1804 Haitian massacre

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1804 Haiti massacre
Part of the aftermath of the Haitian Revolution
Manuel Lopez Lopez - Fue muerta y destroiada nel campo esta infelir p. haver resistido alos deseos brutales de los negros y el nino pererio de hambre asulado buscando el becho yerto desu madre.jpg
Engraving depicting a killing during the massacre
Location First Empire of Haiti
DateFebruary 1804 (1804-02)– 22 April 1804;219 years ago (1804-04-22)
Target European people (predominantly French people), mulattoes
Attack type
 Massacre, genocide [1]
Deaths3,000–5,000
InjuredUnknown
PerpetratorsArmy of Jean-Jacques Dessalines

The 1804 Haiti massacre, sometimes referred to as the Haitian genocide, [1] [2] [3] was carried out by Afro-Haitian soldiers, mostly former slaves, under orders from Jean-Jacques Dessalines against much of the remaining European population in Haiti, which mainly included French people. [4] [5] The Haitian Revolution defeated the French army in November 1803 and the Haitian Declaration of Independence happened on 1 January 1804. [6] From February 1804 [7] until 22 April 1804, squads of soldiers moved from house to house throughout Haiti, torturing and killing entire families. [8] Between 3,000 and 5,000 people were killed. [7]

Contents

The massacre excluded surviving Polish Legionnaires, who had defected from the French legion to become allied with the enslaved Africans, as well as the Germans who did not take part of the slave trade. They were instead granted full citizenship under the constitution and classified them as Noir, the new ruling ethnicity. [9] [ page needed ]

Nicholas Robins, Adam Jones, and Dirk Moses theorize that the executions were a "subaltern genocide", in which an oppressed group uses genocidal means to destroy its oppressors. [10] [11] Philippe Girard has suggested the threat of reinvasion and reinstatement of slavery as some of the reasons for the massacre. [12]

Throughout the early-to-mid nineteenth century, the events of the massacre were well known in the United States. Additionally, many Saint Dominican refugees moved from Saint-Domingue to the U.S., settling in New Orleans, Charleston, New York, Baltimore, and other coastal cities. These events spurred fears of potential uprisings in the Southern U.S. and they also polarized public opinion on the question of the abolition of slavery. [13] [14]

Background

Slavery

Henri Christophe's personal secretary, [15] [16] who was enslaved for much of his life, attempted to explain the incident by referencing the cruel treatment of black slaves by white slaveholders in Saint-Domingue: [17]

Have they not hung up men with heads downward, drowned them in sacks, crucified them on planks, buried them alive, crushed them in mortars? Have they not forced them to consume faeces? And, having flayed them with the lash, have they not cast them alive to be devoured by worms, or onto anthills, or lashed them to stakes in the swamp to be devoured by mosquitoes? Have they not thrown them into boiling cauldrons of cane syrup? Have they not put men and women inside barrels studded with spikes and rolled them down mountainsides into the abyss? Have they not consigned these miserable blacks to man-eating dogs until the latter, sated by human flesh, left the mangled victims to be finished off with bayonet and poniard?

Haitian Revolution

"Burning of the Plaine du Cap - Massacre of whites by the blacks." On August 22, 1791, slaves set fire to plantations, torched cities and massacred the white population. Incendie de la Plaine du Cap. - Massacre des Blancs par les Noirs. FRANCE MILITAIRE. - Martinet del. - Masson Sculp - 33.jpg
"Burning of the Plaine du Cap – Massacre of whites by the blacks." On August 22, 1791, slaves set fire to plantations, torched cities and massacred the white population.

