Mixed language

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A mixed language is a language that arises among a bilingual group combining aspects of two or more languages but not clearly deriving primarily from any single language. [1] It differs from a creole or pidgin language in that, whereas creoles/pidgins arise where speakers of many languages acquire a common language, a mixed language typically arises in a population that is fluent in both of the source languages.

Contents

Because all languages show some degree of mixing [2] by virtue of containing loanwords, it is a matter of controversy whether the concept of a mixed language can meaningfully be distinguished from the type of contact and borrowing seen in all languages. [3] [4] Scholars debate to what extent language mixture can be distinguished from other mechanisms such as code-switching, substrata, or lexical borrowing. [5]

Definitions

Other terms used in linguistics for the concept of a mixed language include hybrid language, contact language, and fusion language; in older usage, 'jargon' was sometimes used in this sense. [6] In some linguists' usage, creoles and pidgins are types of mixed languages, whereas in others' usage, creoles and pidgins are merely among the kinds of language that might become full-fledged mixed languages.

Thomason (1995) classifies mixed languages into two categories: Category 1 languages exhibit "heavy influence from the dominant group's language in all aspects of structure and grammar as well as lexicon" (Winford 171). Category 2 languages show a "categorial specificity of the structural borrowing" or a uniform borrowing of specific categories (Winford).[ citation needed ]

Mixed language and intertwined language are seemingly interchangeable terms for some researchers. Some use the term "intertwining" instead of "mixing" because the former implies "mixture of two systems which are not necessarily the same order" nor does it suggest "replacement of the either the lexicon or of the grammatical system", unlike relexification, massive grammatical replacement, and re-grammaticalization. The grammar of a mixed language typically comes from a language well known to first-generation speakers, which Arends claims is the language spoken by the mother. This is because of the close relationship between mother and child and the likelihood that the language is spoken by the community at large.[ citation needed ]

Arends et al. classify an intertwined language as a language that "has lexical morphemes from one language and grammatical morphemes from another". This definition does not include Michif, which combines French lexical items in specific contexts, but still utilizes Cree lexical and grammatical items. [3]

Yaron Matras distinguishes between three types of models for mixed language: "language maintenance and language shift, unique and predetermined processes ("intertwining"), and conventionalisation of language mixing patterns". The first model involves the use of one language for heavy substitutions of entire grammatical paradigms or morphology of another language. This is because a speech community will not adopt a newer dominant language, and so adapt their language with grammatical material from the dominant language. Bakker (1997) argues that mixed languages result from mixed populations. Languages "intertwine", in that the morphosyntax (provided by female native speakers) mixes with the lexicon of another language (spoken by men, often in a colonialist context). This appears to have been the case with Michif, where European men and Cree, Nakota, and Ojibwe women had offspring who learned a mixture of French and Cree. The third model "assumes a gradual loss of the conversational function of language alternation as a means of expressing contrast". In other words, language no longer becomes a means of differentiation between two speech communities as a result of language mixing. [7]

Lexical reorientation, according to Matras, is defined as "the conscious shifting of the linguistic field that is responsible for encoding meaning or conceptual representations away from the language in which linguistic interaction is normally managed, organised, and processed: speakers adopt in a sense one linguistic system to express lexical meaning (or symbols, in the Buhlerian sense of the term) and another to organize the relations among lexical symbols, as well as within sentences, utterances, and interaction. The result is a split, by source language, between lexicon and grammar." [7]

Differentiation with other language mixtures

A mixed language differs from pidgins, creoles and code-switching in very fundamental ways. In most cases, mixed language speakers are fluent, even native, speakers of both languages; however, speakers of Michif (a verb-noun or V-N mixed language) are unique in that many are not fluent in both of the source languages. [8] Pidgins, on the other hand, develop in a situation, usually in the context of trade, where speakers of two (or more) different languages come into contact and need to find some way to communicate with each other. Creoles develop when a pidgin language becomes a first language for young speakers. While creoles tend to have drastically simplified morphologies, mixed languages often retain the inflectional complexities of one, or both, of parent languages. For instance, Michif retains the complexities of its Cree verb-phrases and its French noun-phrases. [9]

