A pariah state (also called an international pariah or a global pariah) is a nation considered to be an outcast in the international community. A pariah state may face international isolation, sanctions or even an invasion by nations who find its policies, actions, or even its very existence unacceptable.
Until the past few centuries, the authority to designate a nation as an outcast, or pariah state, was relatively clear, often resting with religious authorities (e.g., "the Ottoman Empire for example was regarded as an outcast by European states" from the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 until the nineteenth century on a "religious basis.").[1][2] In more recent times, however, the criteria for and attached implications of pariah statehood, as well as the designating authorities, are the subject of much disagreement. For example, the Nigerian scholar Olawale Lawal has stated:[3]
There are so many open questions on the issue of Pariah State. For instance who determines a Pariah State and how a nation becomes a Pariah State... This becomes more profound when one realizes that a nation that is an outcast in one region, has diplomatic and friendly relations with others.
By some criteria, nations can be considered pariahs within their own neighborhood of surrounding states. By other criteria, an international body (such as the United Nations) or perhaps a consensus among certain nations may govern the meaning or use of the term.[3]
Etymology
The word "pariah" derives from Paraiyar, a large indigenous tribal group of the Indian state of Tamil Nadu. Under the Indian caste system, the Paraiyar were members of the lowest caste, which were called the "outcastes".[4] Since its first recorded use in English in 1613, cultures worldwide have accepted the term "pariah" to mean "outcast".[5]
Definitions
A pariah state, defined in its simplest terms, is an outcast state.[3] This is not a new term in the lexicon of International Relations, nor is it a new historical concept.[3] What is new, however, is what Lawal refers to as "the basis for Pariahood appellation."[3] Other definitions have been advanced that expand this basis (see next section below), or perhaps add more academic nuance, which may vary by author or the author's field of study. These definitions are here grouped into two categories: definitions focusing on the lack (or disadvantage) the pariah state objectively suffers from, and definitions focusing on the political justification - given by other nations - for why that pariah state "deserves" their extraordinary attitude towards it.
The first type of definitions is well exemplified by Bellany's definition, according to which a pariah state is "A state lacking any significant soft power."[6] Similarly, The Penguin Dictionary of International Relations defines the pariah states as "international States/actors which, by virtue of their political systems, ideological postures, leadership or general behavior, suffer from diplomatic isolation and widespread global moral opprobrium."[7] This definition, as the previous one, does not indicate what kind of political system, ideological posture, leadership or general behavior, is ascribed to the pariah state by the other nations.
The second type of definitions is most simply exemplified by Weiss's definition, according to which pariah states are "states that violate international norms."[1] Similarly, Harkavy offers, "A Pariah State is one whose conduct is considered to be out of line with international norms of behavior."[8] Geldenhuys gives a more detailed definition of that type: "A pariah (or outcast) country is one whose domestic or international behaviour seriously offends the world community or at least a significant group of states."[9] Marks's definition elaborates more: a pariah state is "a state with provocative policies or expansionary territorial ambitions, measures of the absence of diplomatic relations with neighboring states or the situational harm posed to other states if the state in question acquired nuclear weapons."[10]
Criteria for pariah statehood
As of August 2014, no internationally accepted criteria exist for designating a nation as a pariah state, nor is there any single accepted authority for doing so. Some criteria are proposed in the definitions offered in the previous section. For example, Harkavy and Marks make reference in their definitions to the international behavior of a nation in order to qualify it for pariahood.[8] Marks goes one step further and includes the question of nuclear weapons in his criteria,[10] while Weiss adds "a state’s defiant existence in the face of international non-recognition.".[1] However, Bellany's sole criterion is a lack of soft power,[6] while the Penguin Dictionary of International Relations requires that the pariah states also "suffer from diplomatic isolation and widespread global moral opprobrium".[7]
Left-wing political commentator and activist Noam Chomsky declared in 2003 and again in 2014 that the United States had become a pariah state. Both declarations were based on both the United States's leading violation of international laws and results from Gallup polls showing that only 10 percent of people around the world supported the Iraq War and that 24 percent of people in the world believed the United States represented the greatest threat to world peace.[11][12] Such poll results are not listed among objective criteria advanced by academic sources, international authorities or NGOs, or any governing bodies as criteria for designation as a pariah state, and Geldenhuys argues that major world powers by definition cannot be pariah states because they cannot be isolated or harmed politically or economically, or brought into compliance with international norms by pariah designations, whether by individuals or international governing bodies.[9]Mary Ellen O'Connell, a professor of international law at the University of Notre Dame, explains that there has been a decline in the respect towards international law in the United States from our highest government officials to the person on the street because of the misunderstood belief that the laws are in practice not enforceable.[13]