In 1791, a man of Jamaican origin named Dutty Boukman became the leader of the enslaved Africans held on a large plantation in Cap-Français. [18] In the wake of the French Revolution, he planned to massacre all the French living in Cap-Français. [18] On 22 August 1791, the enslaved Africans descended on Le Cap, where they destroyed the plantations and executed all the French who lived in the region. [18] King Louis XVI was accused of indifference to the massacre, while the slaves seemed to think the king was on their side. [19] In July 1793, the French in Les Cayes were massacred. [20]

Despite the French proclamation of emancipation, the blacks sided with the Spanish who came to occupy the region. [21] In July 1794, Spanish forces stood by while the black troops of Jean-François massacred the French whites in Fort-Dauphin. [21]

Philippe Girard writes that genocide was openly considered as a strategy by both sides in the conflict. [22] White forces sent by Napoleon Bonaparte committed massacres but were defeated before they could accomplish genocide, while an army under Jean-Jacques Dessalines, composed mainly of former slaves, was able to wipe out the white Haitian population. [22] Girard describes five main factors leading to the massacre, which he describes as a genocide: (1) Haitian soldiers were influenced by the French Revolution to justify murder and large-scale massacres on ideological grounds; (2) economic interests motivated French planters to want to quell the uprising, as well as influencing former slaves to want to kill the planters and take ownership of the plantations; (3) a slave revolt had been ongoing for more than a decade, and was itself a reaction to a century of brutal colonial rule, making violent death commonplace and therefore easier to accept; (4) the massacre was a form of class warfare in which former slaves were able to take revenge against their former masters; and (5) the last stages of the war became a racial conflict pitting whites against blacks and mulattoes, in which racial hatred, dehumanization, and conspiracy theories all facilitated genocide. [22]

Dessalines came to power after France's defeat and subsequent evacuation from what was previously known as Saint-Domingue. In November 1803, three days after Rochambeau's forces surrendered, Dessalines ordered the execution of 800 French soldiers who had been left behind due to illness during the evacuation. [23] [24] He did guarantee the safety of the remaining white civilian population. [25] [ page needed ] [26] However, Jeremy Popkin writes that statements by Dessalines such as "There are still French on the island, and still you considered yourselves free," spoke of a hostile attitude toward the remaining white minority. [23]

Rumors about the white population suggested that they would try to leave the country to convince foreign powers to invade and reintroduce slavery. Discussions between Dessalines and his advisers openly suggested that the white population should be put to death for the sake of national security. Whites trying to leave Haiti were prevented from doing so. [24]

On 1 January 1804, Dessalines proclaimed Haiti an independent nation. [27] Mid-February, Dessalines told some cities (Léogâne, Jacmel, Les Cayes) to prepare for mass massacres. [24] On 22 February 1804, he signed a decree ordering that all whites in all cities should be put to death. [28] The weapons used should be silent weapons such as knives and bayonets rather than gunfire, so that the killing could be done more quietly, and avoid warning intended victims by the sound of gunfire and thereby giving them the opportunity to escape. [29]

Massacre

An 1806 engraving of Jean-Jacques Dessalines. It depicts the general, sword raised in one arm, while the other holds the severed head of a white woman. Manuel Lopez Lopez Iodibo - Desalines - Huyes del valor frances, pero matando blancos.jpg
An 1806 engraving of Jean-Jacques Dessalines. It depicts the general, sword raised in one arm, while the other holds the severed head of a white woman.

During February and March, Dessalines traveled among the cities of Haiti to assure himself that his orders were carried out. Despite his orders, the massacres were often not carried out until he visited the cities in person. [23]

The course of the massacre showed an almost identical pattern in every city he visited. Before his arrival, there were only a few killings, despite his orders. [30] When Dessalines arrived, he first spoke about the atrocities committed by former white authorities, such as Rochambeau and Leclerc, after which he demanded that his orders about mass killings of the area's white population should be put into effect. Reportedly, he ordered the unwilling to take part in the killings, especially men of mixed race, so that the blame should not be placed solely on the black population. [31] [32] Mass killings took place on the streets and on places outside the cities.

