] This style, characterized by short haircuts, masculine clothing, and bold accessories, challenged the media's perception of femininity and empowered women to express themselves. [3] By rejecting restrictive dress codes, Las Pelonas created a new standard for female fashion that celebrated individuality and self-expression. [2] The media would often use the recognizability of the pelona image to perpetuate negative stereotypes. [3] This led to violence in the streets directed towards las pelonas for their choice of fashion. [1]

Maria Santibanez, "sin titulo" "no title".jpg
María Santibáñez, “sin título”

Etymology

In the 1920’s, pelonas were 15-25-year-old women who were known for their adaptation of the American flapper. [4] Popular American actresses appearing in Spanish-language media and American consumerism began to influence young Chicanas into a new Americanized style. [5] This style is defined by short-bobbed hair, scarlet lips, and short dresses, which conflicted with traditional expectations of Chicana women. [5] [4] [6] Pelonas preferred an elegant masculine look suitable for sports, driving, and shopping. [5] [4] It allowed them to move more freely and comfortably than the restrictive corsets and long skirts of previous eras. [4] This era also saw the widespread purchasing of manufactured products, which let women save time on sewing clothes for their family, and this created more time for leisure activities. This embracement of consumerism is a marker of the pelona identity, which upset conservatives who favored traditional ways of living. [5] The bobbed haircut was heavily criticized, because it was seen as a threat to endangered indigenous culture and the femininity of Chicana women. [7] The bold use of cosmetics were previously only commonly used by sex workers, which led to critics comparing their application to a painted pinata; however, makeup products were used in barrio beauty pageants where young women were supported by local organizations, like churches, labor unions, and newspapers, for emphasizing their physical appearance. [5] [8] [9]  Pelonas’ preferences for makeup, attire, and disposition were also criticized and seen as a rejection of obligatory feminine purity. [4] [9] The U.S-Mexico borderlands create unique cultural and social dynamics for Chicana women. [4] [8] [9] Chicano social scientists have characterized this role as “the glue that keeps the Chicano family together” and “the guardians of traditional culture.” [8]

Media depictions

Media depictions of pelonas’ style influenced how society viewed them. [10] Newspapers would often mock pelonas in comic strips that depicted them as morally bankrupt, greedy, or dirty through the power of their image. [10] Jose Posada created “Catrina Calaveras” in 1912 as a political satire image of wealthy Mexican elite. [11] After his death, the metal print press for his work was recycled to create “El Pantheon de Las Pelonas” in 1924, which inspired Diego Rivera to start incorporating calaveras in his work; thus, using the pelona style to create the iconic images for Día de Los Muertos. [12] The playful humor when depicting pelonas became bitter contempt. The media used to mock pelonas resulted in dehumanizing them into a few sexual signifiers. [10] This dehumanization resulted in the 1924 summer incident in Mexico City where a group of male students attacked pelonas by throwing water on them and shaving their heads. [13] This attack was done to express their distaste for the style and to chastise pelonas for their intrusion into public male-dominated spaces. [14] [13] Pelonas carved out a unique space for themselves that did not fit into any existing figures of femininity. [15] The image was powerful enough to cross borders and, most influentially, it was available for those who are nonliterate. [15] [14] The style lost popularity in the 1930’s depression and some people celebrated the ‘death’ of las pelonas as a sign of a return to tradition; however, thirty years later Pachuca’s would continue to challenge gender norms. [10] [13]    

Brown Beret at a protest Rocking the Brown Beret 1994 (35320820032).jpg
Brown Beret at a protest

