Motivational intensity

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Motivational intensity is defined as the strength of the tendency to either approach a positive situation or event or to move away from a negative situation or event. [1]

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Separation of motivational intensity and valence

In psychology, the term valence is used to describe stimuli, events, situations and emotional states that are intrinsically attractive (positively valenced) or intrinsically aversive (negatively valenced). The valence of a stimulus or event tells us whether we are likely to approach or avoid it. Valence, however provides no information about the strength of this tendency as it is either positive or negative. Instead, the strength of this association is quantified as the Motivational Intensity. By analogy, the valence of a stimulus or event is like the sign of a correlation coefficient and its motivational intensity is like the coefficient magnitude.

It has been suggested that valence ratings in normative data sets such as the International Affective Picture System (IAPS) might be used as proxies for motivational intensity. [1] However, valence and motivational intensity do not always go hand in hand with one another. For example, viewing a positively valenced picture of a cute cat is associated with low motivational intensity because participants like it but are not intrinsically driven towards it. In contrast, viewing a positively valenced picture of a dessert is associated with high motivational intensity because participants want and desire it. [2] Valence and motivational intensity can be at odds with one another with negatively valenced stimuli as well. [1]

Separation of motivational intensity and arousal

Motivational intensity and arousal are related, but are considered to be separate ideas; arousal has implications for action, but motivational intensity does not and it is possible to experience high levels of arousal, but not experience motivational intensity (e.g., laughing). [3] Gable and Harmon-Jones asked participants’ to view pictures and then complete an attention task. Half of the participants pedaled on a stationary bicycle (to induce high arousal), while others did not. Results demonstrated that there was no difference in performance on the attention task with high or low levels of arousal, but pictures high in motivational intensity narrowed attention, compared to pictures that were low in motivational intensity. [3]

Motivational intensity, valence and attention

According to motivational intensity theory, high approach motivational intensity will narrow attention and conversely, low motivational intensity will broaden attention. [1] This theory is at odds with a more traditional explanation of the effects of affect on cognitive scope, which suggest that positive affect broadens attention and negative affect narrows attention, respectively. [4]

Measurement and manipulation of motivational intensity

Motivational intensity has been experimentally measured and manipulated in a variety of contexts as highlighted below.

Film clips

Gable and Harmon-Jones examined the effects of high and low motivational intensity on the scope of attention. Motivational intensity was manipulated using film clips. Half of the participants watched a film showing cats to induce low motivational intensity. Half of participants watched a film showing appetizing desserts to induce high motivational intensity. [5] After watching the film, participants completed a Kimchi and Palmer task to measure their scope of attention. [6] Results showed that participants experienced narrowing attention following the high, but not the low motivational intensity film. [5]

Goals

Hart and Gable examined the effect of low and high motivational intensity on positive affect. Participants were either asked to write about a positive event where someone was kind to them to induce low motivational intensity, write down a goal they want to accomplish and the steps it will take to accomplish it to induce high motivational intensity, or write about a typical day in their life, as a neutral control condition. Results indicated that high motivational intensity positive affect lead to more successful goal pursuit and occurred only when task goals were explicitly stated. No effect occurred in the neutral condition, which suggests that motivational intensity alone did not impact goal pursuit. [7]

Monetary incentive

Gable and Harmon-Jones [8] [9] have manipulated motivational intensity using a delayed monetary incentive paradigm. Gable and Harmon-Jones asked participants to respond to shapes that were presented on a computer screen. Half of the participants were told that participants could gain money when circles, but not squares appeared on the screen (pre-goal; high motivational intensity). Half of the participants were not given this instruction. Next, neutral words were presented either centrally or peripherally on the screen. Participants then completed a goal-related flanker task, where they were told that if they were faster than average on each trial, they could gain money on that trial (post-goal; low motivational intensity). Finally, participants’ memory for the words was tested. Results suggested that compared to the neutral condition, high motivational intensity (i.e., pre-goal) lead to better memory for centrally presented information and low motivational intensity (i.e., post-goal) lead to better memory for peripherally presented information. In Experiment 2, these effects were replicated using desirable (e.g., desserts) and neutral pictures. [8]

