Gender crime

Last updated

A gender crime is a hate crime committed against a specific gender. Gender crimes may include rape, genital mutilation, forced prostitution, and forced pregnancy. Often gender crimes are committed during armed conflict or during times of political upheaval or instability. Some examples of these conflicts include the Yugoslavian Civil War [1] and the Rwandan genocide. [2]

Contents

Gender crime is not universally recognized as a category of hate crime but is increasingly being included in the United States as a category in state and federal hate crime laws. Internationally, most gender crimes committed during times of war are recognized as war crimes as set forth by the Fourth Geneva Convention. Revenge porn and other online behavior are also seen as hate crimes. [3] [4] Criminologists have also pioneered the specific discipline of criminal victimization which could be considered one of many major factors contributing to gender crimes. For example, there is a greater likelihood of women in comparison to men who are victims of a familiar person, in most cases a man that they know, instead of a stranger. [5]

Causes of gender crime

Many factors contribute to the framework that supports gendered crimes. Gender influences multiple social practices, including the organization of power structures and privilege in society. [6] [7] [8] [9] Thus, gendered violence and crime is a direct result of this concept and the structures that support it. Structural violence derives from institutions that create and intrench inequality, [10] thus providing a space for gender crimes. There are many examples of these institutions and their legacies. For example: Christian nations colonized Canada, justifying their actions with their religion. [11] Their influence developed the country into the nation it is today, but also created oppressive systems. The colonizing Christian nations helped to set up capitalism in Canada, and combined with colonial ideals, capitalism oppresses Indigenous peoples, especially women. [12] [13] [14] [15] [16] [17] [18] As a result, minority groups are forced to function under a system that actively oppresses them, with standards regarding race, gender, and class that they are expected to measure up to but inevitably do not. Hate crimes are usually committed based on a perceived difference or violation of social norms, making these people especially vulnerable. [10] In capitalist economies, the idea that a person works hard and is rewarded is highlighted. However, when looked at more closely it can be seen that those at the "top" of society often have advantages over those at the "bottom" of society. [19] One example is the pay gap between men and women in Canada, which provides men with an economic advantage. [20] [21] [22] Those with money often hold power, so they keep lobbying for their own causes while those without money are ignored. Instead of being paid for excelling at the job or holding the same position, men are paid more based on their gender, making it more difficult for women to succeed in society, and more likely for them to be placed in situations where they can become victims of gender crime. [10]

The institutional and structural contributions to gender crime play a large part in the targeting of women, but stereotypical social ideals of masculinity and femininity also contribute. [10] Societal structures such as those discussed above often lead to views that women are inferior or expendable. [23] These notions of gender lead to different expected conduct between men and women. [24] Men and women occupy separate social spheres, with women's sphere being largely related to domestic activities, while men handle work outside of the home. These spheres are created by ideals of masculinity and femininity, creating a separation between the genders. [25] Narratives then arise that men should be aggressive and strong, taking what they want, especially sexually, contributing to the large rates of gender violence and crime. [26] [6] It is thought that men are supposed to be active, taking what they desire from the woman, leading to violence. Additionally, gender crimes or gender violence can be used to demonstrate masculinity, reasserting the power structure created by large institutions. [6]

The intent is not to accuse or demonize men, but instead to recognize the social institutions and legacies that lead to notions of gender practice that help to perpetrate gendered violence and crime against women.

Canadian gender crime

Canada is also affected by the institutions that give the framework for gender crimes in society. [26] The overview below regarding the last fifty years of gender crime in Canada examines both changes in institutional crimes and violence against women, but also physical or individual crimes against women.

The 1970s

This analysis begins in the 1970s, when women were largely bound by gender expectations and stereotypes, but second wave feminism was beginning to change the narrative. In fact, at this time, advertisements of women working, especially in jobs that were thought to be typical of men received backlash, for fear of women at work becoming mainstream. [27] As a result, in the 1970s women were often seen portrayed in the home, as product users, and submissive to men. [27] However, second wave feminism began pushing a movement that demanded the right for equality. A large part of second wave feminists were middle class white women, who used their privilege to fight for their cause. Unfortunately, as a result, non white women's voices were not heard. [28] The goals of second wave feminism were to gain equality in employment, law, government, and education, as well as ending violence against women. [28] Reforms of systems that helped to oppress women, like the legal system and the government were also called for. [28]