It also differs from a language that has undergone heavy borrowing, such as Korean, Japanese, and Vietnamese from Chinese (see Sino-Xenic), English from French, or Maltese from Sicilian/Italian. In these cases, despite the heavy borrowing, the grammar and basic words of the borrowing language remain relatively unchanged, with the borrowed words confined mainly to more abstract or foreign concepts, and any complex morphology remains that of the host language rather than being borrowed along with the borrowed word. In the case of Maltese, for example, if verbs borrowed from Italian were inflected using Italian inflectional rules rather than Arabic-derived ones, then Maltese would be a candidate for being a mixed language.

Finally, a mixed language differs from code-switching, such as Spanglish or Portuñol, in that, once it has developed, the fusion of the source languages is fixed in the grammar and vocabulary, and speakers do not need to know the source languages in order to speak it. But, linguists believe that mixed languages evolve from persistent code-switching, with younger generations picking up the code-switching, but not necessarily the source languages that generated it.[ citation needed ]

Languages such as Franglais and Anglo-Romani are not mixed languages, or even examples of code-switching, but registers of a language (here French and English), characterized by large numbers of loanwords from a second language (here English and Romani).[ citation needed ] Middle English (the immediate fore-runner of Modern English) developed from such a situation, incorporating many Norman borrowings into Old English, but it is not considered a mixed language. [10]

Proposed examples

Michif

Michif derives nouns, numerals, definite/indefinite articles, possessive pronouns, some adverbs and adjectives from French, while it derives demonstratives (in/animate), question words, verbs (in/animacy agreement with the subject/object), and some adverbs/verb-like adjectives from Cree. [3] The Cree components of Michif generally remain grammatically intact, while the French lexicon and grammar is restricted to noun phrases where nouns occur with a French possessive element or article (i.e. in/definite, masculine/feminine, singular/plural). [11] [12] Further, many speakers of Michif are able to identify the French and Cree components of a given sentence, likely from the phonological and morphological features of words. Although the phonological systems of both French and Cree are generally independent in Michif, there is convergence in 1) mid-vowel raising, 2) sibilant harmony, 3) vowel length (e.g. French vowel pairs [i]/[ɪ] and [a]/[ɑ] differ in length as in Cree), and 4) instances where the three nasal vowels /æ̃/, /ũ/, and /ĩ/ occur in the Cree components, although this last point of convergence may be due to Ojibwe influence. [12] Scholars propose that, in the Métis multilingual community, Michif emerged as a need to symbolize a new social identity. [11] The first unambiguous mention of Michif dates to the 1930s. [12]

The Métis of St. Laurent, a tribe of indigenous people in Canada, were made to feel their language was a sign of inferiority by nuns, priests, and other missionaries who insisted that the Metis switch to Standard Canadian French. Because missionaries stigmatized Michif French as an inferior, "bastardized" form of Canadian French, the Métis began to develop a sense of inferiority and shame which they associated with speaking Michif. Although Michif may have arisen as a way for Métis people to identify themselves, it became taboo to speak Michif inter-ethnically. [13]

In an attempt to make students unlearn Michif French, some nuns used a "token-system" in which each student was given ten tokens each week, and for every use of Michif French, a student would have to surrender a token. Students with the most tokens were rewarded with a prize. Overall, this system did not work. [13]

Mednyj Aleut

Mednyj Aleut is identified as a mixed language composed of mostly intact systematic components from two typologically and genetically unrelated languages: Aleut and Russian. This mixed language's grammar and lexicon are both largely Aleut in origin, while the finite verb morphology, a whole grammatical subsystem, is primarily of Russian origin. Nonetheless, there are some syntactic patterns with Russian influence and some Aleut features in the finite verb complex such as, 1) a topic-number agreement pattern, 2) Aleut pronouns with unaccusatives, 3) the Aleut agglutinative tense + number + person/number pattern in one of two alternative past-tense forms. Scholars hypothesize that due to the elaborate Russian and Aleut components of Mednyj Aleut, the Aleut/Russian creoles in which the mixed language arose must have been fluent bilinguals of Aleut and Russian and, therefore, not a pidgin language—that is, "imperfect learning" is usually a feature in the emergence of a pidgin. Furthermore, some code-switching and deliberate decisions likely served as mechanisms for the development of Mednyj Aleut and it is possible that these were motivated by a need for a language that reflected the community's new group identity. [12]