Lawal distinguishes between subjective and objective designations. Subjective designation can also exist on a national level, according to the interests and values of the designating nation. If the designating nation is powerful enough, the designation of pariah statehood can become objective based on the amount of pressure the designating state can apply to gain international consensus. Such was the case, according to Lawal, when the United States used its strength within the Western Bloc to impose pariah status on Fidel Castro's Cuba instead of acting unilaterally through foreign policy, with no objective need to impose international pariah status. Lawal explains that the United States' problem with Cuba was geographical more than ideological, as Cuba was no further from the United States on the political spectrum than the Soviet Union was at the time, but the Soviets had attempted to establish nuclear missile launch facilities in Cuba, within 99 miles (159km) of the United States coastline.[3]
Lawal has summarized four primary categories often used for qualification as pariah states: 1) nations that possess or use weapons of mass destruction in contravention of existing treaties, 2) nations that support terrorism, 3) nations lacking democracy, and 4) nations with a record of human rights violations.[3] To these four criteria, Geldenhuys adds another two: 5) nations that promote radical ideologies at home or even abroad (clarified as "exporting revolution"), and 6) nations that commit acts of military aggression abroad.[9] In addition to these six categories of state conduct that can result in objective designation as a pariah state, Geldenhuys suggests a seventh category that might gain international consensus: nations that are involved in international drug trafficking.[note 1]
According to Lawal, international law can serve as objective criteria. For example, nations that violate the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty are often sanctioned for their actions. Such sanctions can include designation as a pariah state, as has been the approach used by the United States.[3][note 2] However, international law can fail in this regard, as under the current international system, most nation-states recognize their own legal supremacy over the laws of any international governing body. Thus, according to Lawal, consensus under international law can be problematic. In the case of nuclear arms development, international isolation can have a paradoxical "push effect" on a pariah state, motivating accelerated development of nuclear weapons.[3] As of 2012, there was no provision in international law for pariah status.[3]
Common characteristics
Geldenhuys has identified four common characteristics shared by many pariah states that are unrelated to any actions of international deviance that might have qualified them as pariahs under the various criteria.
The first is that pariah states tend to lack a strong national identity. Geldenhuys cites Iraq as an example. Iraq is a relatively young nation-state with "artificial borders." Saddam Hussein's ruling Ba'ath Party denied that Iraqis formed a nation. Rather, they maintained that Iraqis (excluding Kurds[14]) were part of a larger Arab nation.[9]
The second characteristic is that, although they are not necessarily small, pariah states cannot be "regarded as a major power in world terms." Certainly there are individuals who disagree with this second characteristic, such as Noam Chomsky (cited above) and author-journalist Robert Parry,[15] each of whom has applied his own personal criteria to describe the United States as a pariah state.
The third characteristic noted by Geldenhuys is that pariah states tend to develop a siege mentality. Similar to the "push effect" (described above regarding sanctions against nations developing nuclear arms), this siege mentality can motivate pariah states to develop costly and ambitious arms programs.
Finally, pariah states tend to develop resentments against the established world order. They may seek to subvert the international status quo. These characteristics are presented as generalizations and are not intended by the author to apply to every pariah state.[9]
Examples
Some countries have been described as pariah states in various publications and analyses due to numerous factors, including human rights abuses and violations of international laws.[16]
South Africa (1961–1994): South Africa was widely regarded as a pariah state during most of the latter half of the 20th century, stemming from its apartheid policy. Upon seceding from the Commonwealth and ending its status as a realm in 1961, South Africa came under wide-ranging economic and trade sanctions alongside a mandatory United Nations arms embargo from 1977. Following the release of Nelson Mandela, the legalization of the African National Congress and the first democratic elections in 1994, South Africa's status as a pariah state gradually faded.[17]
Myanmar (1962–present): Since 1962, Myanmar has been ruled by several stratocracies beginning with that of Ne Win, who imposed martial law and nationalized many companies operating in the country. Ne Win also imposed a policy of self-isolation from the outside world, which later backfired as the isolation bankrupted the country and saw the rise of black market and smuggling operations.[29] After the 8888 Uprising, General Saw Maung led another coup and cracked down on democratic opposition figures, leading to strained relations with the United States.[30][31] The Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, which was passed by the US government and signed in 2003 by President George W. Bush, imposed broader sanctions against Myanmar and froze junta-linked assets, while the European Union also imposed sanctions with the exception of humanitarian aid.[32][33] Relations with Myanmar's ASEAN neighbours were also strained during this period.[34] International sanctions were eased following a series of democratic reforms in the 2010s and the release of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, but they were reimposed after the 2021 coup d'état.[35][36][37]
Troika of tyranny (2018–present): In 2017, three Latin America countries which referred as the troika of tyranny; Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela became subject of sanctions due to its human rights record. The troika itself has become a subject of condemnation among the majority of OAS members since 2017 and has either suspended or withdrawn its membership from the organization.[44]
