Cambon letter

Last updated
The Cambon Letter Cambon Letter.jpg
The Cambon Letter

The Cambon letter was an unpublished letter by French diplomat Jules Cambon to Zionist diplomat Nahum Sokolow. It was issued by the French government in june 1917 during the First World War, announcing support for the Zionist project in Palestine, then an Ottoman region with a small minority Jewish population. It read:

You were good enough to present the project to which you are devoting your efforts, which has for its object the development of Jewish colonization in Palestine.You consider that, circumstances permitting, and the independence of the Holy Places being safeguarded on the other hand, it would be a deed of justice and of reparation to assist, by the protection of the Allied Powers, in the renaissance of the Jewish nationality in that Land from which the people of Israel were exiled so many centuries ago.
The French Government, which entered this present war to defend a people wrongfully attacked, and which continues the struggle to assure the victory of right over might, can but feel sympathy for your cause, the triumph of which is bound up with that of the Allies.

I am happy to give you herewith such assurance. [1]

It has been argued that the letter was a necessary precondition of the Balfour Declaration.

History

On 11 March 1916, in a telegram to the Russian and French ambassadors, Edward Grey put forward a proposal that the Allies together issue a public declaration supporting Jewish aspirations in Palestine. Verete, in his account of the developments leading up to this proposal, explains, "here is the root and source of the pro-Zionist policy of British governments until the Balfour Declaration" [2]

Historian Martin Kramer argues that securing the assent of Britain's French and American Allies, and of the Vatican, which controlled many Christian Holy Sites in the Land of Israel, was a necessary precondition for the Balfour Declaration. [3]

Both British diplomat Mark Sykes and French diplomat François Georges-Picot were in Petrograd at the time advising their ambassadors in the matter of securing Russian assent to the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement and its terms in regard to a future disposition of Palestine. There was little enthusiasm for the proposal on the part of either the French or the Russians. Brecher gives an account of French motivations and attitude to the question during the war years. [4]

There were few developments until the change of government in Britain although the need for accommodation with the French, intent on sticking by the terms of Sykes-Picot, remained. In a memorandum dated 21 April 1917, Lord Robert Cecil, who was deputizing for Arthur Balfour as Foreign Secretary during the Balfour Mission to America, [5] wrote that:

I quite recognise the very great difficult of carrying out the Zionist policy involving as it does a strong preference for a British protectorate over Palestine. That seems to me to make it the more desirable to get France to join us in an expression of sympathy for Jewish Nationalist aspirations. [6]

A trip to France and Italy had been organized for Mark Sykes, who had been appointed earlier in the year to lead negotiations with the Zionists, and Zionist diplomat Nahum Sokolow, during April and May 1917. They secured the assent of Pope Benedict XV on 4 May 1917. [3] Having met various French officials in April, they visited Italy and Sokolow secured the verbal support of Pope Benedict XV on 4 May 1917. [7] On his return to France, Sokolow was able to obtain the Cambon letter from the French commitment in written form, although it remained unpublished at the time. [3] The letter was apparently submitted to Ronald Graham by Sokolow; Picot was asked to come over to London by end of October to appear at a Cabinet meeting and explain the French position in relation to the Zionist movement. Kaufman cites Stein as considering it feasible the possibility that the document was not brought to the attention of Lord Balfour or that he forgot about its existence and also cites Verete as believing the document probably lost. [8]

Kramer gives more information as well as an analysis of the background and motivations for the Cambon letter and the post-Balfour Declaration endorsement by Pichon. [3]

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Balfour Declaration</span> British government statement of 1917

The Balfour Declaration was a public statement issued by the British Government in 1917 during the First World War announcing its support for the establishment of a "national home for the Jewish people" in Palestine, then an Ottoman region with a small minority Jewish population. The declaration was contained in a letter dated 2 November 1917 from the United Kingdom's Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour to Lord Rothschild, a leader of the British Jewish community, for transmission to the Zionist Federation of Great Britain and Ireland. The text of the declaration was published in the press on 9 November 1917.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Chaim Weizmann</span> Israeli statesman and British chemist (1874–1952)

Chaim Azriel Weizmann was a Russian-born biochemist, Zionist leader and Israeli statesman who served as president of the Zionist Organization and later as the first president of Israel. He was elected on 16 February 1949, and served until his death in 1952. Weizmann was instrumental in obtaining the Balfour Declaration and later convincing the United States government to recognize the newly formed State of Israel.

This is a partial timeline of Zionism in the modern era, since the start of the 16th century.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Sykes–Picot Agreement</span> Secret 1916 agreement between the United Kingdom and France

The Sykes–Picot Agreement was a 1916 secret treaty between the United Kingdom and France, with assent from the Russian Empire and the Kingdom of Italy, to define their mutually agreed spheres of influence and control in an eventual partition of the Ottoman Empire.