Ma'a

Ma’a has a Cushitic basic vocabulary and a primarily Bantu grammatical structure. The language also shares some phonological units with languages in the Cushitic phylum (e.g. the voiceless lateral fricative, the voiceless glottal stop, and the voiceless velar fricative that do not occur in Bantu), as well as syntactic structures, derivational processes, and a feature of inflectional morphology. However, few productive non-lexical structures in Ma’a appear derived from Cushitic. Sarah G. Thomason therefore argues for a classification of Ma’a as a mixed language since it does not have enough Cushitic grammar to be genetically related to the Cushitic language. By contrast, Ma’a has a productive set of inflectional structures derived from Bantu. Ma’a also demonstrates phonological structures derived from Bantu—for instance, the prenasalized voiced stops /ᵐb ⁿd ᶮɟ ᵑg/, phonemic tones, the absence of pharyngeal fricatives, labialized dorsal stops, ejective and retroflex stops, and final consonants— as well as noun classification, number category, and verb morphology patterns of Bantu. Syntactic and derivational patterns in Ma’a vary between Cushitic and Bantu origins—some Ma’a constructions used, such as genitive and copula constructions, are both from Cushitic and Bantu. These observations, in view of additional language contact cases like Cappadocian Greek, Anglo-Romani, and Mednyj Aleut, suggest that Ma'a arose as a product of massive interference from a Bantu language via intense cultural pressure on a Cushitic-speaking community. [14]

Media Lengua

Media Lengua (roughly translated to "half language" or "in-between language"), also known as Chaupi-shimi, Chaupi-lengua, Chaupi-Quichua, Quichuañol, Chapu-shimi or llanga-shimi, [nb 1] [15] is a mixed language that consists of Spanish vocabulary and Ecuadorian Quichua grammar, most conspicuously in its morphology. In terms of vocabulary, almost all lexemes (89% [16] [17] ), including core vocabulary, are of Spanish origin and appear to conform to Quichua phonotactics. Media Lengua is one of the few widely acknowledged examples of a "bilingual mixed language" in both the conventional and narrow linguistic sense because of its split between roots and suffixes. [18] [19] Such extreme and systematic borrowing is only rarely attested, and Media Lengua is not typically described as a variety of either Quichua or Spanish. Arends et al. list two languages subsumed under the name Media Lengua: Salcedo Media Lengua and Media Lengua of Saraguro. [3] The northern variety of Media Lengua, found in the province of Imbabura, is commonly referred to as Imbabura Media Lengua [20] [21] and more specifically, the dialect varieties within the province are known as Pijal Media Lengua and Anglas Media Lengua. [16]

Scholars indicate that Media Lengua arose largely via relexification mechanisms. [22] Pieter Muysken suggests that the social context in which the language emerged as an intralanguage involved a presence of "acculturated Indians" that neither identified with traditional, rural Quechua nor with urban Spanish cultures. This is an instance of a language developing from a need for "ethnic self-identification". [12]

Light Warlpiri

Light Warlpiri, seen as a form of Warlpiri by speakers, derives verbs and verbal morphology largely from Australian Kriol, while nouns are largely from Warlpiri and English and nominal morphology from Warlpiri. Light Warlpiri likely developed as an intralanguage via code-mixing between Warlpiri and either Kriol or English. This code-mixing conventionalized into Light Warlpiri, which is now learned by Lajamanu children as a first language, along with Warlpiri, although Light Warlpiri is often produced first and used in daily interactions with younger speakers and adults within the Lajamanu community. Light Warlpiri is considered a new language for several reasons: 1) Light Warlpiri speakers use an auxiliary verb-system that older Warlpiri speakers do not while code-mixing, 2) elements are distributed differently in Light Warlpiri than in code-mixing varieties of older Warlpiri speakers, 3) Light Warlpiri is a native language, which indicates stability of the language, and 4) grammatical structures and lexical items from each source language occur consistently in Light Warlpiri. [23]

