Elections in Ghana

Last updated

Ghana elects on national level a head of state, the president, and a legislature. The president is elected for a four-year term by the people. [1] According to the constitution, each President can be elected for only two (four-year) terms after which they are no longer eligible to run for Presidency. The Parliament of Ghana has 275 members, elected for a four-year term in single-seat constituencies. [2] Unlike the Presidency, parliamentarians are eligible to run for as many terms as possible so long as they are of sound mind.

Contents

Electoral system of Ghana

The presidential election is won by having more than 50% of valid votes cast, [3] whilst the parliamentary elections is won by simple majority, and, as is predicted by Duverger's law, the voting system has encouraged Ghanaian politics into a two-party system, creating extreme difficulty for anybody attempting to achieve electoral success under any banner other than those of the two dominant parties. Elections have been held every four years since 1992.

Presidential and parliamentary elections are held alongside each other, generally on 7 December every four years. [1]

For one qualify as a Presidential candidate, the person is required to be Ghanaian citizens by birth, be at least 40 years old, and must be of sound mind. Again, the person must either be nominated by a political party or stand as independent candidate, provided the necessary requirements are met, including a full payment of presidential filing fees. Presidential campaigns typically span several months to years leading up to Election Day. Candidates are allowed to engage in rallies, debates, and media appearances to communicate their vision and developmental policies (manifestos) for the country and garner support from voters. Ghanaian citizens aged 18 and above are eligible to vote in presidential elections.

Ghana is divided into constituencies, each represented by a Member of Parliament (MP).  Similar to the Presidential elections, each political party presents a list of candidates for each constituency, and voters cast their ballots. Non-aligned or independent candidates are equally eligible to stand for parliamentary elections. Candidates' filing fees for parliamentary elections is always lower compared to the presidential filing fees.

The Presidential and Parliamentary elections are organized, conducted and supervised by the Electoral Commission (EC), the official body responsible for public elections and referendums in Ghana. The Commission, headed by the Electoral Commissioner, operates independently and has the mandated by the constitution to ensure the integrity and transparency of the electoral process. The EC also superintendents over nationwide voter registration, candidate nomination, ballot printing, polling station setup, collation, tabulation and announcement of election results.

Scholars review of elections

Presidential

Parliamentary

See also

Ethnic voting in Ghana

Ethnic voting is the idea that people utilize candidates' ethnic identity to decide who can be best trusted to follow through with their promises for goods to their coethnic constituents as payment for their vote. [4] This form of vote buying in which one's vote is paid for through a targeted public good is known as clientelism and is especially popular in sub-Saharan African countries. [5] Kanchan Chandra, one of the leading academics in Ethnic Politics, claims that there are several causes for this phenomenon in Africa. [6] First, the individual has an incentive to seek out public goods for their vote because of one's perception that their vote individually will not lead to altering the election. [6] Through this logic, Chandra displays that there is an incentive for people to organize for casting their vote within this context because, even if the one does not benefit from this vote individually, their collective vote may allow this group some access to favoritism from the candidate if they win thus establishing greater value in their collective votes. [6] Furthermore, the candidate has an incentive to provide benefits to groups for their vote because an individual method of distributing jobs and services may create conflict in which providing a good to one voter may deprive another voter of that same good; therefore, a group method of distribution both allows for less conflict and greater insurance for the voter that the candidate will follow through on their end. [6] To gain access to a salient group that desires jobs and services to target as well as establish credibility among that group, candidates often use their own ethnic identity, or coethnics, as a targeted community. [6] Furthermore, the history of colonialism within most African countries means that ethnic identity tends to be more salient and available for candidates' access through appeals to shared ethnicity. [6]

Ethnic Voting and Composition of Region

Ethnic favoritism in Ghana has been shown to be a method of gaining votes; however, the effectiveness among voters may vary between diverse and homogeneous communities. [7] While not conducted in Ghana, research in sub-Saharan Africa has found that community investments are significantly more likely to occur in which there are more homogeneous communities. [8] This displays how communities largely composed of one ethnicity may be benefiting from ethnic voting at the local level. [8] The allocation of public goods to a homogeneous area is claimed to be a direct result of ethnic favoritism. [8] While examining how people in Ghana vote within homogeneous, rural communities versus more diverse communities, another study finds support for this theory in that more homogeneous communities are more likely to vote for the party that supports their ethnicity. [4] Furthermore, when there are ethnic minorities within a homogeneous and rural community, they are more likely to vote for the opposition party or their non-coethnic. [8] The researcher explains this as voting based on the mutual benefit of targeted public goods. [8] In this example, minorities within this homogeneous and rural community would equally benefit from the public goods placed in their area as the majority. [8] Therefore, the minority is more likely to advocate for this candidate even though they do not specifically favor their ethnic identity. [8] In contrast, other researchers argue that minority groups within these communities vote along non-coethnic lines due to voter intimidation. [9] This is supported by observing how voting among these minorities for non-coethnic candidates does not vary between locations that have public goods and those that do not. [9] Another researcher's findings display how the choice of voting by ethnicity may depend also on public versus private goods. [7] Similarly, another researcher finds that homogeneous communities are more likely to vote for the candidate that supports their ethnic identity and minorities within those ethnically homogeneous communities are more likely to support the opposition party because they are more likely to obtain access to public goods that the homogeneous community receives. [8] Additionally, this study also finds that diverse and urban communities often have less ethnic voting when considering public goods. [8] However, this study also finds that ethnic minorities are more likely to have an expectation that they will receive private goods if they are within poor communities, even if they are the ethnic minority of a community. [8]