Additionally, the Report of the Royal Commission on the Status of Women in Canada was released, highlighting issues facing women in eight categories. [29] This report focused on improving the institutions of society that were oppressing women, achieving more autonomy for women, female presence in politics, universal childcare, and improving the wage gap. [29] This report has been active for the last fifty years, setting out the path for gender progress. [29] [30]

Violence was often an unnamed issue, and it was widely believed that women were doing something to deserve it, whether that be the way they dressed, spoke, or if they were thought to provoke their partner. In response, Take Back the Night Marches were on the rise, in order to protest sexual violence and rape of women. [31] [28] By the end of the 1970s, federal attention had been received, and combatting violence against women was a cornerstone identification of the Towards Equality plan. [28] [32] Contained in this plan also were recommendations of maternity leave for both parents, parental benefits, opening all jobs in the Armed Forces to women, eliminating job barriers for women and improving their participation, providing federal training programs for women, pursuing equal pay, using non sexist language in lawmaking, and giving funding to women's health research. [32] Through the 1970s, attention towards issues facing women was gained, and next steps were outlined.

The 1980s

During the late 1970s moving into the 1980s, violence against women, particularly wife battering, was combatted through transition houses. A transition house was meant to provide a woman with the shelter and necessities she needed to escape from an abusive situation. [33] This lowered the rates for gender crimes, particularly femicide, by providing women with a place to go. [34] A study found that abuse of women often is not an isolated incident, occurring more than once, which can lead to an eventual homicide when a woman has no way to escape. [34] The establishment of transition houses also provided networks for women to get help, giving connections to police or help lines as well. [33] [34]

Many women's magazines also provided women with resources in the form of editorials and articles that educated them about feminist issues such as birth control, laws on divorce, abortion, the influence of women in politics, and ending violence against women. [35] Section 28 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms outlined gender equality and was put into effect in 1982. [30] It guarantees that the rights and freedoms described in the Charter will be given equally to both men and women. [30] [29] [28] In 1983, the Criminal Code of Canada was also changed to include marital rape, making it an offence. [36] [37] [28] Slowly, other voices of women were beginning to be heard, including Indigenous women, LGBTQ women, and women of colour. [28] Success also came in the form of Canada's first governor general, Jeanne Sauvé, who served from 1984 to 1990. [38] In 1985, Bill C-31 amended the Indian Act and allowed Indigenous women to regain status if they had lost it through marriage, addressing some issues that disadvantaged Indigenous women. [39] [40] In the context of feminism of the late 1980s, it was realized that women of colour's voices had been silenced, and that intersectional applications of oppression also contributed to the problems women were facing. [41] It was not just the patriarchy, but also large structures of society that needed to be focused on.

The 1990s

The 1990s were swept by 3rd wave feminism, a revolution of the concept that brought women of colour into the picture and began to undertake issues that faced racialized women - such as those coupled with race, class, and sexuality. [42] Third wave feminism took a more intersectional approach in order to understand and complete its' goals. [10] [42] These feminists also wanted to smash barriers facing people regarding their sexuality, race, and class, while also redefining the traditional notions of what is masculine or feminine. [43] Stories of perseverance through violence and sharing their experiences united the group and made others feel supported. [43] Women's studies programs were being developed at universities, and third wave feminists used the irony of sexist arguments to advertise their views. In the media, portrayals of women were now more focused on smart, independent girls that were leaders. [43]

However, in Canada in 1998, on average, women still made $5.17 less an hour than men, [44] and even though women in the workforce were more likely to have less children, have a secure career before having children, and return to work more quickly after having children, they were still facing a gap in wages. [45]

To fight against gender based violence and crimes, the 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-based Violence was developed, to make voices heard and reaffirm the commitment to ending gender violence. [46] In 1993, the UN adopted the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, recognizing the violence as an obstacle to equality and peace, and set out to combat it. [47] Additionally, in 1999 the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women was designated. [46]

