The Third World Women's Alliance (TWWA) was a revolutionary socialist organization for women of color active in the United States from 1968 to 1980. [1] It aimed at ending capitalism, racism, imperialism, and sexism and was one of the earliest groups advocating for an intersectional approach to women's oppression. Members of the TWWA argued that women of color faced a "triple jeopardy" of race, gender, and class oppression. The TWWA worked to address these intersectional issues, internationally and domestically, specifically focusing much of their efforts in Cuba. [2] Though the organization's roots lay in the black civil rights movement, it soon broadened its focus to include women of color in the US and developing nations.
During the second feminist wave, women of color were finished being left out of the mainstream feminist movement. The issues highlighted by the mainstream movement were not intersectional and did not encapsulate the lived experience of women of color. Even in campaigns focused on racial inequalities, women of color were pushed to the side of the male-dominated organizations in charge. These women of color became exasperated by fighting battles behind black men and white women who did not support their social and political issues. The disregard for intersectional issues led women of color, particularly black women in the beginning, to break off creating organizations of their own. [3] These groups were formed due to inadequate acceptance in white feminist spaces and the dismissal of women's issues in the black movements of the time. Through this lack of representation, the TWWA was born.
Initially, the TWWA was known as the Black Women's Liberation Committee (BWLC) and was created by black women within the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), including Frances Beal, in 1968. [4] The BWLC then became the Black Women's Alliance (BWA) when it became independent from SNCC. The BWA approached the problems that black women were facing with an intersectional lens. They focused on the fact that they experienced different oppression than black men because of their intersectional identity. The BWA found that other women of color, specifically Puerto Rican women, were experiencing this oppression, later coined "triple jeopardy." The BWA was finally transformed in 1970, and the Third World Women's Alliance was officially established. The organization reshaped its vision for its activism and coined the TWWA name. [3] The move to the TWWA was pursued because of the group's direct work with Puerto Rican feminists and the Chicana Movement. [5] The TWWA had West and East Coast branches that focused on different activities and components of the third-world feminist movement. [6]
The objectives of the TWWA and the white feminist movement differed significantly. The TWWA worked to widen what rights women were fighting for and gave women space to push political action. The TWWA was notably a part of many demonstrations and movements at the time, and it was documented thoroughly as a voice for women worldwide. [7] One of the uniting factors of the TWWA was the time was the idea of unity through difference. Women came from different backgrounds but shared their struggles of compounding oppression.
TWAA was the cornerstone of intersectional feminist organizations and bolstered third-world feminist theory, particularly through cofounder Frances Beal. Her pamphlet, Double Jeopardy: To Be Black and Female, notably added to the work of the TWWA. This work and other work of the TWWA fought against the prior notion that oppression was felt the greatest through sexism. Oppression internationally was a combination of factors such as race, class, and sex.
The TWWA participated in many marches and demonstrations, even sending a delegation to the United Nations' World Conference on Women in 1975. [8] One of the most notable demonstrations they participated in was the Women's Strike for Equality march because of the barrier to entry they faced. This march was held in 1970 and was one of the largest equal rights demonstrations to date. It resulted from a call to action by Betty Friedan and was attended by over 50,000 women. Every kind of feminist group was represented and standing together, even if their values differed. The TWWA went to march alongside all the different factions of the feminist movement and were turned away because they carried a banner with the phrase "Free Angela Davis." The parade coordinator told them that they were not allowed to march because their message and ideals did not belong among the feminist groups in the march. Angela Davis was a symbol for the TWWA because of her focus on the fight against oppression based on race, sex, and class. [9] [10] This refusal of entry was a clear sign of racism within the mainstream movement. The TWWA understood that many leaps had been made toward women's rights, but also saw the intersectional issues facing third-world women.
In 1971, the New York chapter began publishing the TWWA newspaper Triple Jeopardy, to stress the ideological connections between capitalist exploitation, global imperialism, and the oppression of women of color. [11] [4] The first issue of Triple Jeopardy asserted that "the struggle against racism and imperialism must be waged simultaneously with the struggle for women's liberation" by "a strong independent socialist women's group." [12]
Each newspaper cover was printed with the title Triple Jeopardy: Racism, Imperialism, Sexism and included the TWWA emblem of the Venus symbol with a rifle piercing through it. The newspapers were put out monthly to raise awareness for problems such as sterilization abuse of Chicana women, colonialism in Puerto Rico, labor unionization, mass incarceration, and many other intersectional issues. The newspaper issues contained articles, images, poetry, and a "news brief" highlighting important current events. Along with their third-world vision, each issue had articles in English and Spanish. In the same issue, some articles were printed twice, in both languages. This inclusion of bilingual text ensured that more women could access and learn from the information presented. [13]
Triple oppression, also called double jeopardy, Jane Crow, or triple exploitation, is a theory developed by black socialists in the United States, such as Claudia Jones. The theory states that a connection exists between various types of oppression, specifically classism, racism, and sexism. It hypothesizes that all three types of oppression need to be overcome at once.