In Port-au-Prince, only a few killings had occurred in the city despite the orders. After Dessalines arrived on 18 March, the number of killings escalated. According to a merchant captain, about 800 people were killed in the city, while about 50 survived. [32] On 18 April 1804, Dessalines arrived at Cap-Haïtien. Only a handful of killings had taken place there before his arrival, but the killings escalated to a massacre on the streets and outside the city after his arrival. Sources created at the time stated that 3,000 people were killed in Cap-Haïtien; Philippe Girard writes that this figure was unrealistic as in the post-evacuation of the French people the settlement had only 1,700 white people. [32]

Before his departure from a city, Dessalines would proclaim an amnesty for all the whites who had survived in hiding during the massacre. When these people left their hiding place however, most (French) were killed as well. [32] Many[ quantify ]whites were, however, hidden and smuggled out to sea by foreigners. [32] However, there were notable exceptions to the ordered killings. A contingent of Polish defectors were given amnesty and granted Haitian citizenship for their renouncement of French allegiance and support of Haitian independence. Dessalines referred to the Poles as "the White Negroes of Europe", as an expression of his solidarity and gratitude. [33]

The French, who were one of the two main targets of the 1804 Haiti Massacre that Dessalines and his company specifically declared a massacre on, [12] made up the overwhelming majority of the white population. Dessalines' secretary Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre complained that the declaration of independence was not aggressive enough, saying that "...we should have the skin of a white man for parchment, his skull for an inkwell, his blood for ink, and a bayonet for a pen!", [12] Dessalines later himself specifically pledged to "kill every Frenchman who soils the land of freedom with his sacrilegious presence." [12]

The people chosen to be killed were targeted primarily based on three criteria: "skin color, citizenship and vocation." While some whites, such as Poles and Germans who were granted citizenship and "a few non-French veterans and American merchants, along with some useful professionals such as priests and doctors" were spared, political affiliation was not considered. [12] The white victims were almost entirely French, commensurate with their share in the white population of Haiti. About his targets of the massacre, Dessalines' slogan exemplified his mission to eradicate the white population with the saying "Break the eggs, take out the [sic] yoke [a pun on the word 'yellow' which means both yoke and mulatto] and eat the white." [12] Upper class whites were not the only target; any white of any socioeconomic status was also to be killed, including the urban poor known as petits blancs. [34] During the massacre, stabbing, beheading, and disemboweling were common. [35] [ page needed ]

In parallel to the killings, plundering and rape also occurred. As elsewhere, the majority of the women were initially not killed, and the soldiers were reportedly somewhat hesitant to do so. Dessalines's advisers, however, pointed out that the white Haitians would not disappear if the women were left to give birth to white men, and after this, Dessalines ordered that the women should be killed as well, with the exception of those who agreed to marry non-white men. [30]

One of the most notorious of the massacre participants was Jean Zombi, a mulatto resident of Port-au-Prince who was known for his brutality. One account describes how Zombi stopped a white man on the street, stripped him naked, and took him to the stair of the Presidential Palace, where he killed him with a dagger. Dessalines was reportedly among the spectators; he was said to be "horrified" by the episode. [36] In Haitian Vodou tradition, the figure of Jean Zombi has become a prototype for the zombie. [37] [ contradictory ]

At the conclusion of the slaughter, Dessalines reportedly stated: "I will go to my grave happy. We have avenged our brothers. Haiti has become a blood-red spot on the face of the globe!" [35]

Aftermath

Effects in Haiti

By the end of April 1804, some 3,000 to 5,000 people had been killed [38] and the white Haitians were practically eradicated, excluding a select group of whites who were given amnesty. Those spared consisted of the Polish ex-soldiers who were given Haitian citizenship for helping black Haitians in fights against white colonialists; a small group of German colonists invited to the north-west region before the revolution; and a group of medical doctors and professionals. [23] Reportedly, also people with connections to officers in the Haitian army were spared, as well as the women who agreed to marry non-white men. [38]