The 2000s onward

The third wave of feminism carried on through the 2000s until around 2012, where a highly debated fourth wave of feminism emerged. Some say that the fourth wave is simply still the third wave of feminism, but others argue for the influence of social media and the focus of the fourth wave on sexual harassment, rape, and body shaming. [43] [48] The Me Too Movement was launched in 2006, as a way to support those who had gone through instances of sexual violence and providing a platform for the voices of survivors to be heard. [49] However, there is still work to be done because sexual assault is still one of the only violent crimes in Canada that is not declining. [50]

In reference to wages, on average, in 1998 women made $5.17 less an hour than men, while in 2018 they make only $4.13 less than their male coworkers, which can be attributed to their increased involvement in work and achievements in education. [44] Most recently, as of 2022, for full time employees women make 90 cents for every dollar a man makes. [51] While this gap is narrowing, its' presence shows that the work is still not done. [52]

Women are still more likely than men to be sexually assaulted, and have multiple instances of this assault. [53] In Canada, the violent crime rate for women 24 and younger was three times higher in Northern Canada compared to Southern Canada. Within Northern Canada, young women were targeted twice that of young men. [54] Additionally, in 2020, women were eight times more likely to be killed by a spouse than men were. [55] The COVID pandemic also caused a spike in the rates of homicides of women. The rates of gender related homicide of women have declined since 2001, but during the pandemic between 2020 and 2021 the rates increased by 14%. [56] Violence against women skyrocketed during the pandemic because abusers could stay at home more, abusers were stressed and took it out on women, and there was increased substance consumption during isolation. [57] In fact, violence and crimes against women tend to increase during crisis in general. [57] Injuries sustained by women during the pandemic were also more serious than they had been before, as reported by Canadian women's shelters. [57] Before the pandemic, a woman was killed by a partner once a week, while during the pandemic femicides were happening nearly every one and a half days. [58] As of 2022, research from the World Health Organization has also shown that 25 to 33% of women will experience some time of violence in their life. [59]

An intersectional example of violent crime against women prevalent in Canada are the Murdered and Missing Indigenous Women. Despite making up only 5% of the population, 21% of gender related homicide victims were Indigenous in 2021. [56] Also, when victims were Indigenous and younger more of them died by being beaten. [56] In 2015 the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls was launched, in order to investigate the high levels of violence faced by this group. [60] The final report finds that Indigenous rights violations caused by the institutions in our society have led to the massive amount of Indigenous women being targeted, and calls for social and legal change to help end the violence. [61] [62] Their calls to justice include addressing intergenerational trauma as well as social and economic marginaization. [61] However, women and girls are still facing violence and going missing.

Recently in 2022, the government of Canada announced its' support of the 10 year National Action Plan to End Gender Based Violence, an outline with goals to change social norms causing gender based violence, address socioeconomic factors causing violence, and provide resources for those experiencing violence. [63] Support in the form of empowerment, prevention in the form of education, addressing the justice system, working with Indigenous people, and implementing social infrastructure that prevents gender based violence are all pillars of this plan. [63]

Although progress has definitely been made from the 1970s, the elimination of gender crimes and violence is truly a journey, and there are still issues surrounding it that need to be focused on today. As seen through the analysis, the persistence of the wage gap and the need for multiple waves of feminism proves that societal structures oppressing women have not yet been dismantled. Additionally, the issues seen today in Canada pertaining to gender crimes and violence, especially against Indigenous women show that although past issues may have been solved, the present ones still require active attention.

See also

Further reading

Related Research Articles

Feminism is a range of socio-political movements and ideologies that aim to define and establish the political, economic, personal, and social equality of the sexes. Feminism holds the position that societies prioritize the male point of view and that women are treated unjustly in these societies. Efforts to change this include fighting against gender stereotypes and improving educational, professional, and interpersonal opportunities and outcomes for women.

Radical feminism is a perspective within feminism that calls for a radical re-ordering of society in which male supremacy is eliminated in all social and economic contexts, while recognizing that women's experiences are also affected by other social divisions such as in race, class, and sexual orientation. The ideology and movement emerged in the 1960s.