Russia (2022–present): Following its 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Russia faced international sanctions and diplomatic isolation, with media outlets describing it as a pariah state.[45][46][47][48]
Argentina (1976–1983; 2003–2015): Under the National Reorganization Process (the military dictatorship from 1976 to 1983) was widely regarded as a pariah state due to its systematic human rights violations during the Dirty War, including the forced disappearance of up to 30,000 people, torture, and extrajudicial killings.[53] The regime faced international condemnation, U.S. sanctions under the Carter administration (cutting military aid due to human rights abuses), and further isolation following the failed invasion of the Falkland Islands/Malvinas in 1982, which led to economic sanctions by the European Community and broad diplomatic ostracism. Scholarly analysis describes this period as transforming Argentina from a pariah state into a global protagonist through subsequent human rights accountability after democratization. In the early 21st century, particularly during the presidencies of Néstor Kirchner (2003–2007) and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007–2015), Argentina was described as a financial pariah or "pariah in international capital markets" following the 2001 sovereign debt default (the largest in history at the time, ~$100 billion) and subsequent confrontations with "holdout" creditors.[54] The 2003 temporary default to the IMF (rare for a middle-income country, previously limited to failed or pariah states like Iraq or Congo) and the 2014 technical default reinforced perceptions of Argentina as isolated from global financial markets.[55][56]
Peru (1985–1990; 1992–2000): Under the first presidency of Alan García (1985–1990) was regarded as a financial pariah state amid hyperinflation exceeding 2 million percent, a sovereign debt default, and policies that isolated the country from international markets, including restrictions on profit repatriation and nationalizations that deterred foreign investment.[57] This period marked Peru as an economic outcast, with effectively no foreign direct investment and strained relations with institutions like the IMF and World Bank. During the presidency of Alberto Fujimori (1990–2000), Peru transitioned from financial pariah status through neoliberal reforms but later became a political pariah following the 1992 Peruvian self-coup, which dissolved Congress and the judiciary, leading to international condemnation for authoritarianism and human rights abuses, including forced disappearances and extrajudicial killings amid the conflict with Shining Path.[58] The regime faced threats of sanctions from the OEA) and the U.S., and by 2000, amid election fraud allegations, it risked full international isolation as a "pariah."[59][60] Peru is listed in some sources as a former pariah state specifically under Fujimori.
Chile (1973–1990): Under the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet was widely regarded as a pariah state due to systematic and widespread human rights violations during its rule, including forced disappearances, torture, extrajudicial executions, and the deaths or disappearances of over 3,000 people, as documented in reports such as the Rettig Commission.[61] The regime faced international condemnation for these abuses, leading to diplomatic isolation, U.S. sanctions under the Carter administration (including cuts in military aid), and repeated censures by the United Nations and the OAS.[62][63] By the mid-1970s, Chile was described as a "virtual pariah state" in U.S. diplomatic documents and media, with the regime seeking to alleviate its status through efforts in the OAS. Scholars and analysts have noted Chile's alignment with other isolated regimes, such as apartheid-era South Africa, due to shared pariah status.[64]
Colombia (1990s–2010; 2025–present): Colombia has been described as a pariah state in specific contexts during the late 1990s, the presidency of Álvaro Uribe (2002–2010), and under Gustavo Petro (2022–present), primarily due to issues related to narcotrafficking, human rights violations, and strained international relations. While not a "classic" pariah state like those isolated for nuclear proliferation or state terrorism, Colombia faced designations as a "narcotics pariah" or perceptions of isolation in financial and diplomatic circles.[citation needed] In the late 1990s, amid the height of narcotrafficking by cartels such as Medellín Cartel and Cali Cartel, Colombia was designated by the U.S. Congress as failing to cooperate in counternarcotics efforts, earning it the label of a "pariah state" in U.S. policy debates and leading to restrictions on aid.[65] This period marked Colombia as an economic and diplomatic outcast in some Western views, with perceptions of state weakness contributing to its stigmatization.[66] During Álvaro Uribe's presidency (2002–2010), Colombia was labeled a "pariah state" by international labor organizations and human rights groups due to widespread violations, including extrajudicial killings by paramilitaries and repression of trade unionists.[67] The UK Trades Union Congress explicitly called Colombia a "pariah state" in 2009 amid criticisms of its human rights record, contributing to its approaching pariah status in Washington and partial isolation in labor and rights forums.[68][69] Under Gustavo Petro (2022–present), particularly from 2025 onward, Colombia was redesignated by the Second presidency of Donald Trump as a "narcotics pariah" due to record cocaine production and perceived lack of cooperation in anti-drug efforts, marking the first such failing designation since 1997.[70][71] This led to personal sanctions against Petro and threats of broader economic measures, though Colombia maintained integration in international bodies like the UN and OAS.[72]