Gurindji Kriol

Gurindji Kriol exhibits a structural split between the noun phrase and verb phrase, with Gurindji contributing the noun structure including case-marking, and the verb structure including TAM (tense-aspect-mood) auxiliaries coming from Kriol. In this respect, Gurindji Kriol is classified as a verb-noun (V-N) mixed language. Other examples of V-N mixed languages include Michif and Light Warlpiri. The maintenance of Gurindji within the mixed language can be seen as the perpetuation of Aboriginal identity under massive and continuing cultural incursion.

Cappadocian Greek and Cypriot Arabic

Both Cappadocian Greek and Cypriot Maronite-Arabic are cases of extreme borrowing—the former from Turkish and the latter from Greek. The remaining Greek dialects of Asia Minor display borrowing of vocabulary, function words, derivational morphology, and some borrowed nominal and verbal inflectional morphology from Turkish. Cypriot Arabic largely shows borrowing of vocabulary, and consequently Greek morphosyntax. [22] Both Cappadocian Greek and Cypriot Arabic (as well as Ma'a) differ socially from Michif and Mednyj Aleut because they have evolved out of intense language contact, extensive bilingualism, and a strong pressure for speakers to shift to the dominant language. Nonetheless, neither language has an entire grammar and lexicon that is derived from a single historical source and in each case the linguistic group achieves fluent bilingualism. The social context in which they arose largely distinguishes them from pidgins and creoles and, for some scholars, identifies them closely with mixed languages. [24]

Kaqchikel-K'iche' Mayan language

The Kaqchikel-K'iche' Mixed Language, also known as the Cauqué Mixed Language or Cauqué Mayan, is spoken in the aldea of Santa María Cauqué, Santiago Sacatepéquez, Department of Sacatepéquez in Guatemala. A 1998 study by the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) estimated speaker population at 2,000. [25] While the language's grammatical base is from K'iche', its lexicon is supplied by Kaqchikel.

Other possible mixed languages

Possible mixed languages with a Chinese element

Controversy

In 1861, Max Müller denied "the possibility of a mixed language". [33] In 1881, William D. Whitney wrote the following, expressing skepticism regarding the chances of a language being proven a mixed language.

Such a thing as the adoption on the part of one tongue, by a direct process, of any part or parts of the formal structure of another tongue has, so far as is known, not come under the notice of linguistic students during the recorded periods of language-history. So far as these are concerned, it appears to be everywhere the case that when the speakers of two languages, A and B, are brought together into one community, there takes place no amalgamation of their speech, into AB; but for a time the two maintain their own several identity, only as modified each by the admission of material from the other in accordance with the ordinary laws of mixture; we may call them Ab and Ba, and not AB. … [W]e shall doubtless meet now and then with the claim that such and such a case presents peculiar conditions which separate it from the general class, and that some remote and difficult problem in language-history is to be solved by admitting promiscuous mixture. Any one advancing such a claim, however, does it at his peril; the burden of proof is upon him to show what the peculiar conditions might have been, and how they should have acted to produce the exceptional result; he will be challenged to bring forward some historically authenticated case of analogous results; and his solution, if not rejected altogether, will be looked upon with doubt and misgiving until he shall have complied with these reasonable requirements. [34]

Wilhelm Schmidt was an important proponent of the idea of mixed languages in the very late 19th and early 20th century. [35] In the judgement of Thomas Sebeok, Schmidt produced "not a scrap of evidence" for his theory. [36] Margaret Schlauch provides a summary of the various objections to Schmidt's theory of Sprachmischung, [37] by prominent linguists such as Alfredo Trombetti, Antoine Meillet and A. Kholodovich.

Despite the old and broad consensus that rejected the idea of a 'mixed language', Thomason and Kaufman in 1988 proposed to revive the idea that some languages had shared genealogy. [24] Meakins, [38] who finds Thomason and Kaufman's account credible, suggests that a mixed language results from the fusion of usually two source languages, normally in situations of thorough bilingualism, so that it is not possible to classify the resulting language as belonging to either of the language families that were its sources.