The men's rights movement (MRM) is a branch of the men's movement. The MRM in particular consists of a variety of groups and individuals who focus on general social issues and specific government services which they say adversely impact, or in some cases, structurally discriminate against, men and boys. Common topics discussed within the men's rights movement include family law, reproduction, suicides, domestic violence against men, false accusations of rape, circumcision, education, conscription, social safety nets, and health policies. The men's rights movement branched off from the men's liberation movement in the early 1970s, with both groups comprising a part of the larger men's movement.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Catharine A. MacKinnon</span> American feminist scholar and legal activist

Catharine Alice MacKinnon is an American feminist legal scholar, activist, and author. She is the Elizabeth A. Long Professor of Law at the University of Michigan Law School, where she has been tenured since 1990, and the James Barr Ames Visiting Professor of Law at Harvard Law School. From 2008 to 2012, she was the special gender adviser to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Transfeminism</span> Branch of feminism

Transfeminism, or trans feminism, is a branch of feminism focused on transgender women and informed by transgender studies. Transfeminism focuses on the effects of transmisogyny and patriarchy on trans women. It is related to the broader field of queer theory. The term was popularized by Emi Koyama in The Transfeminist Manifesto.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Femicide</span> Murder of women or girls because of their gender

Femicide or feminicide is a term for the hate crime of systematically killing women, girls, or females in general because of their sex. In 1976, the feminist author Diana E. H. Russell first implicitly defined the term as a hate killing of females by males but then went on to redefine it as "the killing of females by males because they are female" in later years. Femicide can be perpetrated by either gender but is more often committed by men. This is most likely due to unequal power between men and women as well as harmful gender roles, stereotypes, or social norms.

Pro-feminism refers to support of the cause of feminism without implying that the supporter is a member of the feminist movement. The term is most often used in reference to men who actively support feminism and its efforts to bring about the political, economic, cultural, personal, and social equality of women with men. A number of pro-feminist men are involved in political activism, most often in the areas of gender equality, women's rights, and ending violence against women.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Rape culture</span> Society in which rape is pervasive and normalised

Rape culture is a setting, as described by some sociological theories, in which rape is pervasive and normalized due to that setting's attitudes about gender and sexuality. Behaviors commonly associated with rape culture include victim blaming, slut-shaming, sexual objectification, trivializing rape, denial of widespread rape, refusing to acknowledge the harm caused by sexual violence, or some combination of these. It has been used to describe and explain behavior within social groups, including prison rape and in conflict areas where war rape is used as psychological warfare. Entire societies have been alleged to be rape cultures.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Sociology of gender</span> Branch of the discipline of sociology

Sociology of gender is a prominent subfield of sociology. Social interaction directly correlated with sociology regarding social structure. One of the most important social structures is status. This is determined based on position that an individual possesses which effects how they will be treated by society. One of the most important statuses an individual claims is gender. Public discourse and the academic literature generally use the term gender for the perceived or projected (self-identified) masculinity or femininity of a person.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Violence against women</span> Violent acts committed primarily against women and girls

Violence against women (VAW), also known as gender-based violence and sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), are violent acts primarily or exclusively committed by men or boys against women or girls. Such violence is often considered a form of hate crime, committed against women or girls specifically because they are female, and can take many forms.

Feminist views on pornography range from total condemnation of the medium as an inherent form of violence against women to an embracing of some forms as a medium of feminist expression. This debate reflects larger concerns surrounding feminist views on sexuality, and is closely related to those on prostitution, BDSM, and other issues. Pornography has been one of the most divisive issues in feminism, particularly in Anglophone (English-speaking) countries. This division was exemplified in the feminist sex wars of the 1980s, which pitted anti-pornography activists against pro-pornography ones.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Gender inequality in Mexico</span> Overview of gender inequality in Mexico

Gender inequality in Mexico refers to disparate freedoms in health, education, and economic and political abilities between men and women in Mexico. It has been diminishing throughout history, but continues to persist in many forms including the disparity in women's political representation and participation, the gender pay gap, and high rates of domestic violence and femicide. As of 2022, the World Economic Forum ranks Mexico 31st in terms of gender equality out of 146 countries. Structural gender inequality is relatively homogeneous between the Mexican states as there are very few regional differences in the inequalities present.

Native American feminism or Native feminism is, at its root, understanding how gender plays an important role in indigenous communities both historically and in modern-day. As well, Native American feminism deconstructs the racial and broader stereotypes of indigenous peoples, gender, sexuality, while also focusing on decolonization and breaking down the patriarchy and pro-capitalist ideology. As a branch of the broader Indigenous feminism, it similarly prioritizes decolonization, indigenous sovereignty, and the empowerment of indigenous women and girls in the context of Native American and First Nations cultural values and priorities, rather than white, mainstream ones. A central and urgent issue for Native feminists is the Missing and murdered Indigenous women crisis.