Dessalines did not try to hide the massacre from the world. [39] In an official proclamation of 8 April 1804, he stated, "We have given these true cannibals war for war, crime for crime, outrage for outrage. Yes, I have saved my country, I have avenged America." [23] He referred to the massacre as an act of national authority. Dessalines regarded the elimination of the white Haitians an act of political necessity, as they were regarded as a threat to the peace between the black and the free people of color. It was also regarded as a necessary act of vengeance. [38] Dessalines' secretary Boisrond-Tonnerre stated, "For our declaration of independence, we should have the skin of a white man for parchment, his skull for an inkwell, his blood for ink, and a bayonet for a pen!" [40]

Dessalines was eager to assure that Haiti was not a threat to other nations. He directed efforts to establish friendly relations also to nations where slavery was still allowed. [41]

In the 1805 constitution, all citizens were defined as "black". [42] The constitution also banned white men from owning land, except for people already born or born in the future to white women who were naturalized as Haitian citizens and the Germans and Poles who got Haitian citizenship. [38] [43] The massacre had a long-lasting effect on the view of the Haitian Revolution. It contributed to a legacy of racial hostility in Haitian society. [42]

Girard writes in his book Paradise Lost: "Despite all of Dessalines' efforts at rationalization, the massacres were as inexcusable as they were foolish." [39] Trinidadian historian C. L. R. James concurred with this view in his breakthrough work The Black Jacobins , writing that "the unfortunate country... was ruined economically, its population lacking in social culture, [and] had its difficulties doubled by this massacre". James wrote that the massacre was "not policy but revenge, and revenge has no place in politics". [44]

Philippe Girard wrote that "when the genocide was over, Haiti's white population was virtually non-existent." [45] Citing Girard, Nicholas Robins, and Adam Jones describe the massacre as a "subaltern genocide" in which a previously disadvantaged group used a genocide to destroy their previous oppressors. [10]

Effect on American society

At the time of the American Civil War, a major pretext for Southern whites, most of whom did not own slaves, to support slave owners (and ultimately fight for the Confederacy) was fear of a genocide similar to the Haitian massacre of 1804. [46] The perceived failure of abolition in Haiti and Jamaica were explicitly referred to in Confederate discourse as a reason for secession. [47] The slave revolt was a prominent theme in the discourse of Southern political leaders and had influenced U.S. public opinion since the events took place. Historian Kevin Julius writes:

As abolitionists loudly proclaimed that "All men are created equal", echoes of armed slave insurrections and racial genocide sounded in Southern ears. Much of their resentment towards the abolitionists can be seen as a reaction to the events in Haiti. [13]

In the run-up to the U.S. presidential election of 1860, Roger B. Taney, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, wrote "I remember the horrors of St. Domingo" and said that the election "will determine whether anything like this is to be visited upon our own southern countrymen." [14]

Abolitionists recognized the strength of this argument on public opinion in both the North and South. In correspondence to the New York Times in September 1861 (during the war), an abolitionist named J. B. Lyon addressed this as a prominent argument of his opponents:

We don't know any better than to imagine that emancipation would result in the utter extinction of civilization in the South, because the slave-holders, and those in their interest, have persistently told us ... and they always instance the 'horrors of St. Domingo.' [48]

Lyon argued, however, that the abolition of slavery in the various Caribbean colonies of the European empires before the 1860s showed that an end to slavery could be achieved peacefully. [49]

Academic study

Girard writes that the 1804 massacres must be understood in their specific, Haitian context. He classifies the massacres as a genocide, and contrasts them with their historical counterparts. The Haitian massacres "lack the moral clarity typically associated with genocide," he says, because the French colonists had abused Black Haitians and would have carried out their own genocide had they won the conflict. Girard contrasts this with the Holocaust and other genocides perpetrated by the dominant group in a society:

Haitian genocide, in contrast, was a form of revenge exacted by an oppressed group against those who dominated it, much like the Rwandan and Cambodian genocides.