Pictures

Pictures varying in high and low motivational intensity have been used in a variety of different studies including time perception. Poole & Gable asked participants to judge if pictures that were either high or low motivational intensity, appeared for long or short amount of time. [10] Pictures were high (e.g., pictures of desserts), or low (e.g., pictures of flowers) in motivational intensity or neutral images (e.g., geometric shapes) and have been used in previous experiments to induce motivational intensity. [2] [11] [12] [13] Results demonstrated that participants’ perception of time was shorter when high motivational intensity pictures were presented compared to low motivational intensity or neutral pictures. [10]

Gable and Harmon-Jones [2] (Experiment 2) used a neutral picture (e.g. rocks) or a high motivational intensity picture (e.g., dessert) appeared followed by the Navon letter task [14] to measure attentional scope. Results indicated that participants’ attention was narrowed following the high motivational intensity pictures, compared to the low motivational intensity pictures. [2]

Gable and Harmon-Jones [2] (Experiment 3) first measured overall approach motivation of participants using Carver and White's (1994) Behavioral Inhibition Scale and Behavioral Activation Scales. Participants were presented with the dessert pictures used in Experiment 2 to induce high motivational intensity and baby pictures to induce low motivational intensity. Results showed that participants with higher behavioral activation scores in the beginning of the experiment showed more evidence of attentional narrowing following high motivational intensity pictures of desserts. [5]

Gable and Harmon-Jones [2] (Experiment 4) manipulated motivational intensity using pictures and participant's expectancy to act. Participant's viewed high motivational intensity pictures (e.g., desserts) or neutral pictures (e.g., paper plates) and half of the participants who viewed the high motivational intensity pictures of desserts were given the expectation that they would eat the desserts later, while the other half were not. Following the viewing of the pictures, participants completed the Navon letters task [14] to measure the scope of attention. Results suggested that participant's attention narrowed the most when they viewed high motivational intensity pictures and were expected to consume them. This expectancy to consume the desserts showed further narrowing of attention than viewing high motivational intensity pictures alone. [2]

Gable and Harmon-Jones [15] induced motivational intensity using photos from the International Affective Picture System. [16] Pictures were negative or neutral. One picture was presented followed by one trial of the Navon letters task [14] to measure scope of attention. Results showed participants attention was broadened following low motivational intensity pictures, compared to the neutral picture. Experiment 2 was identical to experiment 1, but pictures high motivational intensity negative pictures were used. Results showed a narrowing of attention following these type of pictures. [17]

Liu and Wang used the same high and low motivational intensity pictures used in previous studies along with neutral pictures to examine the effects of motivational intensity on cognitive flexibility. Results showed that low motivational intensity increased cognitive flexibility and high motivational intensity reduced flexibility. [18]

Neuropsychological measures have been used in previous research to measure participant's neurological responses while they view high and low motivational intensity pictures [10] [13] [19] [20]

See also

Related Research Articles

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In the field of psychology, cognitive dissonance is the perception of contradictory information, and the mental toll of it. Relevant items of information include a person's actions, feelings, ideas, beliefs, values, and things in the environment. Cognitive dissonance is typically experienced as psychological stress when persons participate in an action that goes against one or more of those things. According to this theory, when two actions or ideas are not psychologically consistent with each other, people do all in their power to change them until they become consistent. The discomfort is triggered by the person's belief clashing with new information perceived, wherein the individual tries to find a way to resolve the contradiction to reduce their discomfort.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Wishful thinking</span> Formation of beliefs based on what might be pleasing to imagine

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Motivational salience is a cognitive process and a form of attention that motivates or propels an individual's behavior towards or away from a particular object, perceived event or outcome. Motivational salience regulates the intensity of behaviors that facilitate the attainment of a particular goal, the amount of time and energy that an individual is willing to expend to attain a particular goal, and the amount of risk that an individual is willing to accept while working to attain a particular goal.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Affective neuroscience</span> Study of the neural mechanisms of emotion

Affective neuroscience is the study of the neural mechanisms of emotion. This interdisciplinary field combines neuroscience with the psychological study of personality, emotion, and mood. The putative existence of 'basic emotions' and their defining attributes represents a long lasting and yet unsettled issue in the field.