Brazil (1964–1985; 2019–2023): Brazil has been described as a pariah state in limited and contextual ways during its military dictatorship (1964–1985) and more prominently under the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro (2019–2022), primarily due to human rights violations, environmental policies, and handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. Unlike "classic" pariah states isolated for nuclear proliferation or state-sponsored terrorism, Brazil's designations were often rhetorical and tied to specific policy failures rather than broad multilateral sanctions.[citation needed] During the military dictatorship (1964–1985), Brazil faced international criticism for systematic human rights abuses, including torture, forced disappearances, and involvement in Operation Condor, but was not widely labeled a pariah state due to support from the United States amid Cold War anti-communism.[73] Post-dictatorship rulings by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights highlighted impunity for these abuses, with some analysts noting that ongoing denial risks making Brazil a "pariah" in international human rights forums.[74] However, the regime maintained diplomatic and economic ties, avoiding the isolation seen in contemporary Latin American dictatorships like Chile under Pinochet or Argentina's Dirty War. Under Jair Bolsonaro (2019–2022), Brazil was frequently labeled an international pariah for record deforestation in the Amazon, denial of climate change, and a catastrophic response to COVID-19 that led to over 700,000 deaths, drawing condemnation from organizations like Doctors Without Borders.[75][76] Policies weakening environmental protections and attacks on indigenous rights prompted threats of trade boycotts from the European Union and perceptions of Brazil as a "climate pariah."[77][78] Human rights groups, including the UK Trades Union Congress, criticized labor repression, contributing to Brazil's isolation in global forums.[79] Media outlets described Bolsonaro's policies as transforming Brazil into a "global pariah," a status that ended with his defeat in the 2022 Brazilian presidential election and the inauguration of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.[80][81][82]
Guatemala (1960–1996): During the Guatemalan Civil War, particularly under the military regimes of Romeo Lucas García (1978–1982) and Efraín Ríos Montt (1982–1983), was widely regarded as a pariah state due to systematic human rights violations, including massacres, forced disappearances, torture, and genocide against indigenous Maya populations, resulting in over 200,000 deaths or disappearances as documented by the Commission for Historical Clarification (CEH).[83] The state faced international condemnation, U.S. aid restrictions under the Carter administration, and isolation from Western allies, leading Guatemala to rely on support from other pariah states like apartheid-era South Africa, Argentina, and Israel for arms and training.[84][85] Analysts and reports described Guatemala as an "international pariah" for the brutality of its counterinsurgency campaigns, with Amnesty International accusing the regime of a "government program of political murder."[86][87] This status persisted through the 1980s, amid economic crises and military corruption, until the UN-brokered peace accords in 1996 ended the conflict and facilitated reintegration into the international community.[88][89]
United States (2025–present): The United States under the second presidency of Donald Trump has been described by critics and analysts as approaching or becoming a pariah state, primarily due to unilateral foreign policies, withdrawal from international agreements, and perceived erosion of democratic norms. In 2025, Trump's administration faced accusations of transforming the U.S. into a "global pariah" through actions such as the second withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, aggressive trade threats, and alignment with authoritarian regimes, exacerbating perceptions of the U.S. as a rogue state that ignores international law and climate multilateralism.[90][91] Analysts noted a "descent into competitive authoritarianism," with declining global perceptions of U.S. democracy leading to calls for treating the country as a pariah in international forums.[92][93] Media outlets highlighted intensified conflicts and a shift in global mood, questioning whether the U.S. had become a "pariah state threatening world peace" amid domestic and international turmoil.[94] These views, often from progressive and international sources, contrast with the U.S.' continued leadership in institutions like the UN Security Council and NATO, where no formal isolation has occurred.
Francoist Spain (1936–1953): under the dictatorship of Francisco Franco (1936–1975), particularly in the immediate postwar period until the Pact of Madrid in 1953, was regarded as a pariah state due to its alignment with the Axis powers during World War II, widespread human rights abuses including mass executions and forced labor camps, and its authoritarian fascist regime.[95] Following the defeat of the Axis in 1945, Spain faced international isolation: the United Nations General AssemblyResolution 39(I) in 1946 condemned the Franco regime and recommended the withdrawal of ambassadors, excluding Spain from UN agencies and the Marshall Plan.[96] This diplomatic and economic ostracism led to chronic depression and the "years of hunger," with Spain described as a "European pariah state" shunned by the victorious Allies. The regime's soft power efforts, including tourism and public relations campaigns targeting the United States, aimed to overcome this status, culminating in the Pact of Madrid in 1953, which provided U.S. military bases in exchange for aid and marked the beginning of Spain's reintegration into the Western bloc amid the Cold War.[97][98]
El Salvador (2022–present): Under the presidency of Nayib Bukele (2019–present) has been described by critics and analysts as approaching or becoming a pariah state, particularly during the Biden administration (2021–2025), due to authoritarian measures, widespread human rights violations, and erosion of democratic institutions.[99] Bukele's imposition of a prolonged state of emergency in 2022, leading to mass arbitrary detentions (over 80,000 people) and allegations of torture, drew condemnation from human rights organizations like Amnesty International, which labeled it a "human rights crisis." Media and policy analysts noted El Salvador's shift from a "conservative darling" to a regional pariah under U.S. anti-corruption policies, with targeted sanctions from the U.S., EU, and others on Bukele's officials for undermining democracy and embezzlement.[100][101] These characterizations were largely bilateral and rhetorical, focused on tensions with the U.S. under Biden, and did not result in broad multilateral isolation or UN sanctions.