Pachucas - 40s

Pachucas were second generation Mexican Americans, characterized for their Zoot suits and how they used fashion in order to express their sexuality, individuality, class and race. The efforts these women made to claim public space through their characteristic style was not well seen in society at the time, especially due to the repercussions WWII had on society. Prior and during the WWII era, Mexican American women had excluded from cultural categories such as “American,” “lady,” and “patriot” despite their attempts to belong to such categories, the Pachuca style was another attempt to fit into society, but in their own way, they took conventional clothing styles and added their own touch. [16] [17] Their style consisted of zoot suits, which consisted of an oversized coat with shoulder pads, and an option between oversized pants or fitted skirts; as for their makeup and hair, it consisted of the heavy use of mascara and lipstick, they also liked wearing high pompadour and flowers on their hair. [16] [17] During this time, it was expected for everyone to present a united front as the country was faced with the crisis brought upon by WWII. Pachucas were considered individualistic figures based their use of fashion; their extravagant outfits caused them to stand out and call attention to themselves and show that they too had class and that they were also able to afford expensive clothing as were the zoot suits. [16] Unfortunately for the Pachucas, Zoot suits did not have the response they were expecting, society was quick to deem zoot suits as non-normative and a wrongful way of gender expression; Zoot suits were considered to be masculine clothing and went against the feminine ideals of the time, which is why Pachucas were often considered queer or homosexual. [16]

Chicanas - 70s

Chicanas arose around the time of the Civil rights movement and the Women's rights movement. Their Style was still strongly influenced by the American movie industry, during this time Mexican American women began to further break off of their conservative clothing style that was a part of their cultural norm, they started wearing jeans and rather tight clothing. This period of time was of great significance for Mexican American women because they started to speak up and express their opinions and desires, they started demanding their rights as a part of the American society. During this time Mexican American women were part of multiple protests and organizations such as the Brown Berets, the Chicano movement and Chicana feminism. [18] [17]

Cholas - 90s

The Chola style was a combination of styles and it was heavily influenced by the hip-hop culture, the Pachuca style and the gang culture. Cholas were characterized by their oversized clothing and flannel shirts as well as by the use of dark lip liners, dramatic eyeliner and thin eyebrows, and to top it off, an excessive use of hair spray. Overall, cholas had a tough girl look that resulted from all the hardships they had to face as minority group. Through their style they inspired fear, but their style was more than that, the chola style gave them a sense of belonging within their cultural environment which was heavily influenced by gang activity. [19] In one of the interviews conducted by M.G. Harris, one of the interviewees answered, “If you live where I live, you want to be a gang member”. [19] In order to become part of the gang, women had to adopt the manners and style of the other gang members. [19]

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Chicano</span> Ethnic identity of some Mexican Americans

Chicano or Chicana is an ethnic identity for Mexican Americans who have a non-Anglo self-image, embracing their Mexican Native ancestry. Chicano was originally a classist and racist slur used toward low-income Mexicans that was reclaimed in the 1940s among youth who belonged to the Pachuco and Pachuca subculture. In the 1960s, Chicano was widely reclaimed in the building of a movement toward political empowerment, ethnic solidarity, and pride in being of indigenous descent. Chicano developed its own meaning separate from Mexican American identity. Youth in barrios rejected cultural assimilation into the mainstream American culture and embraced their own identity and worldview as a form of empowerment and resistance. The community forged an independent political and cultural movement, sometimes working alongside the Black power movement.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Zoot Suit Riots</span> 1943 race riot by U.S. Armed Forces servicemen against Latino Americans in Los Angeles

The Zoot Suit Riots were a series of riots that took place from June 3–8, 1943, in Los Angeles, California, United States, involving American servicemen stationed in Southern California and young Latino and Mexican American city residents. It was one of the dozen wartime industrial cities that suffered race-related riots in the summer of 1943, along with Mobile, Alabama; Beaumont, Texas; Detroit, Michigan; and New York City.