Despite these recent efforts to rehabilitate mixed languages as an idea, many linguists remained unconvinced. For example, van Driem rejects one by one each of Thomason and Kaufman's examples as well as those more recently proposed. [39] Most recently, Versteegh rejects the notion of a mixed language, writing that at "no point is it necessary to posit a category of mixed languages." [40]

In the opinion of linguist Maarten Mous the notion of mixed languages has been rejected because "Mixed languages pose a challenge to historical linguistics because these languages defy classification. One attitude towards mixed languages has been that they simply do not exist, and that the claims for mixed languages are instances of a naive use of the term. The inhibition to accept the existence of mixed languages is linked to the fact that it was inconceivable how they could emerge, and moreover their mere existence posited a threat to the validity of the comparative method and to genetic linguistics." [41]

See also

Notes

  1. ↑ Llanga-shimi is typically a derogatory term used by speakers of Quichua to describe their language. However, it also appears to describe Media Lengua in the Imbabura Communities. It is believed that the term was introduced by Mestizo school teachers to further discredit the indigenous populations

Related Research Articles

A pidgin, or pidgin language, is a grammatically simplified means of communication that develops between two or more groups of people that do not have a language in common: typically, its vocabulary and grammar are limited and often drawn from several languages. It is most commonly employed in situations such as trade, or where both groups speak languages different from the language of the country in which they reside. Linguists do not typically consider pidgins full or complete languages.

Michif is one of the languages of the Métis people of Canada and the United States, who are the descendants of First Nations and fur trade workers of white ancestry. Michif emerged in the early 19th century as a mixed language and adopted a consistent character between about 1820 and 1840.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Creole language</span> Stable natural languages that have developed from a pidgin

A creole language, or simply creole, is a stable natural language that develops from the process of different languages simplifying and mixing into a new form, and then that form expanding and elaborating into a full-fledged language with native speakers, all within a fairly brief period of time. While the concept is similar to that of a mixed or hybrid language, creoles are often characterized by a tendency to systematize their inherited grammar. Like any language, creoles are characterized by a consistent system of grammar, possess large stable vocabularies, and are acquired by children as their native language. These three features distinguish a creole language from a pidgin. Creolistics, or creology, is the study of creole languages and, as such, is a subfield of linguistics. Someone who engages in this study is called a creolist.

The Middle English creole hypothesis is a proposal that Middle English was a creole, which is usually defined as a language that develops during contact between two groups speaking different languages and that loses much of the grammatical elaboration of its source languages in the process. The vast differences between Old English and Middle English, and English’s status as one of the least structurally elaborated of the Germanic languages, have led some historical linguists to argue that the language underwent creolisation at around the 11th century, shortly after the Norman conquest of England. Other linguists suggest that creolisation began earlier, during the Scandinavian incursions of the 9th and 10th centuries.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Portuguese-based creole languages</span> Creole languages lexified by Portuguese

Portuguese creoles are creole languages which have Portuguese as their substantial lexifier. The most widely-spoken creoles influenced by Portuguese are Cape Verdean Creole, Guinea-Bissau Creole and Papiamento.

Language contact occurs when speakers of two or more languages or varieties interact with and influence each other. The study of language contact is called contact linguistics. When speakers of different languages interact closely, it is typical for their languages to influence each other. Language contact can occur at language borders, between adstratum languages, or as the result of migration, with an intrusive language acting as either a superstratum or a substratum.

In linguistics, relexification is a mechanism of language change by which one language changes much or all of its lexicon, including basic vocabulary, with the lexicon of another language, without drastically changing the relexified language's grammar. The term is principally used to describe pidgins, creoles, and mixed languages.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Belizean Creole</span> English-based creole language

Belizean Creole is an English-based creole language spoken by the Belizean Creole people. It is closely related to Miskito Coastal Creole, San Andrés-Providencia Creole, and Jamaican Patois.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Media Lengua</span> Mixed Kichwa–Spanish language of Ecuador