Girard also contrasts the overt nature of the Haitian massacres and the willingness of leadership to take responsibility for and justify the massacres with the diffusion and obfuscation of responsibility by both rank and file participants and leaders in other genocides. [50]

See also

Related Research Articles

The recorded history of Haiti began in 1492, when the European captain and explorer Christopher Columbus landed on a large island in the region of the western Atlantic Ocean that later came to be known as the Caribbean. The western portion of the island of Hispaniola, where Haiti is situated, was inhabited by the Taíno and Arawakan people, who called their island Ayiti. The island was promptly claimed for the Spanish Crown, where it was named La Isla Española, later Latinized to Hispaniola. By the early 17th century, the French had built a settlement on the west of Hispaniola and called it Saint-Domingue. Prior to the Seven Years' War (1756–1763), the economy of Saint-Domingue gradually expanded, with sugar and, later, coffee becoming important export crops. After the war which had disrupted maritime commerce, the colony underwent rapid expansion. In 1767, it exported indigo, cotton and 72 million pounds of raw sugar. By the end of the century, the colony encompassed a third of the entire Atlantic slave trade.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Toussaint Louverture</span> Haitian general and revolutionary (1744–1803)

François-Dominique Toussaint Louverture also known as Toussaint L'Ouverture or Toussaint Bréda, was a Haitian general and the most prominent leader of the Haitian Revolution. During his life, Louverture first fought and allied with Spanish forces against Saint-Domingue Royalists, then joined with Republican France, becoming Governor-General-for-life of Saint-Domingue, and lastly fought against Bonaparte's republican troops. As a revolutionary leader, Louverture displayed military and political acumen that helped transform the fledgling slave rebellion into a revolutionary movement. Along with Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Louverture is now known as one of the "Fathers of Haiti".

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Jean-Jacques Dessalines</span> Haitian revolutionary and first ruler (1758–1806)

Jean-Jacques Dessalines was the first Haitian Emperor, and leader of the Haitian Revolution, and the first ruler of an independent Haiti under the 1805 constitution. Initially regarded as governor-general, Dessalines was later named Emperor of Haiti as Jacques I (1804–1806) by generals of the Haitian Revolutionary army and ruled in that capacity until being assassinated in 1806. He spearheaded the resistance against French massacres upon Haitians, and eventually became the architect of the 1804 Haitian Massacre against the remaining French residents of Haiti, including some supporters of the revolution. Alongside Toussaint Louverture, has been referred to as one of the fathers of the nation of Haiti.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Saint-Domingue</span> French colony on the isle of Hispaniola (1659–1804); present-day Haiti

Saint-Domingue was a French colony in the western portion of the Caribbean island of Hispaniola, in the area of modern-day Haiti, from 1697 to 1804. The name derives from the Spanish main city on the island, Santo Domingo, which came to refer specifically to the Spanish-held Captaincy General of Santo Domingo, now the Dominican Republic. The borders between the two were fluid and changed over time until they were finally solidified in the Dominican War of Independence in 1844.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Alexandre Pétion</span> 1st President of the Republic of Haiti (1807-18)

Alexandre Sabès Pétion was the first president of the Republic of Haiti from 1807 until his death in 1818. One of Haiti's founding fathers, Pétion belonged to the revolutionary quartet that also includes Toussaint Louverture, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, and his later rival Henri Christophe. Regarded as an excellent artilleryman in his early adulthood, Pétion would distinguish himself as an esteemed military commander with experience leading both French and Haitian troops. The 1802 coalition formed by him and Dessalines against French forces led by Charles Leclerc would prove to be a watershed moment in the decade-long conflict, eventually culminating in the decisive Haitian victory at the Battle of Vertières in 1803.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Haitian Revolution</span> 1791–1804 slave revolt in Saint-Domingue

The Haitian Revolution was a successful insurrection by self-liberated slaves against French colonial rule in Saint-Domingue, now the sovereign state of Haiti.

Étienne Polverel (1740–1795) was a French lawyer, aristocrat, and revolutionary. He was a member of the Jacobin club. In 1792, he and Léger Félicité Sonthonax were sent to Saint-Domingue to suppress the slave revolt and to implement the decree of April 4, 1792, that gave equality of rights to all free men, regardless of their color.