Paraguay (1954–1989): Under the dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessner was regarded as a pariah state due to systematic human rights abuses, including torture, forced disappearances, and political repression, as well as serving as a haven for Nazi war criminals, deposed dictators, and smugglers.[102] The regime's excesses, combined with opposition from the Catholic Church social justice movement, contributed to Paraguay's international isolation, aligning it with other pariah states such as apartheid-era South Africa, Taiwan, and Chile under Pinochet.[103] This status persisted throughout Stroessner's 35-year rule, marked by authoritarianism and corruption, until his overthrow in a 1989 military coup led by General Andrés Rodríguez Pedotti, which initiated a transition to democracy and Paraguay's reintegration into the international community.
Honduras (2009–present): Honduras has been described as a pariah state in specific contexts following the 2009 Honduran coup d'état against President Manuel Zelaya and during subsequent governments, particularly under Juan Orlando Hernández (2014–2022), due to political instability, human rights violations, and allegations of corruption and narcotrafficking. These characterizations were often rhetorical or debated, stemming from regional and international condemnation rather than full multilateral isolation like that faced by "classic" pariah states.[104]The 2009 coup d'état, in which Zelaya was ousted by the military and exiled to Costa Rica, led to widespread international condemnation as a breach of democratic norms, resulting in Honduras' suspension from the Organization of American States and threats of sanctions that positioned the country as an "international pariah."[105] The United Nations General Assembly unanimously demanded Zelaya's restoration, and Latin American diplomats issued ultimatums to reverse the coup within 24 hours or face pariah status. The interim government under Roberto Micheletti faced aid cuts from the U.S. and others, but the isolation was temporary: after elections in November 2009 won by Porfirio Lobo, Honduras was reintegrated into the OAS in 2011 following Zelaya's return under a mediated agreement.[106][107] Under Juan Orlando Hernández (2014–2022), Honduras was analyzed as a potential pariah state amid accusations of electoral fraud, corruption, and links to narcotrafficking, culminating in Hernández's 2024 U.S. conviction for drug trafficking.[108] Scholarly works debated whether Honduras' high violence rates and institutional weakness warranted pariah status or merited U.S. support for security innovations. Targeted sanctions under the Magnitsky Act were imposed on officials, but no broad multilateral ostracism occurred. In the post-Hernández era under Xiomara Castro (2022–2026), rhetorical accusations of Honduras as a "pariah state" persisted in U.S. political discourse, linked to perceived alliances with Venezuela and ongoing corruption, though the country maintained integration in international bodies.[109]
Fascist Italy (1935–1945): Under the fascist regime of Benito Mussolini (1922–1945), particularly following the invasion of Ethiopia in 1935–1936, was regarded as a pariah state due to its aggressive imperialism and violation of international norms, leading to economic sanctions imposed by the League of Nations.[110][111] The League's sanctions, in response to the unprovoked aggression against a fellow member state, isolated Italy diplomatically and economically, prompting Mussolini to strengthen ties with Nazi Germany (forming the Rome-Berlin Axis in 1936) and other antidemocratic regimes as fellow outcasts. Historians and analyses describe fascist Italy as a "pariah state" during this period because of its invasion of Ethiopia, which exposed the League's weakness and alienated democratic powers like United Kingdom and France.[112] This pariah status intensified during World War II (1940–1945), as Italy's alliance with the Axis powers and role as an aggressor led to further international condemnation and postwar exclusion from early United Nations activities until its admission in 1955 following the 1947 Paris Peace Treaties and democratic transition.