The affect heuristic is a heuristic, a mental shortcut that allows people to make decisions and solve problems quickly and efficiently, in which current emotion—fear, pleasure, surprise, etc.—influences decisions. In other words, it is a type of heuristic in which emotional response, or "affect" in psychological terms, plays a lead role. It is a subconscious process that shortens the decision-making process and allows people to function without having to complete an extensive search for information. It is shorter in duration than a mood, occurring rapidly and involuntarily in response to a stimulus. Reading the words "lung cancer" usually generates an affect of dread, while reading the words "mother's love" usually generates a feeling of affection and comfort. The affect heuristic is typically used while judging the risks and benefits of something, depending on the positive or negative feelings that people associate with a stimulus. It is the equivalent of "going with your gut". If their feelings towards an activity are positive, then people are more likely to judge the risks as low and the benefits high. On the other hand, if their feelings towards an activity are negative, they are more likely to perceive the risks as high and benefits low.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Affect (psychology)</span> Experience of feeling or emotion

Affect, in psychology, refers to the underlying experience of feeling, emotion or mood.

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The negativity bias, also known as the negativity effect, is the notion that, even when of equal intensity, things of a more negative nature have a greater effect on one's psychological state and processes than neutral or positive things. In other words, something very positive will generally have less of an impact on a person's behavior and cognition than something equally emotional but negative. The negativity bias has been investigated within many different domains, including the formation of impressions and general evaluations; attention, learning, and memory; and decision-making and risk considerations.

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Negative affectivity</span>

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Emotion can have a powerful effect on humans and animals. Numerous studies have shown that the most vivid autobiographical memories tend to be of emotional events, which are likely to be recalled more often and with more clarity and detail than neutral events.

Eddie Harmon-Jones is professor of psychology at the University of New South Wales. He is recognized for his research on social neuroscience, cognitive dissonance, and the motivating aspects of emotions.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Cognitive bias modification</span>

Cognitive bias modification (CBM) refers to procedures used in psychology that aim to directly change biases in cognitive processes, such as biased attention toward threat stimuli and biased interpretation of ambiguous stimuli as threatening. The procedures are designed to modify information processing via cognitive tasks that use basic learning principles and repeated practice to encourage a healthier thinking style in line with the training contingency.

Kindness priming is an affect-dependent cognitive effect in which subjects will display a positive affect following exposure to kindness.

In cognitive psychology the affect-as-information hypothesis, or 'approach' is a model of evaluative processing, postulating that affective feelings provide a source of information about objects, tasks, and decision alternatives. A goal of this approach is to understand the extent of influence that affect has on cognitive functioning. It has been proposed that affect has two major dimensions, namely affective valence and affective arousal, and in this way is an embodied source of information. Affect is thought to impact three main cognitive functions: judgement, thought processing and memory. In a variety of scenarios, the influence of affect on these processes is thought to be mediated by its effects on attention. The approach is thought to account for a wide variety of behavioural phenomena in psychology.