Feminism in South Korea is the origin and history of feminism or women's rights in South Korea.

Indigenous feminism is an intersectional theory and practice of feminism that focuses on decolonization, Indigenous sovereignty, and human rights for Indigenous women and their families. The focus is to empower Indigenous women in the context of Indigenous cultural values and priorities, rather than mainstream, white, patriarchal ones. In this cultural perspective, it can be compared to womanism in the African-American communities.

Fourth-wave feminism is a feminist movement that began around the early 2010s and is characterized by a focus on the empowerment of women, the use of Internet tools, and intersectionality. The fourth wave seeks greater gender equality by focusing on gendered norms and the marginalization of women in society.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Feminism in South Africa</span>

Feminism in South Africa concerns the organised efforts to improve the rights of the girls and women of South Africa. These efforts are largely linked to issues of feminism and gender equality on one hand, and racial equality and the political freedoms of African and other non-White South African ethnic groups on the other. Early feminist efforts concerned the suffrage of White women, allowing them to vote in elections beginning from 1930s, and significant activism in the 1950s to demand equal pay of men and women. The 1980s were a major turning point in the advancement of South African women, and in 1994, following the end of the apartheid regime, the status of women was bolstered by changes to the country's constitution. Since the end of apartheid, South African feminism is a contribution associated with the liberation and democratization of the country, however, the movement still struggles with the embedded conservative and patriarchal views within some segments of South African society.

White feminism is a term which is used to describe expressions of feminism which are perceived as focusing on white women but are perceived as failing to address the existence of distinct forms of oppression faced by ethnic minority women and women lacking other privileges.Whiteness is crucial in structuring the lived experiences of white women across a variety of contexts. The term has been used to label and criticize theories that are perceived as focusing solely on gender-based inequality. Primarily used as a derogatory label, "white feminism" is typically used to reproach a perceived failure to acknowledge and integrate the intersection of other identity attributes into a broader movement which struggles for equality on more than one front. In white feminism, the oppression of women is analyzed through a single-axis framework, consequently erasing the identity and experiences of ethnic minority women the space. The term has also been used to refer to feminist theories perceived to focus more specifically on the experience of white, cisgender, heterosexual, able-bodied women, and in which the experiences of women without these characteristics are excluded or marginalized. This criticism has predominantly been leveled against the first waves of feminism which were seen as centered around the empowerment of white middle-class women in Western societies.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Carceral feminism</span> Forms of feminism that advocate for increased prison sentences

Carceral feminism is a critical term for types of feminism that advocate for enhancing and increasing prison sentences that deal with feminist and gender issues. The term criticises the belief that harsher and longer prison sentences will help work towards solving these issues. The phrase "carceral feminism" was coined by Elizabeth Bernstein, a feminist sociologist, in her 2007 article, "The Sexual Politics of the 'New Abolitionism'". Examining the contemporary anti-trafficking movement in the United States, Bernstein introduced the term to describe a type of feminist activism which casts all forms of sexual labor as sex trafficking. She sees this as a retrograde step, suggesting it erodes the rights of women in the sex industry, and takes the focus off other important feminist issues, and expands the neoliberal agenda.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Feminist views on the sex industry</span>

Feminist perspectives on sex markets vary widely, depending on the type of feminism being applied. The sex market is defined as the system of supply and demand which is generated by the existence of sex work as a commodity. The sex market can further be segregated into the direct sex market, which mainly applies to prostitution, and the indirect sex market, which applies to sexual businesses which provide services such as lap dancing. The final component of the sex market lies in the production and selling of pornography. With the distinctions between feminist perspectives, there are many documented instances from feminist authors of both explicit and implied feminist standpoints that provide coverage on the sex market in regards to both "autonomous" and "non-autonomous" sex trades. The quotations are added since some feminist ideologies believe the commodification of women's bodies is never autonomous and therefore subversive or misleading by terminology.