The Haitian Revolution (1791-1804) and the subsequent emancipation of Haiti as an independent state provoked mixed reactions in the United States. Among many white Americans, this led to uneasiness, instilling fears of racial instability on its own soil and possible problems with foreign relations and trade between the two countries. Among enslaved black Americans, it fueled hope that the principles of the recent American Revolution might be realized in their own liberation.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Androcide</span> Violence against men

Androcide is a term for the hate crime of systematically killing men, boys, or males in general because of their gender. Not all murders of men are androcides in the same way that not all murders of women are femicides. Androcides often happen during war or genocide. Men and boys are not solely targeted because of abstract or ideological hatred. Rather, male civilians are often targeted during warfare as a way to remove those considered to be potential combatants, and during genocide as a way to destroy the entire community.

The War of Knives, also known as the War of the South, was a civil war from June 1799 to July 1800 between the Haitian revolutionary Toussaint Louverture, a black ex-slave who controlled the north of Saint-Domingue, and his adversary André Rigaud, a mixed-race free person of color who controlled the south. Louverture and Rigaud fought over de facto control of the French colony of Saint-Domingue during the war. Their conflict followed the withdrawal of British forces from the colony earlier during the Haitian Revolution. The war resulted in Toussaint taking control of the entirety of Saint-Domingue, and Rigaud fleeing into exile.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Saint-Domingue expedition</span> French military expedition

The Saint-Domingue expedition was a large French military invasion sent by Napoleon Bonaparte, then First Consul, under his brother-in-law Charles Victor Emmanuel Leclerc in an attempt to regain French control of the Caribbean colony of Saint-Domingue on the island of Hispaniola, and curtail the measures of independence and abolition of slaves taken by the former slave Toussaint Louverture. It departed in December 1801 and, after initial success, ended in a French defeat at the Battle of Vertières and the departure of French troops in December 1803. The defeat forever ended Napoleon's dreams of a French empire in the West.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Haitian Declaration of Independence</span> Document declaring Haiti as an independent nation

The Haitian Declaration of Independence was proclaimed on 1 January 1804 in the port city of Gonaïves by Jean-Jacques Dessalines, marking the end of 13-year long Haitian Revolution. The declaration marked Haiti becoming the first independent nation of Latin America and only the second in the Americas after the United States.

Afro-Haitians or Black Haitians are Haitians who trace their full or partial ancestry to Sub-Saharan Africa. They form the largest racial group in Haiti and together with other Afro-Caribbean groups, the largest racial group in the region.

White Haitians, are Haitians of predominant or full European. There were approximately 20,000 whites around the Haitian Revolution, mainly French, in Saint-Domingue. They were divided into two main groups: The Planters and Petit Blancs. The first Europeans to settle in Haiti were the Spanish. The Spanish enslaved the indigenous Haitians to work on sugar plantations and in gold mines. European diseases such as measles and smallpox killed all but a few thousand of the indigenous Haitians. Many other indigenous Haitians died from overwork and harsh treatment in the mines from slavery. Many Europeans who settled in Haiti were killed or fled during the Haitian Revolution.

Polish Haitians are Haitian people of Polish ancestry dating to the early 19th century; a few may be Poles of more recent native birth who have gained Haitian citizenship. Cazale, a small village in the hills about 30 kilometres (19 mi) away from Port-au-Prince, is considered the main center of population of the ethnic Polish community in Haiti, but there are other villages as well. Cazale has descendants of surviving members of Napoleon's Polish Legionnaires which were forced into combat by Napoleon but later joined the Haitian slaves during the Haitian Revolution. Some 400 to 500 of these Poles are believed to have settled in Haiti after the war. They were given special status as Noir and full citizenship under the Haitian constitution by Jean-Jacques Dessalines, the first ruler of an independent Haiti.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Armée Indigène</span> 1791–1806 Haitian abolitionist rebels

The Indigenous Army, also known as the Army of Saint-Domingue was the name bestowed to the coalition of anti-slavery men and women who fought in the Haitian Revolution in Saint-Domingue. Encompassing both black slaves, maroons, and affranchis, the rebels were not officially titled the Armée indigène until January 1803, under the leadership of then-general Jean-Jacques Dessalines. Predated by insurrectionists such as François Mackandal, Vincent Ogé and Dutty Boukman, Toussaint Louverture, succeeded by Dessalines, led, organized, and consolidated the rebellion. The now full-fledged fighting force utilized its manpower advantage and strategic capacity to overwhelm French troops, ensuring the Haitian Revolution was the most successful of its kind.