Audre Lorde was an American writer, womanist, radical feminist, professor, philosopher and civil rights activist. She was a self-described "black, lesbian, feminist, socialist, mother, warrior, poet," who "dedicated both her life and her creative talent to confronting and addressing injustices of racism, sexism, classism, and homophobia."
Postcolonial feminism is a form of feminism that developed as a response to feminism focusing solely on the experiences of women in Western cultures and former colonies. Postcolonial feminism seeks to account for the way that racism and the long-lasting political, economic, and cultural effects of colonialism affect non-white, non-Western women in the postcolonial world. Postcolonial feminism originated in the 1980s as a critique of feminist theorists in developed countries pointing out the universalizing tendencies of mainstream feminist ideas and argues that women living in non-Western countries are misrepresented.
Oppression is malicious or unjust treatment or exercise of power, often under the guise of governmental authority or cultural opprobrium. It is related to regimentation, class society and punishment. Oppression may be overt or covert, depending on how it is practiced. Oppression refers to discrimination when the injustice does not target and may not directly afflict everyone in society but instead targets or disproportionately impacts specific groups of people.
Lesbian feminism is a cultural movement and critical perspective that encourages women to focus their efforts, attentions, relationships, and activities towards their fellow women rather than men, and often advocates lesbianism as the logical result of feminism. Lesbian feminism was most influential in the 1970s and early 1980s, primarily in North America and Western Europe, but began in the late 1960s and arose out of dissatisfaction with the New Left, the Campaign for Homosexual Equality, sexism within the gay liberation movement, and homophobia within popular women's movements at the time. Many of the supporters of Lesbianism were actually women involved in gay liberation who were tired of the sexism and centering of gay men within the community and lesbian women in the mainstream women's movement who were tired of the homophobia involved in it.
Intersectionality is an analytical framework for understanding how a person's various social and political identities combine to create different modes of discrimination and privilege. Intersectionality identifies multiple factors of advantage and disadvantage. Examples of these factors include gender, caste, sex, race, ethnicity, class, sexuality, religion, disability, weight, and physical appearance. These intersecting and overlapping social identities may be both empowering and oppressing. However, little good-quality quantitative research has been done to support or undermine the theory of intersectionality.
Transnational feminism refers to both a contemporary feminist paradigm and the corresponding activist movement. Both the theories and activist practices are concerned with how globalization and capitalism affect people across nations, races, genders, classes, and sexualities. This movement asks to critique the ideologies of traditional white, classist, western models of feminist practices from an intersectional approach and how these connect with labor, theoretical applications, and analytical practice on a geopolitical scale.
Black feminism, also known as Afro-feminism chiefly outside the United States, is a branch of feminism that centers around black women.
Chicana feminism is a sociopolitical movement, theory, and praxis that scrutinizes the historical, cultural, spiritual, educational, and economic intersections impacting Chicanas and the Chicana/o community in the United States. Chicana feminism empowers women to challenge institutionalized social norms and regards anyone a feminist who fights for the end of women's oppression in the community.
"Double Jeopardy: To Be Black and Female" is a 1969 Feminist pamphlet written by Frances M. Beal that critiques capitalism, reproductive rights, as well as social politicalization and its effects on the black women identity and community. Beal's essay talks about the misconceptions and troubles that occur when trying to analyze the role of a black woman in society. The pamphlet covers many different aspects of life and the levels of oppression placed upon black women in the areas of capitalism, race, and gender. Additionally, the pamphlet includes principles outlined by The Third World Women’s Alliance (TWWA). In 1970 the pamphlet was revised then published in The Black Woman, an anthology edited by Toni Cade Bambara in 1970. A revised version was included in the 1970 anthology Sisterhood is Powerful: An Anthology of Writings From The Women's Liberation Movement, edited by Robin Morgan.
Frances M. Beal, also known as Fran Beal, is a Black feminist and a peace and justice political activist. Her focus has predominantly been regarding women's rights, racial justice, anti-war and peace work, as well as international solidarity. Beal was a founding member of the SNCC Black Women's Liberation Committee, which later evolved into the Third World Women's Alliance. She is most widely known for her publication, “Double Jeopardy: To Be Black and Female", which theorizes the intersection of oppression between race, class, and gender. Beal currently lives in Oakland, California.