References

  1. ↑ Gülen Özel (April 2006). Sexual Violence Against Women in Civil Wars: An Analysis of Yugoslavian Civil War (PDF).
  2. ↑ Joseph Schaeffer (6 August 2010). "TANZANIA: Prosecution of Rwanda Gender Crimes at the ICTR". Jurist. Retrieved 15 October 2014.
  3. ↑ Collyer Bristow (10 October 2014). "Hate crimes and drag queens in cyber space". The Lawyer. Retrieved 15 October 2014.
  4. ↑ Soraya Chemaly (October 14, 2014). "A Million Peeping Toms: When Hacking Is Also a Hate Crime". Time. Retrieved 15 October 2014.
  5. ↑ Gover, Angela R., et al. Routledge International Handbook of Crime and Gender Studies. Routledge, 2013.
  6. 1 2 3 Gartner, Rosemary; McCarthy, Bill (2014). The Oxford Handbook of Gender, Sex, and Crime. Oxford University Press. ISBN   978-0-19-983870-7.
  7. ↑ West, Candace; Zimmerman, Don H. (June 1987). "Doing Gender". Gender & Society. 1 (2): 125–151. doi:10.1177/0891243287001002002. S2CID   220519301.
  8. ↑ Lorber, Judith; Farrell, Susan A., eds. (1991-01-01). The Social Construction of Gender. Newbury Park: Sage Publications. ISBN   978-0-8039-3957-8.
  9. ↑ Handbook of the Sociology of Gender. Handbooks of Sociology and Social Research. 2018. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-76333-0. ISBN   978-3-319-76332-3.[ page needed ]
  10. 1 2 3 4 5 Bruckert, Chris; Law, Tuulia (2018-11-23). Women and Gendered Violence in Canada: An Intersectional Approach. University of Toronto Press. ISBN   978-1-4426-3616-3.
  11. ↑ Harrison, Peter (February 2005). "'Fill the Earth and Subdue it': Biblical Warrants for Colonization in Seventeenth Century England". Journal of Religious History. 29 (1): 3–24. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9809.2005.00258.x.
  12. ↑ Kubik, Wendee; Bourassa, Carrie; Hampton, Mary (February 2009). "Stolen Sisters, Second Class Citizens, Poor Health: The Legacy of Colonization in Canada". Humanity & Society. 33 (1–2): 18–34. doi:10.1177/016059760903300103. S2CID   143448608.
  13. ↑ Lavallee, Lynn F.; Poole, Jennifer M. (2010-04-01). "Beyond Recovery: Colonization, Health and Healing for Indigenous People in Canada". International Journal of Mental Health and Addiction. 8 (2): 271–281. doi:10.1007/s11469-009-9239-8. S2CID   207291168.
  14. ↑ MacDonald, Cathy; Steenbeek, Audrey (May 2015). "The Impact of Colonization and Western Assimilation on Health and Wellbeing of Canadian Aboriginal People". International Journal of Regional and Local History. 10 (1): 32–46. doi:10.1179/2051453015Z.00000000023. S2CID   70730282.
  15. ↑ McGuire, Michaela M; Murdoch, Danielle J (October 2022). "(In)-justice: An exploration of the dehumanization, victimization, criminalization, and over-incarceration of Indigenous women in Canada". Punishment & Society. 24 (4): 529–550. doi:10.1177/14624745211001685. S2CID   233696938.
  16. ↑ Nardi, Marcia (22 March 2018). "Canada's Lost Women". Canadian Literature (236): 154. Gale   A574313658.
  17. ↑ Kistler Ellis, Allegra (22 June 2020). White Supremacy Culture and Capitalism as Co-dependent Systems of Oppression (Thesis).
  18. ↑ Pabla, Tanya (2021). "Murdered and Missing Indigenous Women and Girls: A Discourse Analysis of Gendered Colonial Violence in Canada". Journal of Law and Criminal Justice. 9 (2). doi: 10.15640/jlcj.v9n2a1 .
  19. ↑ Sardoč, Mitja (2021-03-21). The Impacts of Neoliberal Discourse and Language in Education: Critical Perspectives on a Rhetoric of Equality, Well-Being, and Justice. Routledge. ISBN   978-1-000-36063-9.
  20. ↑ "Measuring and Analyzing the Gender Pay Gap: A Conceptual and Methodological Overview". Statistics Canada. Government of Canada. 2019-08-30. Retrieved 2023-11-29.
  21. ↑ "Human Rights Committee: Concluding observations on the sixth periodic report of Canada". docstore.ohchr.org. Retrieved 2023-11-29.
  22. ↑ Howard, Jessica. "The Gender Pay Gap | Pay Gap in Canada | The Facts". Canadian Women's Foundation. Retrieved 2023-11-29.
  23. ↑ Larsson, Marie (2 January 2019). "INFERIOR: how science got women wrong—and the new research that's rewriting the story". NORA. 27 (1): 73–76. doi:10.1080/08038740.2019.1576371. S2CID   171684621.