Additionally, research shows the ethnic voting at the local level in Ghana may have greater implications for national elections. For example, ethnic voting towards the presidency may depend on the amount of clientelism taking place for local elections. [10] This theory, "reverse coattails", supports the idea that clientelism surrounding ethnicity at the local level incentivizes individuals to participate at the party level thus aligning them with the party of a presidential candidate that their local official supports. [10] Therefore, the support that local officials gain through co-ethnic clientelism also creates support for the executive candidate in the same party. [10]

Implications of Ethnic Voting

Research has also displayed that the ethnic association created within politics may cause greater conflict and implicit biases between ethnic groups. [11] Because candidates have mobilized ethnic groups through clientelist practices, ethnic groups create stronger ties to their ethnicity around times of competitive elections. [12] By examining how people define themselves (by ethnicity, language, economic status, etc.), one cross-national study found data that when elections are closer and more competitive, it is more likely that people will identify with the ethnic category associated with their ethnicity. [12] This supports the idea that ethnic identity is largely bound to politics because it has historically been used as a political tool. [12] In Ghana, this theory has been supported by studying the microeconomic interactions between people of different ethnic groups. [11] After collecting data on the price of taxis in a field experiment at various time points around an election, the study found that non-coethnics were charged more, on average, than non-ethnics. [11] However, at election time, non-coethnics that were affiliated with an opposing political party (non-copartisans) were charged even more, while non-coethnics affiliated with the same party (copartisans) were charged less. [11] Thus, when ethnic groups are nested in political parties, it can reduce discrimination between ethnic groups within a party but exacerbate discrimination between ethnic groups affiliated with opposing parties. [11]

Alternative Opinions

Although these studies argue that ethnic voting is prevalent in Ghana due to the lack of political information available, other research indicates Ghanaian people do not vote primarily due to ethnicity. [13] This research emphasizes that, although there is less information available to Ghanaian people, they are still more likely to choose a candidate based on past performance and policy plans. [13] Therefore, there are articles indicating that the prevalence of clientelism and ethnic voting only account for a small portion of the population. [13] Other research indicates that while clientelism is a signal of viability to voters in Ghana, it is not alone capable of "buying" one's vote. [5] Therefore, candidates are still reliant on the information they are able to obtain concerning past political performance to judge candidates' performances. [5] This election organization in which gifts are necessary to be seen as a viable candidate is seen as manufactured by years of clientelist practices. [5] As candidates from different parties competed to buy votes, this transaction became standard as a way of interacting with voters. [5]

Ghana's Electoral System

Related Research Articles

Plurality voting refers to electoral systems in which a candidate in an electoral district who polls more than any other is elected. Used for elections of representative bodies, it competes with the proportional representation. In systems based on single-member districts, the plurality system elects just one member per district and is then frequently called a "first-past-the-post" (FPTP), sometimes "single-member [district] plurality" (SMP/SMDP). A system that elects multiple winners elected at once with the plurality rule and where each voter casts multiple X votes in a multi-seat district is referred to as plurality block voting. A semi-proportional system that elects multiple winners elected at once with the plurality rule and where each voter casts just one vote in a multi-seat district is known as single non-transferable voting.

Electoral fraud, sometimes referred to as election manipulation, voter fraud, or vote rigging, involves illegal interference with the process of an election, either by increasing the vote share of a favored candidate, depressing the vote share of rival candidates, or both. It differs from but often goes hand-in-hand with voter suppression. What exactly constitutes electoral fraud varies from country to country, though the goal is often election subversion.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Jerry Rawlings</span> Leader of Ghana between 1979 and 2001

Jerry John Rawlings was a Ghanaian military officer, aviator and politician who led the country for a brief period in 1979, and then from 1981 to 2001. He led a military junta until 1992, and then served two terms as the democratically elected president of Ghana.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Freedom Front Plus</span> Political party in South Africa

The Freedom Front Plus is a right-wing political party in South Africa that was formed in 1994. It is led by Pieter Groenewald.