Media Lengua, also known as Chaupi-shimiChaupi-lengua, Chaupi-Quichua, Quichuañol, Chapu-shimi or llanga-shimi, is a mixed language with Spanish vocabulary and Kichwa grammar, most conspicuously in its morphology. In terms of vocabulary, almost all lexemes (89%), including core vocabulary, are of Spanish origin and appear to conform to Kichwa phonotactics. Media Lengua is one of the few widely acknowledged examples of a "bilingual mixed language" in both the conventional and narrow linguistic sense because of its split between roots and suffixes. Such extreme and systematic borrowing is only rarely attested, and Media Lengua is not typically described as a variety of either Kichwa or Spanish. Arends et al., list two languages subsumed under the name Media Lengua: Salcedo Media Lengua and Media Lengua of Saraguro. The northern variety of Media Lengua, found in the province of Imbabura, is commonly referred to as Imbabura Media Lengua and more specifically, the dialect varieties within the province are known as Pijal Media Lengua and Angla Media Lengua.

Gurindji Kriol is a mixed language which is spoken by Gurindji people in the Victoria River District of the Northern Territory (Australia). It is mostly spoken at Kalkaringi and Daguragu which are Aboriginal communities located on the traditional lands of the Gurindji. Related mixed varieties are spoken to the north by Ngarinyman and Bilinarra people at Yarralin and Pigeon Hole. These varieties are similar to Gurindji Kriol, but draw on Ngarinyman and Bilinarra which are closely related to Gurindji.

Javindo, also known by the pejorative name Krontjong, is a Dutch-based creole language spoken on Java, Indonesia. The name Javindo is a portmanteau of Java and Indo, the Dutch word for a person of mixed Indonesian and Dutch descent. This contact language developed from communication between Javanese-speaking mothers and Dutch-speaking fathers in Indo families. Its main speakers were Indo-Eurasian people. Its grammar was based on Javanese, and its vocabulary was based on the Dutch lexicon but pronounced in a Javanese manner.

A lexifier is the language that provides the basis for the majority of a pidgin or creole language's vocabulary (lexicon). Often this language is also the dominant, or superstrate language, though this is not always the case, as can be seen in the historical Mediterranean Lingua Franca. In mixed languages, there are no superstrates or substrates, but instead two or more adstrates. One adstrate still contributes the majority of the lexicon in most cases, and would be considered the lexifier. However, it is not the dominant language, as there are none in the development of mixed languages, such as in Michif.

According to the theory of monogenesis in its most radical form, all pidgins and creole languages of the world can be ultimately traced back to one linguistic variety. This idea was first formulated by Hugo Schuchardt in the late 19th century and popularized in the late 1950s and early 1960s by Taylor (1961) and Thompson (1961). It assumes that some type of pidgin language, dubbed West African Pidgin Portuguese, based on Portuguese was spoken from the 15th to 18th centuries in the forts established by the Portuguese on the West African coast. This variety was the starting point of all the pidgin and creole languages. This would explain to some extent why Portuguese lexical items can be found in many creoles, but more importantly, it would account for the numerous grammatical similarities shared by such languages.

Light Warlpiri is a mixed language of Australia, with indigenous Warlpiri, Kriol, and Standard Australian English as its parent languages. First documented by linguist Carmel O'Shannessy of the University of Michigan, it is spoken in the Warlpiri community of Lajamanu, mostly by people under the age of 40. As of 2013, there were 350 native speakers of Light Warlpiri, although all of the speakers also knew traditional Warlpiri and many speak Kriol and English.

Mednyj Aleut is an extinct mixed language spoken on Bering Island.

Pidgin Delaware was a pidgin language that developed between speakers of Unami Delaware and Dutch traders and settlers on the Delaware River in the 1620s. The fur trade in the Middle Atlantic region led Europeans to interact with local native groups, and hence provided an impetus for the development of Pidgin Delaware. The Dutch were active in the fur trade beginning early in the seventeenth century, establishing trading posts in New Netherland, the name for the Dutch territory of the Middle Atlantic and exchanging trade goods for furs.