  24. ↑ Eagly, Alice H. (September 1983). "Gender and social influence: A social psychological analysis". American Psychologist. 38 (9): 971–981. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.38.9.971.
  25. ↑ Miller, Andrea L.; Borgida, Eugene (22 January 2016). "The Separate Spheres Model of Gendered Inequality". PLOS ONE. 11 (1): e0147315. Bibcode:2016PLoSO..1147315M. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0147315 . PMC   4723260 . PMID   26800454.
  26. 1 2 Canada, Women and Gender Equality (2021-03-31). "What is gender-based violence?". women-gender-equality.canada.ca. Retrieved 2023-11-29.
  27. 1 2 Zhou, Nan; Chen, Mervin Y. T. (1997). "A Content Analysis of Men and Women in Canadian Consumer Magazine Advertising: Today's Portrayal, Yesterday's Image?". Journal of Business Ethics. 16 (5): 485–495. doi:10.1023/A:1017973232441. JSTOR   25072916.
  28. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 "Women's Movements in Canada: 1960–85 | The Canadian Encyclopedia". www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  29. 1 2 3 4 Canada, Women and Gender Equality (2021-03-31). "Royal Commission on the Status of Women in Canada". women-gender-equality.canada.ca. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  30. 1 2 3 Tai, Tina (16 August 2022). "Section 28: Gender Equality". Centre for Constitutional Studies.
  31. ↑ "Take Back the Night March". Rise Up! A Digital Archive of Feminist Actvism. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  32. 1 2 Toward equality: the response to the Report of the Parliamentary Committee on Equality Rights (PDF). Ottawa: Department of Justice Canada. 1986. ISBN   0-662-54318-1. Via "Toward equality : the response to the Report of the Parliamentary Committee on Equality Rights". Government of Canada Publications (Publication information). Government of Canada. 2002-07-01. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  33. 1 2 Ruze (2021-03-03). "International Gathering of Transition House Workers". Vancouver Rape Relief & Women's Shelter. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  34. 1 2 3 "Wife Battering in Canada - The Vicious Circle | Office of Justice Programs". www.ojp.gov. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  35. ↑ Jordan, Tessa (2010). "Branching Out: Second-Wave Feminist Periodicals and the Archive of Canadian Women's Writing". ESC. 36 (2): 63–90. doi:10.1353/esc.2010.0033. S2CID   153749720. Project MUSE   444393.
  36. ↑ "Canadian law only changed 26 years ago". The Globe and Mail. 2009-04-01. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  37. ↑ Fus, Theresa (2006). "Criminalizing Marital Rape: A Comparison of Judicial and Legislative Approaches". Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law. 39: 481.
  38. ↑ General, Office of the Secretary to the Governor (2016-12-21). "Jeanne Sauvé". The Governor General of Canada. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  39. ↑ "Bill C-31 | The Canadian Encyclopedia". www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  40. ↑ "Bill C-31". indigenousfoundations.web.arts.ubc.ca. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  41. ↑ Baksh-Soodeen, Rawwida; Harcourt, Wendy (2015). The Oxford Handbook of Transnational Feminist Movements. Oxford University Press. ISBN   978-0-19-994349-4.
  42. 1 2 Gilley, Jennifer (2005). "Writings of the Third Wave: Young Feminists in Conversation". Reference & User Services Quarterly. 44 (3): 187–198. JSTOR   20864361.
  43. 1 2 3 4 "Feminism - Intersectionality, Inclusivity, Activism". Britannica.
  44. 1 2 "The gender wage gap in Canada: 1998 to 2018". Statistics Canada. Government of Canada. 2019-10-07. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  45. ↑ Drolet, Marie (January 2001). The Persistent Gap: New Evidence on the Canadian Gender Wage Gap. Statistics Canada Analytical Studies Branch Working Paper No. 157. doi:10.2139/ssrn.310600. ISBN   978-0-660-18342-8. S2CID   18173706. SSRN   310600.