Panama (1983–1989): Under the de facto rule of Manuel Antonio Noriega was regarded as a pariah state by the United States and some international observers due to allegations of drug trafficking, money laundering, corruption, and political repression. Once a close U.S. ally and virtual fiefdom of Washington, Panama under Noriega joined countries like Cuba, Libya, and Nicaragua on the U.S. list of pariah states, prompting economic sanctions, aid cuts, and diplomatic isolation from Washington.[113] Noriega's regime was accused of turning Panama into a key hub for narcotics trafficking and money laundering, leading to U.S. efforts to pressure his removal through economic measures that failed to dislodge him, culminating in the U.S. military invasion of Panama in December 1989 to oust him.[114][115] The pariah designation was primarily bilateral and U.S.-driven, with no broad multilateral sanctions from the United Nations or Organization of American States, though the regime's actions drew international criticism and contributed to Panama's reputational damage as a haven for illicit finance. Following Noriega's capture, trial in the U.S., and the installation of a new government, Panama reintegrated into the international community, later regaining control of the Panama Canal in 1999 and maintaining strong ties with the United States.[113][116]
Turkey (2016–present): Under the presidency of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (2003–present), particularly since the 2016 coup attempt and subsequent purges, has been described by critics, analysts, and media as a pariah state or rogue state due to authoritarianism, human rights violations, and aggressive foreign policies. Erdoğan's consolidation of power through constitutional changes (2017 referendum), mass arrests of opponents, journalists, and academics (over 100,000 detained or dismissed), and interventions in Syria and Libya, have strained relations with NATO, leading to perceptions of Turkey as an "isolated or pariah state" in Western circles.[117][118] Actions such as the purchase of S-400 missiles (triggering U.S. CAATSA sanctions in 2020), support for groups like Hamas, and threats against Greece and Cyprus have reinforced this view, with some outlets labeling Turkey a "rogue state" or "pariah" for undermining democratic norms and regional stability.[119][120] These designations are largely rhetorical and debated, often from Western perspectives, as Turkey maintains membership in NATO, the G20, and the UN, with strong ties to Russia, China, and regional allies like Azerbaijan and Qatar. By 2025, Erdoğan's mediation in conflicts like Ukraine-Russia and efforts to normalize relations with former adversaries positioned him as shifting from "pariah to peacemaker" in some analyses.[121][122]
Indonesia (1975–1999): Indonesia was widely regarded as approaching or nearing pariah state status during its Indonesian occupation of East Timor, particularly in the late 1990s. Following the 1975 invasion and annexation of the former Portuguese colony, Indonesia faced international condemnation for widespread human rights abuses, including mass killings, forced displacement, and systematic repression, with estimates of up to 100,000–200,000 deaths during the occupation. The issue intensified dramatically in 1999 after President B. J. Habibie allowed a UN-supervised referendum on independence, which resulted in an overwhelming vote (78–80%) for separation. In the immediate aftermath, pro-Indonesian militias—widely believed to be supported or tolerated by elements of the Indonesian military—unleashed widespread violence, destruction, and terror campaigns against civilians, UN personnel, and infrastructure. This led to strong international backlash, with media outlets and analysts describing Indonesia as "nearing pariah status" or on the "brink of becoming a pariah state."[123][124] Pressure from the United States, Australia, the European Union, and others—including threats of economic sanctions, suspension of IMF and World Bank aid, and military isolation—forced Habibie to accept an Australian-led international peacekeeping force (INTERFET) in September 1999. East Timor achieved independence in 2002, after which Indonesia's international standing improved significantly through democratic reforms and economic recovery in the post-Suharto era. While never fully isolated like classic pariah states (e.g., apartheid-era South Africa), the 1999 crisis represented the peak of Indonesia's temporary pariah-like status.[125]
Saudi Arabia (2017–present): Under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS, de facto ruler since 2017) has been described as a pariah state or "pariah" by critics, U.S. politicians, and media outlets, particularly following the 2018 murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in Istanbul, which U.S. intelligence assessed as approved by MBS, alongside ongoing human rights abuses, the Yemen war, and repression of dissent.[126][127] Then-candidate Joe Biden vowed to make Saudi Arabia a "pariah state" due to these issues, and the label persisted amid boycotts, arms sale pauses by some allies, and reputational damage.[128][129] The designation was largely rhetorical and U.S./Western-driven, focused on bilateral tensions rather than multilateral isolation (no United Nations sanctions or OAS-style suspension). By 2023–2025, Saudi Arabia actively shed the label through diplomatic mediation (e.g., Ukraine-Russia talks, normalization efforts), social reforms, and reintegration (Biden 2022 visit, Trump 2025 reset), with analyses shifting to "from pariah to peacemaker" or "partner."[130][131]