The McMahon–Hussein Correspondence is a series of letters that were exchanged during World War I in which the Government of the United Kingdom agreed to recognize Arab independence in a large region after the war in exchange for the Sharif of Mecca launching the Arab Revolt against the Ottoman Empire. The correspondence had a significant influence on Middle Eastern history during and after the war; a dispute over Palestine continued thereafter.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Homeland for the Jewish people</span> Idea rooted in Jewish history, religion and culture

A homeland for the Jewish people is an idea rooted in Jewish history, religion, and culture. The Jewish aspiration to return to Zion, generally associated with divine redemption, has suffused Jewish religious thought since the destruction of the First Temple and the Babylonian exile.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Churchill White Paper</span> 1922 British Policy in Palestine

The Churchill White Paper of 3 June 1922 was drafted at the request of Winston Churchill, then Secretary of State for the Colonies, partly in response to the 1921 Jaffa Riots. The official name of the document was Palestine: Correspondence with the Palestine Arab Delegation and the Zionist Organisation. The white paper was made up of nine documents and "Churchill's memorandum" was an enclosure to document number 5. While maintaining Britain's commitment to the Balfour Declaration and its promise of a Jewish national home in Mandatory Palestine, the paper emphasized that the establishment of a national home would not impose a Jewish nationality on the Arab inhabitants of Palestine. To reduce tensions between the Arabs and Jews in Palestine the paper called for a limitation of Jewish immigration to the economic capacity of the country to absorb new arrivals. This limitation was considered a great setback to many in the Zionist movement, though it acknowledged that the Jews should be able to increase their numbers through immigration rather than sufferance.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Faisal–Weizmann agreement</span> 1919 agreement

The Faisal–Weizmann agreement was signed by Emir Faisal, the third son of Hussein ibn Ali al-Hashimi, King of the short-lived Kingdom of Hejaz, and Chaim Weizmann, President of the Zionist Organization on 3 January 1919. Signed two weeks before the start of the Paris Peace Conference, it was presented by the Zionist delegation alongside a March 1919 letter written by T. E. Lawrence in Faisal's name to American Zionist leader Felix Frankfurter as two documents to argue that the Zionist plans for Palestine had prior approval of Arabs.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">King–Crane Commission</span> 1919 inquiry on the post-WWI Ottoman Empire

The King–Crane Commission, officially called the 1919 Inter-Allied Commission on Mandates in Turkey, was a commission of inquiry concerning the disposition of areas within the former Ottoman Empire.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Nahum Sokolow</span> Hebrew journalist, editor, essayist, and political leader (1859–1936)

Nahum ben Joseph Samuel Sokolow was a Zionist leader, author, translator, and a pioneer of Hebrew journalism.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Jules Cambon</span> French diplomat (1845–1935)

Jules-Martin Cambon was a French diplomat and brother of Paul Cambon. As the ambassador to Germany (1907–1914), he worked hard to secure a friendly détente. He was frustrated by French leaders such as Raymond Poincaré, who decided that Berlin was trying to weaken the Triple Entente of France, Russia and Britain and was not sincere in seeking peace. The French consensus was that war was inevitable.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Partition of the Ottoman Empire</span> Division of Ottoman territory after World War I

The partition of the Ottoman Empire was a geopolitical event that occurred after World War I and the occupation of Constantinople by British, French, and Italian troops in November 1918. The partitioning was planned in several agreements made by the Allied Powers early in the course of World War I, notably the Sykes–Picot Agreement, after the Ottoman Empire had joined Germany to form the Ottoman–German Alliance. The huge conglomeration of territories and peoples that formerly comprised the Ottoman Empire was divided into several new states. The Ottoman Empire had been the leading Islamic state in geopolitical, cultural and ideological terms. The partitioning of the Ottoman Empire after the war led to the domination of the Middle East by Western powers such as Britain and France, and saw the creation of the modern Arab world and the Republic of Turkey. Resistance to the influence of these powers came from the Turkish National Movement but did not become widespread in the other post-Ottoman states until the period of rapid decolonization after World War II.

The Declaration to the Seven was a document written by Sir Mark Sykes, approved by Charles Hardinge, the Permanent Under-Secretary at the Foreign Office and released on June 16, 1918 in response to a memorandum issued anonymously by seven Syrian notables in Cairo that included members of the soon to be formed Syrian Unity Party, established in the wake of the Balfour Declaration and the November 23, 1917 publication by the Bolsheviks of the secret May 1916 Sykes-Picot Agreement between Britain and France. The memorandum requested a "guarantee of the ultimate independence of Arabia". The Declaration stated the British policy that the future government of the regions of the Ottoman Empire occupied by Allies of World War I "should be based upon the principle of the consent of the governed".