During the Haitian Revolution (1791–1804), Haitian women of all social positions participated in the revolt that successfully ousted French colonial power from the island. In spite of their various important roles in the Haitian Revolution, women revolutionaries have rarely been included within historical and literary narratives of the slave revolts. However, in recent years extensive academic research has been dedicated to their part in the revolution.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Genocide justification</span> Attempts to claim genocide is a moral action

Genocide justification is the claim that a genocide is morally excusable/defensible, necessary, and/or sanctioned by law. Genocide justification differs from genocide denial, which is the attempt to reject the occurrence of genocide. Perpetrators often claim that genocide victims presented a serious threat, justifying their actions by stating it was legitimate self-defense of a nation or state. According to modern international criminal law, there can be no excuse for genocide. Genocide is often camouflaged as military activity against combatants, and the distinction between denial and justification is often blurred.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Saint-Domingue Creoles</span> Ethnic group native to Saint-Domingue

Saint-Domingue Creoles or simply Creoles, were the people who lived in the French colony of Saint-Domingue prior to the Haitian Revolution.

Moyse Hyacinthe L'Ouverture was a military leader in Saint-Domingue during the Haitian Revolution. Originally allied with Toussaint L'Ouverture, Moyse grew disillusioned with the minimal labor reform and land distribution for black former slaves under the L'Ouverture administration and lead a rebellion against Toussaint in 1801. Though executed, the insurrection he directed highlighted the failure of the Haitian Revolution in creating real revolutionary labor change and ignited the movement that drove L’Ouverture from office.