<i>Cholo</i> Loosely-defined Spanish term that has had various meanings

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Zoot suit</span> Mens suit style of the 1940s

A zoot suit is a men's suit with high-waisted, wide-legged, tight-cuffed, pegged trousers, and a long coat with wide lapels and wide padded shoulders. It is most notable for its use as a cultural symbol among the Hepcat and Pachuco subcultures. Originating among African Americans it would later become popular with Mexican, Filipino, Italian, and Japanese Americans in the 1940s.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Pachuco</span> Anti-assimilationist Chicano counterculture from the late 1930s through the early 1960s

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Pachucas</span> Female Mexican American subculture

Pachucas were Mexican American women who wore zoot suits during World War II, also known as "cholitas", "slick chicks", and "lady zoot suiters". The suit was a symbol of rebellion due to the rationing of cloth for the war effort. Wearing the longer and loose-fitting jackets and pants was therefore seen as being unpatriotic. The zoot suit was the most salient identifying feature of "pachuquismo", a Mexican American youth subculture. This subculture emerged during a time of increased racism and the fight for Mexican American rights and equality within American society. Both men and women wore the fingertip coats, but for women it became more than just a style. Pachuca gangs, like the Black Widows and Slick Chicks, with their black drape jackets, tight skirts, fishnet stockings and heavily emphasized make-up, were ridiculed in the press. This was not just the case for pachuca women in gangs, but pachuca women in general. Participation in the movement was a way to openly challenge conventional notions of feminine beauty and sexuality, especially in Mexican culture.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Chicanafuturism</span>

The term Chicanafuturism was originated by scholar Catherine S. Ramírez which she introduced in Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies in 2004. The term is a portmanteau of 'chicana' and 'futurism', inspired by the developing movement of Afrofuturism. The word 'chicana' refers to a woman or girl of Mexican origin or descent. However, 'Chicana' itself serves as a chosen identity for many female Mexican Americans in the United States, to express self-determination and solidarity in a shared cultural, ethnic, and communal identity while openly rejecting assimilation. Ramírez created the concept of Chicanafuturism as a response to white androcentrism that she felt permeated science-fiction and American society. Chicanafuturism can be understood as part of a larger genre of Latino futurisms.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Cholo (subculture)</span> Mexican-American subculture

A cholo or chola is a member of a Chicano and Latino subculture or lifestyle associated with a particular set of dress, behavior, and worldview which originated in Los Angeles. A veterano or veterana is an older member of the same subculture. Other terms referring to male members of the subculture may include vato and vato loco. Cholo was first reclaimed by Chicano youth in the 1960s and emerged as a popular identification in the late 1970s. The subculture has historical roots in the Pachuco subculture, but today is largely equated with anti-social behavior, criminal behavior and gang activity.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Index of articles related to Mexican Americans</span>

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This is an alphabetical index of topics related to Hispanic and Latino Americans.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Gringo justice</span> Sociohistorical critical theory

Gringo justice is a sociohistorical critical theory developed by Chicano sociologist, lawyer, and activist Alfredo Mirandé in 1987, who used it to provide an alternative explanation for Chicano criminality in the United States and challenge the racist assumption that Chicanos were inherently criminal, or biologically, psychologically, or culturally predisposed to engage in criminal behavior. The theory is applied by Chicano and Latino scholars to explain the double standard of justice in the criminal justice system between Anglo-Americans and Chicanos/Latinos. The theory also challenges stereotypes of Chicanos/Latinos as "bandidos," "gang-bangers," and "illegal alien drug smugglers," which have historically developed and are maintained to justify social control over Chicano/Latino people in the US.