Cauqué Mayan is a mixed language spoken in the aldea of Santa María Cauqué, Santiago Sacatepéquez, in the Department of Sacatepéquez in Guatemala. It is a Kʼicheʼ (Quiché) base relexified by Kaqchikel (Cakchiquel). During the colonial era, Kʼicheʼ migrated to Sacatepéquez, in the heart of Kaqchikel territory, where they founded the village of Santa María Cauque. Today only older adults retain the Kʼicheʼ base to their speech: for younger speakers, the language has merged into Kaqchikel.

Port Jackson Pidgin English or New South Wales Pidgin English is an English-based pidgin that originated in the region of Sydney and Newcastle in New South Wales in the early days of colonisation. Stockmen carried it west and north as they expanded across Australia. It subsequently died out in most of the country, but was creolised in the Northern Territory at the Roper River Mission (Ngukurr), where missionaries provided a safe place for Indigenous Australians from the surrounding areas to escape deprivation at the hands of European settlers. As the Indigenous Australians who came to seek refuge at Roper River came from different language backgrounds, there grew a need for a shared communication system to develop, and it was this that created the conditions for Port Jackson Pidgin English to become fleshed out into a full language, Kriol, based on English language and the eight different Australian language groups spoken by those at the mission.

Gastarbeiterdeutsch is a pidgin spoken in Germany which draws its vocabulary from the German language. The grammatical structure is simplified German but is also influenced by the structure of other component languages, for example Turkish one of the input languages.