Regular elections in Croatia are mandated by the Constitution and legislation enacted by Parliament. The presidency, Parliament, county prefects and assemblies, city and town mayors, and city and municipal councils are all elective offices. Since 1990, seven presidential elections have been held. During the same period, ten parliamentary elections were also held. In addition, there were nine nationwide local elections. Croatia has also held three elections to elect members of the European Parliament following its accession to the EU on 1 July 2013.

Particracy, also known as partitocracy, partitocrazia or partocracy, is a form of government in which the political parties are the primary basis of rule rather than citizens or individual politicians.

Every Ghanaian Living Everywhere (EGLE) is an inactive political party in terms of elections in Ghana. It has not contested any elections since the 2004 Ghanaian general election. According to Ghanaian law, political parties must have a presence in all districts in order to remain registered, but due to lax enforcement, EGLE remains registered as a party as of 2019.

An ethnic party is a political party that overtly presents itself as the champion of one ethnic group or sets of ethnic groups. Ethnic parties make such representation central to their voter mobilization strategy. An alternate designation is 'Political parties of minorities', but they should not be mistaken with regionalist or separatist parties, whose purpose is territorial autonomy.

Latino Americans have received a growing share of the national vote in the United States due to their increasing population. As of the 2020 U.S. Census, 62.1 million Latinos live in the United States, representing 18.9% of the total U.S. population. This is a 23% increase since 2010. This racial/ethnic group is the second largest after non-Hispanic whites in the U.S. In 2020, the states with the highest Hispanic or Latino populations were; Arizona, California, Florida, Illinois, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, and Texas. According to the Brookings Institution, Latinos will become the nations largest minority by 2045 and the deciding population in future elections. With the help of laws and court case wins, Latinos have been able to receive the help needed to participate in American Politics. According to data provided by The Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS), 72% of Latinos believe that it is very/somewhat important to get their voice heard by voting. They have traditionally been a key Democratic Party constituency, but more recently have begun to split between the Democratic and Republican Party. Since the Latino population is large and diverse, a lot of political differences exist between gender, national origin, and generational groups.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">2008 Ghanaian general election</span>

General elections were held in Ghana on 7 December 2008. Since no candidate received more than 50% of the votes, a run-off election was held on 28 December 2008 between the two candidates who received the most votes, Nana Akufo-Addo of the governing New Patriotic Party and John Atta Mills of the opposition National Democratic Congress. Mills was certified as the victor by a margin of less than one percent, winning the presidency on his third attempt. It is to date the closest election in Ghanaian history.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Voter turnout in United States presidential elections</span> Aspect of election history

The historical trends in voter turnout in the United States presidential elections have been determined by the gradual expansion of voting rights from the initial restriction to white male property owners aged 21 or older in the early years of the country's independence to all citizens aged 18 or older in the mid-20th century. Voter turnout in United States presidential elections has historically been higher than the turnout for midterm elections.

Clientelism or client politics is the exchange of goods and services for political support, often involving an implicit or explicit quid-pro-quo. It is closely related to patronage politics and vote buying.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">2012 Ghanaian general election</span>

General elections were held in Ghana on Friday 7 December 2012 to elect a president and members of Parliament in 275 electoral constituencies. Owing to the breakdown of some biometric verification machines, some voters could not vote, and voting was extended to Saturday 8 December 2012. A run-off was scheduled for 28 December 2012 if no presidential candidate received an absolute majority of 50% plus one vote. Competing for presidency were incumbent president John Dramani Mahama of the National Democratic Congress (NDC), his main challenger Nana Akufo-Addo of the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and six other candidates.

Vote buying occurs when a political party or candidate distributes money or resources to a voter in an upcoming election with the expectation that the voter votes for the actor handing out monetary rewards. Vote buying can take various forms such as a monetary exchange, as well as an exchange for necessary goods or services. This practice is often used to incentivise or persuade voters to turn out to elections and vote in a particular way. Although this practice is illegal in many countries such as the United States, Argentina, Mexico, Kenya, Brazil and Nigeria, its prevalence remains worldwide.

The Latino vote or refers to the voting trends during elections in the United States by eligible voters of Latino background. This phrase is usually mentioned by the media as a way to label voters of this ethnicity, and to opine that this demographic group could potentially tilt the outcome of an election, and how candidates have developed messaging strategies to this ethnic group.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">2016 Ghanaian general election</span>

General elections were held in Ghana on 7 December 2016 to elect a President and Members of Parliament. They had originally been scheduled for 7 November 2016, but the date was later rejected by Parliament. Former foreign minister Nana Akufo-Addo of the opposition New Patriotic Party was elected President on his third attempt, defeating incumbent President John Mahama of the National Democratic Congress.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">2020 Ghanaian general election</span>

General elections were held in Ghana on 7 December 2020. Incumbent President Nana Akufo-Addo of the New Patriotic Party (NPP) was re-elected in the first round after securing a majority of the votes. Former President John Dramani Mahama announced that he would contest the results. At the Supreme Court, a petition challenging the result was filed on 30 December, and unanimously dismissed on 4 March 2021 for lack of merit.