Slovakia (1994–1998): Under the leadership of Prime Minister Vladimír Mečiar was widely regarded as a pariah state in Central Europe due to authoritarian governance, corruption, human rights abuses, and discriminatory policies toward minorities, which led to significant international isolation. After Slovakia's independence in 1993 following the Velvet Divorce with the Czech Republic, Mečiar's Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) dominated politics, resulting in the country being excluded from the first wave of NATO enlargement and initial European Union accession talks.[132][133] Mečiar was viewed as a "mini-Milosevic in the making," presiding over a regime criticized for thuggish tactics, media control, and undermining democratic institutions, turning Slovakia into a "near-pariah state" shunned by Western allies.[134] This isolation, often described as creating a "hole in the map of Europe," stemmed from Mečiar's nationalist populism and failure to meet democratic standards, contrasting sharply with neighbors like the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland that advanced toward NATO and EU membership.[135] The situation ended with Mečiar's defeat in the 1998 elections, followed by a pro-European coalition that reversed the isolation and enabled Slovakia's eventual accession to NATO (2004) and the European Union (2004).[132][133]
Taiwan (1971–present): Taiwan has been described as a pariah state or "pariah state" in academic and historical analyses, particularly since its expulsion from the United Nations in 1971 via Resolution 2758, which recognized the People's Republic of China as the sole legitimate representative of China and led to widespread loss of formal diplomatic recognition. This isolation left Taiwan with only a handful of formal allies (currently 12–13 states as of 2025) and exclusion from most UN-affiliated organizations, positioning it as an "irregular state" or "perpetual pariah" in the international system of sovereign states.[136][137] During the Cold War, Taiwan formed part of an informal "alliance of pariahs" or "pariah international" with Israel and apartheid era South Africa, cooperating on military, intelligence, and nuclear-related matters to counter their shared diplomatic marginalization and existential threats.[138][136] This cooperation included alleged nuclear technology exchanges and arms deals among the three "outcast" states, as documented in historical accounts of their mutual vulnerability.[139] Taiwan's pariah status is primarily due to lack of formal recognition and exclusion from global institutions rather than systematic violations of international norms (such as proliferation or state terrorism). It maintains de facto sovereignty, a vibrant democracy, strong economy, and informal ties with major powers (e.g., via the Taiwan Relations Act with the United States), allowing participation in bodies like the World Trade Organization (as "Chinese Taipei") and APEC. While some analyses continue to frame Taiwan as a "pariah state" in discussions of its geopolitical exile and pressure from the PRC, others highlight its successful reinvention as a "pariah with allies" through soft power and strategic partnerships.[140]
Vietnam (1978–1991): Vietnam was widely regarded as an international pariah or "virtual international pariah" in the late 1970s and 1980s, particularly following its invasion of Cambodia in December 1978, which overthrew the Khmer Rouge regime and led to a decade-long occupation of the country. The invasion drew near-universal condemnation from Western powers, ASEAN states, and China, isolating Vietnam diplomatically and economically as a perceived aggressor aligned with the Soviet Union.[141] Surrounded by hostile neighbors and facing a U.S. embargo (imposed in 1975 and lasting until 1994), Vietnam became a "run-down pariah state" and political satellite of the Soviet Union, with limited international aid and severe economic hardship.[142][143] The occupation of Cambodia further reinforced Vietnam's status as an "isolated outcast," with ASEAN and Western nations viewing it as a threat to regional stability and supporting resistance forces. This isolation persisted until Vietnam's withdrawal from Cambodia in 1989, the implementation of Đổi Mới economic reforms in 1986, normalization with China in 1991, and eventual lifting of the U.S. embargo in 1994 under President Bill Clinton, paving the way for Vietnam's reintegration into the international community, including membership in ASEAN (1995) and the World Trade Organization (2007).[141][142]
Germany (1919–1945): Germany was regarded as a pariah state or "pariah nation" in the aftermath of World War I and during the Nazi era (1933–1945), due to its treatment under the Treaty of Versailles (1919) and subsequent aggressive policies that led to international condemnation and isolation. The Treaty of Versailles imposed harsh terms on Germany, including territorial losses, massive reparations, military restrictions, and the "war guilt clause" (Article 231), which branded Germany as solely responsible for the war and excluded it from the League of Nations until 1926, fostering deep resentment and positioning the Weimar Republic as a humiliated outcast in the international order.[144][145] Under the Nazi regime led by Adolf Hitler, Germany transitioned from a resentful pariah to an aggressive pariah state through rearmament, territorial expansion (e.g., remilitarization of the Rhineland in 1936, Anschluss with Austria in 1938), and the outbreak of World War II in 1939. The regime's policies, including the Holocaust and systematic aggression, made Nazi Germany an international outcast, condemned as a criminal state by the Allies and leading to total defeat, occupation, and division in 1945. Historians note that the Treaty of Versailles' punitive measures contributed to the rise of Nazism by fueling nationalist resentment, while the Nazi era solidified Germany's pariah status through global war and genocide.[146][147] Germany's pariah status ended gradually after World War II through denazification, the Marshall Plan, reintegration into Western institutions (e.g., NATO in 1955), and eventual reunification in 1990, transforming it from a defeated pariah into a leading democratic power in Europe.