References

Citations

  1. ↑ Matras, Yaron; Bakker, Peter, eds. (2008). The Mixed Language Debate: Theoretical and Empirical Advances. Walter de Gruyter. p. 191. ISBN   9783110197242.
  2. ↑ Zuckermann (2009) p. 48, citing Hjelmslev (1938) and Schuchardt (1884).
  3. 1 2 3 4 Arends et al. 1994
  4. ↑ Yaron Matras (2000). "Mixed languages: a functional–communicative approach" (PDF). Bilingualism: Language and Cognition. 3 (2): 79–99. doi:10.1017/S1366728900000213.
  5. ↑ According to Google n-gram, the German term Mischsprache is first attested in 1832, and attested in English since 1909.
  6. ↑ "jargon, n.1." OED Online. Oxford University Press, March 2015. Web. 4 May 2015, sense 5.
  7. 1 2 Matras, Yaron, "Mixed Languages: a functional-communicative approach", "Bilingualism: Language and Cognition / Volume 3 / Issue 2 / August 2000 / p. 79 - 99
  8. ↑ Velupillai, Viveka (2015-03-24). Pidgins, Creoles and Mixed Languages. Creole Language Library. Vol. 48. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. doi:10.1075/cll.48. ISBN   9789027252715.
  9. ↑ Viveka., Velupillai (2015). Pidgins, Creoles and Mixed Languages. John Benjamins Publishing Company. OCLC   942975077.
  10. ↑ "Middle English Chapter 5" (PDF).
  11. 1 2 Silva-Corvalán 1997
  12. 1 2 3 4 5 Thomason 1997
  13. 1 2 Lavalle, Guy http://iportal.usask.ca/docs/Native_studies_review/v7/issue1/pp81-93.pdf
  14. ↑ Thomason, Sarah Grey. GENETIC RELATIONSHIP AND THE CASE OF MA'A (MBUGU), Studies in African Linguistics. 14.2. University of Pittsburgh, 1983. Web. http://elanguage.net/journals/sal/article/view/1138/1154.
  15. ↑ Pallares, A. (2002). From peasant struggles to Indian resistance: the Ecuadorian Andes in the late twentieth century. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
  16. 1 2 Stewart, Jesse (2011). A Brief Descriptive Grammar of Pijal Media Lengua and an Acoustic Vowel Space Analysis of Pijal Media Lengua and Imbabura Quichua.. (thesis)
  17. ↑ Muysken, Pieter (1997). "Media Lengua", in Thomason, Sarah G. Contact languages: a wider perspective Amsterdam: John Benjamins (pp. 365-426)
  18. ↑ Backus, Ad. 2003. Can a mixed language be conventionalised alternational codeswitching? in Matras & Bakker (eds) The Mixed Language Debate: theoretical and empirical advances Mouton de Gruyter Berlin: 237-/270.
  19. ↑ McConvell, Patrick, and Felicity Meakins. 2005. Gurindji Kriol: A Mixed Language Emerges from Code-switching. Quatro Fonologias Quechuas, 25(1), 9-30.
  20. ↑ Gómez-Rendón, J. A. (2008). Mestizaje lingüístico en los Andes: génesis y estructura de una lengua mixta (1era. ed.). Quito, Ecuador: Abya-Yala.
  21. ↑ Gómez-Rendón, J. (2005). La Media Lengua de Imbabura. Encuentros conflictos bilingüismo contacto de lenguas en el mundo andino (pp. 39-58). Madrid: Iberoamericana.
  22. 1 2 Matras & Bakker 2003
  23. ↑ O'Shannessy 2005
  24. 1 2 Thomason & Kaufman 1988
  25. ↑ "Kaqchikel-K'iche' Mixed Language." Lewis, M. Paul, Gary F. Simons, and Charles D. Fennig (eds.). 2016. Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Nineteenth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Web. https://www.ethnologue.com/language/ckz.
  26. ↑ Long, Daniel (2007). English on the Bonin (Ogasawara) Islands. Duke University Press. ISBN   978-0-8223-6671-3.
  27. ↑ Benítez-Torres, Carlos M. (2009). "Inflectional vs. Derivational Morphology in Tagdal: A Mixed Language" (PDF). In Masangu Matondo; Fiona Mc Laughlin; Eric Potsdam (eds.). Selected Proceedings of the 38th Annual Conference on African Linguistics. Somerville: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. pp. 69–83.
  28. ↑ Wurm, Mühlhäusler, & Tryon, Atlas of languages of intercultural communication in the Pacific, Asia and the Americas, 1996:682.
  29. ↑ Walworth, Mary E. (2017a). "Reo Rapa: A Polynesian Contact Language". Journal of Language Contact. 10 (1): 98–141. doi: 10.1163/19552629-01001006 .
  30. ↑ https://www.academia.edu/37913089/Arb%C3%ABresh_Language_mixing_translanguaging_and_possible_solutions_to_issue_of_maintenance Di Maggio, M.H. (2018) Arbëresh: Language mixing, translanguaging and possible solutions to issue of maintenance]
  31. ↑ Lee-Smith, Mei; Wurm, Stephen (1996). "The Wutun Language". In Stephen Wurm; Peter Mühlhäusler; Darrell T. Tyron (eds.). Atlas of Languages of Intercultural Communication in the Pacific, Asia, and the Americas. Walter de Gruyter. pp. 883–897. ISBN   978-3-11-013417-9.
  32. ↑ Jiang, Yajun (17 October 2008). "Chinglish and China English". English Today. 11 (1): 51–56. doi:10.1017/S0266078400008105. S2CID   146487147 . Retrieved 16 June 2021.
  33. ↑ Lectures on the Science of Language, 1st series, 6th edition, p. 86
  34. ↑ On mixture in language (Transactions of the American Philological Association, 1881, reprinted in Whitney on Language. Cambridge, MA, The MIT Press, pp. 179-180)
  35. ↑ van Driem, George, 2001, Languages of the Himalayas.Vol I, p. 163.
  36. ↑ Seboek, Thomas, 1942, "An examination of the Austroasiatic language family", Language 18.3, p. 215
  37. ↑ Schlauch, Margaret. 1936. "The Social Basis of Linguistics". Science and Society: A Marxian quarterly 1.1: 8-44, esp. pp. 36-37.
  38. ↑ Meakins 2013
  39. ↑ van Driem, George, 2001, Languages of the Himalayas.Vol I, p. 163-175.
  40. ↑ Versteegh, Kees (2017). The myth of the mixed languages. Saade, Benjamin and Tosco, Mauro, eds. Advances in Maltese Linguistics, pp. 245–266. Berlin, De Gruyter. DOI (Chapter): https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110565744-011
  41. ↑ MATRAS, Yaron and BAKKER, Peter eds.: The Mixed Language Debate: Theoretical and Empirical Advances 2003. p. 209.

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