The Combahee River Collective (CRC) ( kəm-BEE) was a Black feminist lesbian socialist organization active in Boston, Massachusetts from 1974 to 1980. The Collective argued that both the white feminist movement and the Civil Rights Movement were not addressing their particular needs as Black women and more specifically as Black lesbians. Racism was present in the mainstream feminist movement, while Delaney and Manditch-Prottas argue that much of the Civil Rights Movement had a sexist and homophobic reputation.
A variety of movements of feminist ideology have developed over the years. They vary in goals, strategies, and affiliations. They often overlap, and some feminists identify themselves with several branches of feminist thought.
Feminist Digital Humanities is a more recent development in the field of Digital Humanities, a project incorporating digital and computational methods as part of its research methodology. Feminist Digital Humanities has risen partly because of recent criticism of the propensity of Digital Humanities to further patriarchal or hegemonic discourses in the Academy. Women are rapidly dominating social media in order to educate people about feminist growth and contributions. Research proves the rapid growth of Feminist Digital Humanities started during the post-feminism era around from the 1980s to 1990s. Such feminists’ works provides examples through the text technology, social conditions of literature and rhetorical analysis. Feminist Digital Humanities is aimed to identify and explore women's sense of writing as well as to prove widespread of women's work in most of the digital archive.
Multiple jeopardy is the theory that the various factors of one's identity that lead to discrimination or oppression, such as gender, class, or race, have a multiplicative effect on the discrimination that person experiences. The term was coined by Dr. Deborah K. King in 1988 to account for the limitations of the double or triple jeopardy models of discrimination, which assert that every unique prejudice has an individual effect on one's status, and that the discrimination one experiences is the additive result of all of these prejudices. Under the model of multiple jeopardy, it is instead believed that these prejudices are interdependent and have a multiplicative relationship; for this reason, the "multiple" in its name refers not only to the various forms of prejudices that factor into one's discrimination but also to the relationship between these prejudices. King used the term in relation to multiple consciousness, or the ability of a victim of multiple forms of discrimination to perceive how those forms work together, to support the validity of the black feminist and other intersectional causes.
Multiracial feminist theory is promoted by women of color, including Black, Latina, Asian, Native American, and anti-racist white women. In 1996, Maxine Baca Zinn and Bonnie Thornton Dill wrote “Theorizing Difference from Multiracial Feminism," a piece emphasizing intersectionality and the application of intersectional analysis in feminist discourse.
White feminism is a term which is used to describe expressions of feminism which are perceived as focusing on white women but are perceived as failing to address the existence of distinct forms of oppression faced by ethnic minority women and women lacking other privileges. The term has been used to label and criticize theories that are perceived as focusing solely on gender-based inequality. Primarily used as a derogatory label, "white feminism" is typically used to reproach a perceived failure to acknowledge and integrate the intersection of other identity attributes into a broader movement which struggles for equality on more than one front. In white feminism, the oppression of women is analyzed through a single-axis framework, consequently erasing the identity and experiences of ethnic minority women the space. The term has also been used to refer to feminist theories perceived to focus more specifically on the experience of white, cisgender, heterosexual, able-bodied women, and in which the experiences of women without these characteristics are excluded or marginalized. This criticism has predominantly been leveled against the first waves of feminism which were seen as centered around the empowerment of white middle-class women in Western societies.
Feminism of the 99% is a contemporary, grassroots, radical feminist movement, which recognises intersectionality and advocates activism for and by all women - including those who have been overlooked by other feminist movements. It was proposed by a collective of prominent American feminists in an appeal published in Viewpoint Magazine in February 2017, and built upon the mobilisation of women seen in the 2017 Women's March in January. The appeal simultaneously called for an International Women's Strike on 8 March 2017. It is a successor to the accumulated intellectual legacy of feminist movements such as radical feminism, Marxist feminism, Black feminism and transnational/decolonial feminism, and asserts that gender oppression is not caused by a single factor, sexism. They insist that it is rather a multifaceted product of the intersections of sexism, racism, colonialism and capitalism.
Linda Burnham is an American journalist, activist, and leader in women's rights movements, particularly with organizations and projects serving and advocating for women of color.
Feminism and racism are highly intertwined concepts in intersectional theory, focusing on the ways in which women of color in the Western World experience both sexism and racism.