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 Harmon-Jones, E.; Gable, P. A.; Price, T. F. (2013). "Does negative affect always narrow and positive affect always broaden the mind? Considering the influence of motivational intensity on cognitive scope". Current Directions in Psychological Science. 22 (4): 301–307. doi:10.1177/0963721413481353. S2CID   145683703.
  2. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Gable, P. A.; Harmon-Jones, E. (2008a). "Approach-motivated positive affect reduces breadth of attention". Psychological Science. 19 (5): 476–482. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9280.2008.02112.x. PMID   18466409. S2CID   17822824.
  3. 1 2 Gable, P. A.; Harmon-Jones, E. (2013). "Does arousal per se account for the influence of appetitive stimuli on attentional scope and the late positive potential?". Psychophysiology. 50 (4): 344–350. doi:10.1111/psyp.12023. PMID   23351098.
  4. ↑ Fredrickson, B. L. (2001). "The role of positive emotions in positive psychology: The broaden-and-build theory of positive emotions". American Psychologist. 56 (3): 218–226. doi:10.1037/0003-066x.56.3.218. PMC   3122271 . PMID   11315248.
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  6. ↑ Kimchi, R.; Palmer, S. E. (1982). "Form and texture in hierarchically constructed patterns". Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance. 8 (4): 521–535. doi:10.1037/0096-1523.8.4.521. PMID   6214605.
  7. ↑ Hart, W.; Gable, P. A. (2013). "Motivating goal pursuit: The role of affect motivational intensity and activated goals". Journal of Experimental Social Psychology. 49 (5): 922–926. doi:10.1016/j.jesp.2013.05.002.
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  9. ↑ Gable, P. A.; Harmon-Jones, E. (2011). "Attentional consequences of pre-goal and post-goal positive affects". Emotion. 11 (6): 1358–1367. CiteSeerX   10.1.1.662.75 . doi:10.1037/a0025611. PMID   22023362.
  10. 1 2 3 Poole, B. D.; Gable, P. A. (2014). "Affective motivational direction drives asymmetric frontal hemisphere activation". Experimental Brain Research. 232 (7): 2121–2130. doi:10.1007/s00221-014-3902-4. PMID   24658634. S2CID   12802674.
  11. ↑ Gable, P. A.; Harmon-Jones, E. (2008b). "Relative left frontal activation to appetitive stimuli: Considering the role of individual differences". Psychophysiology. 45 (2): 275–278. doi:10.1111/j.1469-8986.2007.00627.x. PMID   18047483.
  12. ↑ Gable, P. A.; Harmon-Jones, E. (2010b). "Late positive potential to appetitive stimuli and local attentional bias". Emotion. 10 (3): 441–446. doi:10.1037/a0018425. PMID   20515232.
  13. 1 2 Harmon-Jones, E.; Gable, P. A. (2009). "Neural activity underlying the effect of approach-motivated positive affect on narrowed attention". Psychological Science. 20 (4): 406–409. CiteSeerX   10.1.1.710.6913 . doi:10.1111/j.1467-9280.2009.02302.x. PMID   19298263. S2CID   2005697.
  14. 1 2 3 Navon, D (1977). "Forest before trees: The precedence of global features in visual perception". Cognitive Psychology. 9 (3): 353–383. doi:10.1016/0010-0285(77)90012-3. S2CID   14119789.
  15. ↑ Gable, P.; Harmon-Jones, E. (2010c). "The blues broaden, but the nasty narrows attentional consequences of negative affects low and high in motivational intensity". Psychological Science. 21 (2): 211–215. doi:10.1177/0956797609359622. PMID   20424047. S2CID   13541753.
  16. ↑ Lang, P. J., Bradley, M. M., & Cuthbert, B. N. (2005). International affective picture system (IAPS): Affective ratings of pictures and instruction manual. NIMH, Center for the Study of Emotion & Attention.
  17. ↑ Gable, P.; Harmon-Jones, E. (2010c). "The blues broaden, but the nasty narrows attentional consequences of negative affects low and high in motivational intensity". Psychological Science. 21 (2): 211–215. doi:10.1177/0956797609359622. PMID   20424047. S2CID   13541753.
  18. ↑ Liu, Y.; Wang, Z. (2014). "Positive Affect and Cognitive Control Approach-Motivation Intensity Influences the Balance Between Cognitive Flexibility and Stability". Psychological Science. 25 (5): 1116–1123. doi:10.1177/0956797614525213. PMID   24671575. S2CID   39914011.
  19. ↑ Gable, P. A.; Harmon-Jones, E. (2012). "Reducing attentional capture of emotion by broadening attention: Increased global attention reduces early electrophysiological responses to negative stimuli". Biological Psychology. 90 (2): 150–153. doi:10.1016/j.biopsycho.2012.02.006. PMID   22370068. S2CID   16837238.
  20. ↑ Liu, L.; Zhang, G.; Zhou, R.; Wang, Z. (2014). "Motivational intensity modulates attentional scope: evidence from behavioral and ERP studies". Experimental Brain Research. 232 (10): 3291–3300. doi:10.1007/s00221-014-4014-x. PMID   24961740. S2CID   17512700.
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