References

  1. 1 2 3 Beezley, William H. (2009). Mexicans in Revolution, 1910-1946: An Introduction. University of Nebraska Press. pp. 47–78.
  2. 1 2 Haney, Peter C. (1999-01-01). "Fantasía and Disobedient Daughters: Undistressing Genres and Reinventing Traditions in the Mexican American Carpa". Journal of American Folklore. 112 (445): 437–449. doi:10.2307/541371. hdl: 1808/9920 . ISSN   0021-8715. JSTOR   541371.
  3. 1 2 3 Montserrat-López, Maria-Feu (1 October 2015). "The U.S. Hispanic Flapper: Pelonas and Flapperismo in U.S. Spanish-Language Newspapers, 1920–1929". Studies in American Humor. doi:10.5325/studamerhumor.1.2.0192.
  4. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Ruvalcaba, Gerardo Contreras (2017). "La chica moderna, colaboradora de la liberación femenina: (de) construcción de la identidad femenina en el México de 1924 a 1936". Horizonte Histórico - Revista semestral de los estudiantes de la Licenciatura en Historia de la UAA (in Spanish) (14): 35–44. doi: 10.33064/hh.vi14.1454 . ISSN   2954-355X. S2CID   251487919.
  5. 1 2 3 4 5 Montserrat-López, Maria-Feu (1 October 2015). "The U.S. Hispanic Flapper: Pelonas and Flapperismo in U.S. Spanish-Language Newspapers, 1920–1929". Studies in American Humor. doi:10.5325/studamerhumor.1.2.0192.
  6. ↑ Ruiz, Vicki (2006). Building with our hands: New directions in chicana studies. Univ. of California Press. pp. 109–129.
  7. ↑ Mushro, Lauren (2017). "Frida Kahlo and the Feminine". Colloquium: The Political Science Journal of Boston College. ISSN   2476-2482.
  8. 1 2 3 Ruiz, Vicki (2008). From out of the Shadows Mexican women in Twentieth-century Americ. Oxford University Press. pp. 51–71.
  9. 1 2 3 Ramirez, C. S (2009). "The Woman in the Zoot Suit: Gender, Nationalism, and the Cultural Politics of Memory". Duke University Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctv1131895 – via JSTOR.
  10. 1 2 3 4 Montserrat-López, Maria-Feu (1 October 2015). "The U.S. Hispanic Flapper: Pelonas and Flapperismo in U.S. Spanish-Language Newspapers, 1920–1929". Studies in American Humor. doi:10.5325/studamerhumor.1.2.0192.
  11. ↑ shaimaje. "El Panteón de las Pelonas (The Graveyard of Bald Women) – Broadsides & Calaveras: Jos Guadalupe Posada" . Retrieved 2023-05-03.
  12. ↑ Jiménez, Teresa - Andreu (2018). "José Guadalupe Posada. Strokes of life and death" (PDF).
  13. 1 2 3 Porter, Susie S. (2022-01-07). "Towards a history of sexual harassment in the workplace, Mexico city (1920-1950)". Korpus 21: 117–132. doi: 10.22136/korpus21202272 . ISSN   2683-2682. S2CID   249997541.
  14. 1 2 Ruiz, Vicki (2008). From out of the Shadows Mexican women in Twentieth-century Americ. Oxford University Press. pp. 51–71.
  15. 1 2 Haney, Peter C. (1999-01-01). "Fantasía and Disobedient Daughters: Undistressing Genres and Reinventing Traditions in the Mexican American Carpa". Journal of American Folklore. 112 (445): 437–449. doi:10.2307/541371. hdl: 1808/9920 . ISSN   0021-8715. JSTOR   541371.
  16. 1 2 3 4 Ramírez, Catherine S. (2009). The Woman in the Zoot Suit. doi:10.1215/9780822388647. ISBN   978-0-8223-4286-1.
  17. 1 2 3 Ibarraran-Bigalondo, Amaia (2019-03-15). Mexican American Women, Dress, and Gender. Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780429024016. ISBN   978-0-429-02401-6. S2CID   189753867.
  18. ↑ Garcia, Alma M., ed. (2014-04-23). Chicana Feminist Thought. doi:10.4324/9780203760642. ISBN   9781134719747.
  19. 1 2 3 Harris, Mary G. (February 1994). "Cholas, Mexican-American girls, and gangs". Sex Roles. 30 (3–4): 289–301. doi:10.1007/bf01420995. ISSN   0360-0025. S2CID   143638164.
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