  46. 1 2 Canada, Women and Gender Equality (2021-03-31). "16 Days of Activism Against Gender-based Violence". women-gender-equality.canada.ca. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  47. ↑ "Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women".
  48. ↑ Peroni, Caterina; Rodak, Lidia (2020). "Introduction. The fourth wave of feminism: From social networking and self-determination to sisterhood". Oñati Socio-Legal Series. 10 (1S): 1S–9S. doi: 10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1160 . hdl: 20.500.12128/19492 . S2CID   231797981.
  49. ↑ Howard, Jessica. "The #MeToo Movement in Canada | Learn the Facts". Canadian Women's Foundation. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  50. ↑ "Criminal victimization in Canada, 2014". Statistics Canada. Government of Canada. 2015-11-23. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  51. ↑ "By the Numbers – Gender Pay Gap - UFCW Canada - Canada's Private Sector Union". UFCW Canada - Canada’s Private Sector Union. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  52. ↑ "The Daily — Intersectional Gender Wage Gap in Canada, 2007 to 2022". Statistics Canada. Government of Canada. 2023-09-21. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  53. ↑ Cotter, Adam; Savage, Laura (5 December 2019). "Gender-based violence and unwanted sexual behaviour in Canada, 2018: Initial findings from the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces". Juristat: 1, 3–49. ProQuest   2330014776.
  54. ↑ "Police-reported violent crimes against young women and girls in Canada's Provincial North and Territories, 2017". Statistics Canada. Government of Canada. 2019-07-04. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  55. ↑ Howard, Jessica. "Gender Based Violence in Canada | Learn the Facts". Canadian Women's Foundation. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  56. 1 2 3 "Gender-related homicide of women and girls in Canada". Statistics Canada. Government of Canada. 2023-04-05. Retrieved 2023-12-01.
  57. 1 2 3 MacGregor, Jennifer C. D.; Burd, Caitlin; Mantler, Tara; McLean, Isobel; Veenendaal, Jill; Rodger, Susan; Wathen, C. Nadine (July 2023). "Experiences of Women Accessing Violence Against Women Outreach Services in Canada During the COVID-19 Pandemic: a Brief Report". Journal of Family Violence. 38 (5): 997–1005. doi:10.1007/s10896-022-00398-2. PMC   9049926 . PMID   35505778.
  58. ↑ Wathen, C. Nadine; Burd, Caitlin; MacGregor, Jennifer C. D.; Veenendaal, Jill; McLean, Isobel; Mantler, Tara (December 2022). "'We're so limited with what we actually can do if we follow all the rules': a qualitative study of the impact of COVID-19 public health protocols on violence against women services". BMC Public Health. 22 (1): 1175. doi: 10.1186/s12889-022-13550-w . PMC   9189787 . PMID   35698104.
  59. ↑ Burd, Caitlin; MacGregor, Jennifer C. D.; Ford-Gilboe, Marilyn; Mantler, Tara; McLean, Isobel; Veenendaal, Jill; Wathen, Nadine; et al. (the Violence Against Women Services in a Pandemic Research Team) (July 2023). "The Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on Staff in Violence Against Women Services". Violence Against Women. 29 (9): 1764–1786. doi: 10.1177/10778012221117595 . PMC   9412141 . PMID   36002949.
  60. ↑ Conty, Sheridan (2019). The National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls: A Counter-Archive (Thesis). Carleton University. doi: 10.22215/etd/2019-13816 .
  61. 1 2 "Reclaiming Power and Place: The Final Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls". National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls. 29 May 2019.
  62. ↑ Razack, Sherene H. (August 2016). "Sexualized Violence and Colonialism: Reflections on the Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women". Editorial. Canadian Journal of Women and the Law. 28 (2): i–iv. doi:10.3138/cjwl.28.2.i. S2CID   151351852.
  63. 1 2 "The National Action Plan to End Gender-Based Violence". Government of Canada. Women and Gender Equality Canada. 9 November 2022.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.