The Third Aliyah refers to the third wave, or aliyah, of modern Jewish immigration to Palestine from Europe. This wave lasted from 1919, just after the end of World War I, until 1923, at the start of an economic crisis in Palestine.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Cairo Conference (1921)</span> Conference regarding British policy for the Middle East

The 1921 Cairo Conference, described in the official minutes as Middle East Conference held in Cairo and Jerusalem, March 12 to 30, 1921, was a series of meetings by British officials for examining and discussing Middle Eastern problems, and to frame a common policy. The secret conference of British experts created the blueprint for British control in both Iraq and Transjordan. By offering nominal leadership of those two regions to the sons of the Sharif of the Mecca, Churchill felt that the spirit if not the actual letter of Britain's wartime promises to the Arabs were fulfilled.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Zionist Commission</span>

Zionist Commission for Palestine was a commission chaired by Chaim Weizmann, president of the British Zionist Federation following British promulgation of the pro-Zionist, Balfour Declaration. The Commission was formed in March 1918 and went to Palestine to study conditions and submit recommendations to the British authorities.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Mark Sykes</span> British politician

Colonel Sir Tatton Benvenuto Mark Sykes, 6th Baronet was an English traveller, Conservative Party politician, and diplomatic advisor, particularly with regard to the Middle East at the time of the First World War.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Hogarth Message</span>

The Hogarth Message was a January 1918 message from Commander David Hogarth, head of the Arab Bureau in Cairo, to Hussein bin Ali, Sharif of Mecca, following Hussein's request for an explanation of the Balfour Declaration.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Mandate for Palestine</span> League of Nations mandate

The Mandate for Palestine was a League of Nations mandate for British administration of the territories of Palestine and Transjordan, both of which had been conceded by the Ottoman Empire following the end of World War I in 1918. The mandate was assigned to Britain by the San Remo conference in April 1920, after France's concession in the 1918 Clemenceau–Lloyd George Agreement of the previously agreed "international administration" of Palestine under the Sykes–Picot Agreement. Transjordan was added to the mandate after the Arab Kingdom in Damascus was toppled by the French in the Franco-Syrian War. Civil administration began in Palestine and Transjordan in July 1920 and April 1921, respectively, and the mandate was in force from 29 September 1923 to 15 May 1948 and to 25 May 1946 respectively.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Lodge–Fish Resolution</span>

The Lodge–Fish Resolution was a joint resolution of both houses of the US Congress that endorsed the British Mandate for Palestine. It was introduced in June 1922 by Hamilton Fish III, a Republican New York Representative, and Henry Cabot Lodge, a Republican Senator from Massachusetts.

References

  1. "French support for the Zionist cause in 1917". balfourproject.org. Balfour Project. September 2014. Retrieved 14 June 2017.
  2. Vereté, Mayir [in Hebrew] (1970). "The Balfour Declaration and Its Makers". Middle Eastern Studies. 6 (1). Taylor & Francis, Ltd.: 48–76. doi:10.1080/00263207008700138. JSTOR   4282307.
  3. 1 2 3 4 Kramer, Martin (12 June 2017). "How the Balfour Declaration Became Part of International Law". Mosaic . Retrieved 14 June 2017.
  4. Brecher, F.W. (1993). "French Policy toward the Levant". Middle Eastern Studies. 29 (4): 641–663. doi:10.1080/00263209308700971.
  5. Friedman, Isaiah, The Question of Palestine: British-Jewish-Arab Relations, 1914-1918, Transaction Publishers, pp. 150–, ISBN   978-1-4128-3868-9
  6. Sanders, Ronald (January 1984), The high walls of Jerusalem: a history of the Balfour Declaration and the birth of the British mandate for Palestine, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, p. 507, ISBN   978-0-03-053971-8
  7. Sokolow wrote a description of the meeting, which is held in the Central Zionist Archives, but no record exists in the Vatican. Minerbi, Sergio I. (1990). The Vatican and Zionism: Conflict in the Holy Land, 1895-1925. Oxford University Press. ISBN   978-0-19-505892-5.. Friedman sources the quote to "CZA, A 18/26, Report, dated 4 May 1917, on an interview with the Pope". The note of the conversation includes the following exchange:
    "His holiness: I am sure you did not come only as a matter of ceremony but as a representative of the Zionist idea. That has great significance. It refers to the rebuilding of Judea by the Jewish people — is that not so? What a historical turnabout. Nineteen hundred years ago Rome destroyed your country, and now, wanting to rebuilt it, you come to Rome.
    Sokolow: I am deeply moved by these historical memories, which are so apt. Allow me the liberty to add that the Rome that destroyed Judea was duly punished. It vanished, whereas not only do the Jewish people live on, they still have sufficient vitality to reclaim their land.
    His holiness: Yes, yes, it is providential; God has willed it."
    Minerbi, Sergio I. (1990). The Vatican and Zionism: Conflict in the Holy Land, 1895-1925. Oxford University Press. p. 110. ISBN   978-0-19-505892-5. The Vatican archives relating to this period do not contain any documents on these conversations, and as a result we are forced to rely solely on Sokolow's account of his talks at the Vatican. These reports are necessarily subjective and more than once, contradict the policy adopted by the Holy See. It is not unlikely that on occasion Sokolow heard what he wanted to hear
  8. Kaufman, Edy (2006). "The French pro-Zionist declarations of 1917–1918". Middle Eastern Studies. 15 (3): 374–407. doi:10.1080/00263207908700418.