Second Polish Republic (1938–1939): Poland experienced a brief period of international isolation and was regarded as a pariah state or "pariah of Europe" from October 1938 to March 1939 following its annexation of the Zaolzie (Teschen) region from Czechoslovakia in the aftermath of the Munich Agreement. Taking advantage of Czechoslovakia's weakened position after the agreement ceded the Sudetenland to Nazi Germany, Poland issued an ultimatum and occupied the area on October 2, 1938, incorporating approximately 802 square kilometers with a significant Polish population but also straining relations with former allies.[148] The move provoked severe outcry across Europe, leading to widespread condemnation and positioning Poland as a diplomatic outcast during this period. Winston Churchill famously described Poland's actions as exhibiting a "hyena appetite," accusing it of joining in the "pillage and destruction" of Czechoslovakia alongside Germany.[149] This opportunistic territorial grab alienated France and Britain (Poland's nominal allies) and heightened tensions with the Soviet Union, contributing to Poland's temporary status as a "pariah of Europe" until the escalating crisis leading to World War II.[148] The isolation was short-lived and reversed with the outbreak of war in September 1939, when Germany invaded Poland, prompting Britain and France to declare war and restoring Poland's position as a victim of aggression in the eyes of the Allies
People's Socialist Republic of Albania (1944–1985): Albania under the communist dictatorship of Enver Hoxha (1944–1985) was widely regarded as a pariah state or "pariah state" due to its extreme isolationism, authoritarian repression, and rejection of all major international alliances, transforming it into one of the most isolated nations in the world during the Cold War. After breaking ties with Yugoslavia in 1948, the Soviet Union in 1961 (following Khrushchev's de-Stalinization), and China in 1978 (after Mao's death and Deng Xiaoping's reforms), Hoxha pursued a policy of self-reliance and paranoia, sealing Albania off from foreign influence, tourism, and aid. This self-imposed isolation, combined with Stalinist purges, forced labor camps, widespread surveillance, and the declaration of Albania as the world's first officially atheist state in 1967, made it a "North Korea of the Balkans" and a "pariah state" shunned even by other communist countries.[150][151] The regime's construction of over 173,000 bunkers nationwide symbolized its fear of invasion and reinforced its status as a "run-down pariah state" and political satellite without meaningful external support, leading to severe economic hardship, poverty, and mass emigration attempts (boat people in the late 1980s and early 1990s).[152] Albania's pariah status persisted until Hoxha's death in 1985 and the collapse of communism in 1991–1992, after which the country transitioned to democracy, opened its borders, and pursued integration into Western institutions, including membership in NATO (2009) and candidacy for the European Union (2014).[150][153]
Fourth Philippine Republic (1972–1986): Philippines under the dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos, particularly after the declaration of martial law in 1972, was regarded as a pariah state or "pariah regime" by Western governments, human rights organizations, and international media due to widespread corruption, systematic human rights violations, and authoritarian rule. Marcos suspended Congress, imposed censorship, detained thousands of political opponents without trial, and presided over extrajudicial killings, torture, and disappearances, documented by groups like Amnesty International. The regime's plunder of billions of dollars (estimated 5–10 billion) further tarnished its reputation, leading to perceptions of the Philippines as a "pariah state" in democratic circles.[154][155] While the United States maintained strategic support due to military bases (Subic Bay and Clark Air Base), aid was reduced in the mid-1980s amid growing criticism of Marcos's abuses and the assassination of opposition leader Benigno Aquino Jr. in 1983, which galvanized domestic and international opposition. The regime's isolation was largely reputational and bilateral rather than multilateral (no broad UN sanctions), but it contributed to the Philippines' status as an "international pariah" in human rights and governance discussions during the late martial law period.[156] The pariah status ended with the People Power Revolution in February 1986, which ousted Marcos and installed Corazon Aquino as president, restoring democracy and reintegrating the Philippines into the international community, including normalization of relations with the United States and eventual participation in regional organizations like ASEAN.
↑This paper was published in 1997. Therefore, academic consensus on this issue may have been reached (or failed) already.
↑Lawal acknowledges in his paper that there is a great deal of overlap between the definitions of "pariah states" and "rogue states". Weiss (2012) refers to this as "The US's Rogue State policy."
↑"pariah". The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fifth Edition. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company. Retrieved 14 August 2014.
12Harkavy, Robert (1981). "Pariah states and nuclear proliferation". International Organization. 35 (1). Cambridge University Press: 136. doi:10.1017/s0020818300004112.
↑Chomsky, Noam (May 1, 2014). "The Politics of Red Lines". In These Times. The Institute for Public Affairs. Archived from the original on July 17, 2014. Retrieved 14 August 2014.
↑Haggard, Stephan; Noland, Marcus (2007). Famine in North Korea: Markets, Aid, and Reform. Columbia University Press. p.38. ISBN978-0-231-51152-0. The failure of the International Atomic Energy Agency, South Korea, and the United States to resolve the crisis in a timely manner and the tightening of sanctions against the country constituted an important background condition for the famine.
↑Wu, Rwei-ren (2008). [(various references in Taiwanese political discourse) "Pariah Manifesto (excerpts)"]. Retrieved January 29, 2026.{{cite journal}}: Check |url= value (help); Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
↑Vale, Peter (1995). South Africa and Taiwan: Pariahs in International Redemption and Global Change. Routledge.{{cite book}}: |access-date= requires |url= (help)
↑[(various analyses post-2016 resurrection of Marcos family) "The Marcos Legacy: From Pariah to President"]. The Diplomat. 2016. Retrieved January 30, 2026.{{cite news}}: Check |url= value (help)
Vandewalle, Dirk (2008a). "Libya in the New Millennium". In Vandewalle, Dirk (ed.). Libya Since 1969: Qadhafi's Revolution Revisited. Basingstoke, England: Palgrave Macmillan. pp.215–237. doi:10.1007/978-0-230-61386-7_10. ISBN978-0-230-33750-3.
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