References

  1. 1 2 Girard (2005a), pp. 158–159.
  2. ↑ Moses & Stone (2013), p. 63.
  3. ↑ Forde (2020), p. 40.
  4. ↑ Rogers (2010), p. 353.
  5. ↑ Orizio (2001), pp. 149, 157–159.
  6. ↑ Sutherland, Claudia (16 July 2007). "Haitian Revolution (1791–1804)". Blackpast.org. Retrieved 17 June 2022.
  7. 1 2 Girard (2011), pp. 319–322.
  8. ↑ Danner (2009), p. 107.
  9. ↑ Girard (2011).
  10. 1 2 Robins, Nicholas A.; Jones, Adam, eds. (2009). Genocides by the Oppressed: Subaltern Genocide in Theory and Practice. Indiana University Press. p. 3. ISBN   978-0-2532-2077-6. The Great Rebellion and the Haitian slave uprising are two examples of what we refer to as 'subaltern genocide': cases in which subaltern actors—those objectively oppressed and disempowered—adopt genocidal strategies to vanquish their oppressors.
    See also: Jones, Adam (2013). "Subaltern genocide: Genocides by the oppressed". The Scourge of Genocide: Essays and Reflections. With Nicholas Robins. Routledge. p. 169. ISBN   978-1-1350-4715-3.
  11. ↑ Klävers (2019), p. 110.
  12. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Girard (2005a).
  13. 1 2 Julius, Kevin C. (2004). The abolitionist decade, 1829–1838 : a year-by-year history of early events in the antislavery movement. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland & Co. ISBN   0-7864-1946-6.[ page needed ]
  14. 1 2 Marcotte, Frank B. (2005). Six days in April : Lincoln and the Union in peril. New York: Algora Publishing. p. 171. ISBN   0-8758-6313-2.
  15. ↑ "Christophe's Kingdom and Pétion's Republic". Travelinghaiti.com. Retrieved 17 June 2022.
  16. ↑ Henley, Jon (14 January 2010). "Haiti: a long descent to hell". The Guardian . ISSN   0261-3077 . Retrieved 8 July 2023.
  17. ↑ Heinl, Michael; Heinl, Robert Debs; Heinl, Nancy Gordon (2005). Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492–1995 (Revised ed.). Lanham, Md; London: Univ. Press of America. ISBN   0-7618-3177-0.[ page needed ]
  18. 1 2 3 Cheuse, Alan (2002). Listening to the Page: Adventures in Reading and Writing . Columbia University Press. pp. 58–59. ISBN   978-0-231-12271-9.
  19. ↑ Douthwaite, Julia V. (2012). The Frankenstein of 1790 and Other Lost Chapters from Revolutionary France. University of Chicago Press. p. 110. ISBN   978-0-226-16058-0.
  20. ↑ Geggus, David (1989). "The Haitian Revolution" . In Knight, Franklin W.; Palmer, Colin A. (eds.). The Modern Caribbean. University of North Carolina Press. p. 32. ISBN   978-0-8078-4240-9.
  21. 1 2 Popkin, Jeremy D. (2007). Facing Racial Revolution: Eyewitness Accounts of the Haitian Insurrection. University of Chicago Press. p. 252. ISBN   978-0-226-67582-4.
  22. 1 2 3 Girard (2005a), abstract.
  23. 1 2 3 4 5 Popkin (2012), p. 137.
  24. 1 2 3 Girard (2011), p. 319.
  25. ↑ Dayan (1998).
  26. ↑ Shen (2008).
  27. ↑ Dayan (1998), pp. 3–4.
  28. ↑ Blancpain 2001, p. 7.
  29. ↑ Dayan (1998), p. 4.
  30. 1 2 Girard (2011), pp. 321–322.
  31. ↑ Dayan (1998), p. [ page needed ].
  32. 1 2 3 4 5 Girard (2011), p. 321.
  33. ↑ Buck-Morss, Susan (2009). Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History. University of Pittsburgh Press. pp. 75 ff. ISBN   978-0-8229-7334-8.
  34. ↑ Girard (2005a), p. 139.
  35. 1 2 Pezzullo, Ralph (2006). Plunging Into Haiti: Clinton, Aristide, and the Defeat of Diplomacy. Univ. Press of Mississippi. ISBN   978-1-60473-534-5.
  36. ↑ Dayan (1998), p. 36.
  37. ↑ Dayan (1998), pp. 35–38.
  38. 1 2 3 4 Girard (2011), p. 322.
  39. 1 2 Girard (2005b), p. 56.
  40. ↑ Independent Haiti, Library of Congress Country Studies.
  41. ↑ Girard (2011), p. 326.
  42. 1 2 Girard (2011), p. 325.
  43. ↑ 1805 Constitution of Haiti.
  44. ↑ James, C. L. R. (1989) [First published 1938]. The Black Jacobins; Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution (2nd ed.). New York: Vintage Books. pp. 373–374. ISBN   0-679-72467-2.
  45. ↑ Girard (2005a), p. 140.
  46. ↑ Summers, Mark Wahlgren (2014). The Ordeal of the Reunion: A New History of Reconstruction. Littlefield History of the Civil War Era. University of North Carolina Press. p. 12. ISBN   978-1-4696-1758-9.
  47. ↑ McCurry, Stephanie (2010). Confederate Reckoning: Power and Politics in the Civil War South. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. pp. 12–13. ISBN   978-0-6740-4589-7.
  48. ↑ Lyon, J. B. (6 September 1861). "What Shall be Done with the Slaves?" . The New York Times. p. 2. ISSN   0362-4331.
  49. ↑ Shen, Kona (9 December 2008). "Haitian Independence, 1804–1805". History of Haiti, 1492–1805. Brown University, Department of Africana Studies. Archived from the original on 3 May 2011. Retrieved 1 February 2012.
  50. ↑ Girard (2005a), p. 158-159.

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