Kofi Koranteng is a Ghanaian activist and politician who used to be the chief executive officer of the Progressive Alliance Movement. He has been a key advocate for the rights of Ghanaians living abroad to be given the chance to vote and be represented in that manner through campaigning for the Representation of the Peoples’ Amendment Act (ROPAA) to be passed. In the run off to the election in December 2019, he declared his intention to stand for the 2020 Ghana elections as an independent candidate.

References

  1. 1 2 "Electoral system - Electoral Commission". ec.gov.gh. 16 November 2020. Retrieved 1 May 2024.
  2. ↑ "Parliament of Ghana". parliament.gh. Archived from the original on 4 April 2024. Retrieved 5 December 2020.
  3. ↑ Ghana, Constitution. "Ghana's Constitution of 1992" (PDF). constituteproject.org. Archived (PDF) from the original on 31 July 2018. Retrieved 2 June 2021.
  4. 1 2 Ichino, Nahomi; Nathan, Noah L. (2013). "Crossing the Line: Local Ethnic Geography and Voting in Ghana". American Political Science Review. 107 (2): 344–361. doi:10.1017/S0003055412000664. ISSN   0003-0554. S2CID   9092626. Archived from the original on 21 January 2024. Retrieved 27 April 2024.
  5. 1 2 3 4 5 Gadjanova, Elena (2017). "Electoral clientelism as status affirmation in Africa: evidence from Ghana". The Journal of Modern African Studies. 55 (4): 593–621. doi:10.1017/S0022278X17000416. ISSN   0022-278X. S2CID   158947560.
  6. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Chandra, Kanchan (2004). Why Ethnic Parties Succeed: Patronage and Ethnic Head Counts in India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781108573481.003. ISBN   978-1-108-57348-1.
  7. 1 2 Nathan, Noah L. (2016). "Local Ethnic Geography, Expectations of Favoritism, and Voting in Urban Ghana". Comparative Political Studies. 49 (14): 1896–1929. doi:10.1177/0010414016655540. ISSN   0010-4140. S2CID   1049747. Archived from the original on 6 May 2023. Retrieved 27 April 2024.
  8. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Ejdemyr, Simon; Kramon, Eric; Robinson, Amanda Lea (2017). "Segregation, Ethnic Favoritism, and the Strategic Targeting of Local Public Goods". Comparative Political Studies. 51 (9): 1111–1143. doi:10.1177/0010414017730079. ISSN   0010-4140. S2CID   158691198. Archived from the original on 8 April 2024. Retrieved 27 April 2024.
  9. 1 2 Enamorado, Ted; Kosterina, Svetlana (2022). "Surrounded and threatened: how neighborhood composition reduces ethnic voting through intimidation". Political Science Research and Methods. 10 (1): 68–81. doi:10.1017/psrm.2021.15. ISSN   2049-8470. S2CID   234861092. Archived from the original on 27 April 2024. Retrieved 27 April 2024.
  10. 1 2 3 Ichino, Nahomi; Nathan, Noah L. (2013). "Do Primaries Improve Electoral Performance? Clientelism and Intra-Party Conflict in Ghana". American Journal of Political Science. 57 (2): 428–441. doi: 10.1111/j.1540-5907.2012.00624.x . ISSN   0092-5853. JSTOR   23496606. Archived from the original on 24 April 2022. Retrieved 27 April 2024.
  11. 1 2 3 4 5 Michelitch, Kristin (2015). "Does Electoral Competition Exacerbate Interethnic or Interpartisan Economic Discrimination? Evidence from a Field Experiment in Market Price Bargaining". American Political Science Review. 109 (1): 43–61. doi:10.1017/S0003055414000628. ISSN   0003-0554. S2CID   154543472. Archived from the original on 27 April 2024. Retrieved 27 April 2024.
  12. 1 2 3 Eifert, Benn; Miguel, Edward; Posner, Daniel N. (2010). "Political Competition and Ethnic Identification in Africa". American Journal of Political Science. 54 (2): 494–510. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00443.x. hdl: 1721.1/71983 . ISSN   0092-5853. JSTOR   25652219. Archived from the original on 27 February 2023. Retrieved 27 April 2024.
  13. 1 2 3 Lindberg, Staffan I.; Morrison, Minion K. C. (22 March 2008). "Are African voters really ethnic or clientelistic? Survey evidence from Ghana". Political Science Quarterly. 123 (1): 95–123. doi:10.1002/j.1538-165X.2008.tb00618.x. Archived from the original on 23 January 2024. Retrieved 27 April 2024.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.