Patriotyczny Ruch Odrodzenia Narodowego (PRON, English: Patriotic Movement for National Rebirth or National Renaissance Patriotic Movement) was a Polish popular front that ruled the Polish People's Republic. It was created in the aftermath of the martial law in Poland (1982). Gathering various pro-communist and pro-government organizations, it was attempted to show unity and support for the government and the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR). PRON was created in July 1982 and dissolved in November 1989.
The Patriotic Movement for National Rebirth replaced the previous communist-led coalition, Front of National Unity, and was marked by a different and broader rhetoric. Communist activists retorted to nationalist, patriotic and Catholic rhetoric, trying to improve the public image of the Polish communist regime and appeal to nationalist and left-leaning religious voters.[3] However, the coalition was not ideologically diverse and was completely dominated by the communist PZPR, with other members of the coalitions submitting to its dominance. As such, the PRON was left-wing and did not question the communist regime in any way.[4]
History
The initiative was first proposed in June 1982 by the Polish Ministry of Interior, where it would be "a new model of a national front" to replace the Front of National Unity. The idea behind PRON was based on the "transmission belt" concept, which would extend the appeal of the communist regime by building support within Catholic and nationalist circles, which were hitherto marginalized. The Patriotic Movement for National Rebirth was officially founded on 20 July 1982 by the Sejm of the People's Republic of Poland, and was officially declared as a movement that would "organise and conduct a dialogue with society, aiming at agreement and national revival". It was to have a structure based on trade unions, and divide members along their professions and social group, such as "a steelworker, a farmer, a dancer, a professor".[5]
Despite being de facto controlled and dominated by the Polish United Workers' Party, the PRON did act on its promises to promote politically independent activists, along with Catholic and nationalist ones; nearly 40% of the PRON was composed of independent and youth activists.[6] The 'marginal parties', such as the United People's Party and Alliance of Democrats, were also given greater roles.[7]
On 17 December 1982, the first meeting of the Provisional National Council of the Patriotic Movement for National Rebirth took place, with the organization being founded a few months after the imposition of martial law in Poland to build public support for the communist authorities. The PRON was headed by the well-known Catholic writer Jan Dobraczyński, associated with the PAX Association, who was elected Chairman of the Provisional National Council on 17 December 1982. Marian Orzechowski, secretary of the Central Committee of the PZPR, became Secretary General. He was followed by other prominent PZPR activists: Jerzy Jaskiernia and Stanisław Ciosek.[1]
The announcement of the establishment of PRON was made on 20 July 1982. "Declaration on the Patriotic Movement for National Revival" was the work of the PZPR, the ZSL and SD, which were dependent on it, and Catholic associations: the PAX, the Christian Social Association and the Polish Catholic Social Association. The signatories, expressing their appreciation for the Citizens' Committees for National Rebirth (Polish: Obywatelski Komitet Odrodzenia Narodowego), which were formed after the introduction of martial law, declared that "the time was ripe to unite these multiple currents in PRON".[1]
It was to be an "authentic socialist" movement, open to those who recognise that "there is no other way for Poland than socialist development, no more certain guarantee of her independence than an alliance with the Soviet Union". The declaration stated that there could be no divisions between believers and non-believers, party and non-party. It advocated unfettered promotion, up to key positions, for independent candidates. The declaration ended with a call to "march together on the national road of revival and development of socialist Poland".[1]
What distinguished PRON from previous communist-led "popular fronts" in Communist Poland was that it fully embraced the 'nationalist-communist alliance' that flourished between the communist leadership and Polish endecja-related nationalists. Through PRON, the communist government "relied extensively on the rhetoric of nationalism, including old Piłsudskiite and Endek slogans, while also endorsing statism and further diminishing Marxist ideological discourse". Utilizing Dobraczyński's connection to Catholic and nationalist circles, PRON promoted the concept of “permissible pluralism” within its ranks, and sought to undermine the emerging Solidarity movement by demonstrating good relations with the Polish Catholic Church, along with making highly nationalist appeals. Though socialism as the official ideology was upheld, the official ideological line of PRON was that "the Polish state constituted the highest value", and Solidarity leaders were portrayed as "unpatriotic" and "anti-Polish".[8]
The organisation sought to further show its staunchly nationalist ideology through the creation of Advisory Council (Polish: Rada Konsultacyjna) in 1986, which included in it radical National Democracy activists such as Maciej Giertych. Right-wing nationalists justified cooperation with the communist regime through pragmatic arguments, sharing the communist hostility to liberal, Western-oriented dissidents and wishing to "nationalize" the communist system from within.[9] The PRON also rehabilitated many Polish nationalist traditions, such as the Polish Independence Day on 11 November, as well as reviving the personality cult of Józef Piłsudski.[10] Nationalist events and celebrations promoted by PRON also included commemorations of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising and the Warsaw Uprising, previously frowned upon amongst communist circles.[11]
The Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the PZPR, at the request of General Wojciech Jaruzelski, appealed to party members to actively participate in PRON. The PRON's authority was to be built up, among other things, by calls to the authorities to lift martial law and release the internees, and by the participation of people from science and culture in its authorities. They included, among others, professors Janusz Reykowski, Mikołaj Kozakiewicz, Zbigniew Gertych, writers and publicists Halina Auderska, Edmund Męclewski, Zbigniew Safjan and director Jerzy Kawalerowicz.[1]
Collective members of PRON were numerous social organisations, the authorities of which declared their accession to PRON without the knowledge and will of their members. For this reason, already in May 1983, nearly half a million citizens from 75 social organisations belonged to the PRON. The 1st Congress of the PRON was held in May 1983. At that time, a postulate was formulated to establish a Guardian of Citizens' Rights, an initiative which culminated in the establishment of the office of the Ombudsman in 1987. However, Professor Ewa Łętowska, the first Ombudsman, wrote in her memoirs that she had no doubts about the decorative nature of this office. In July 1983, the PRON was written into the constitution of the People's Republic of Poland: "The Patriotic Movement for National Rebirth is a platform for the unification of society for the good of the People's Republic of Poland, as well as for the cooperation of political parties, social organisations and associations and citizens regardless of their worldview - in matters of the functioning and strengthening of the socialist state and the comprehensive development of the country."[1]
Members
The Patriotic Movement for National Rebirth included the following member parties:
It was later joined by many other organizations, such as All-Poland Alliance of Trade Unions, Związek Harcerstwa Polskiego and Towarzystwo Przyjaciół Dzieci. Few members of those organizations were aware of their membership in PRON, as PRON members included organizations, not individuals. PRON membership was required by communist propaganda, and necessary for any organization that wanted to exist on political scene with support of the government.
PRON was mentioned in the amended Polish communist constitution, where it replaced the Front of National Unity. Like its predecessor, it was dominated by the PZPR; the minor parties had to accept the PZPR's "leading role" as a condition of their continued existence.
It was the sole organisation to put forward candidates in the 1985 election, which proved to be the last elections in which no opposition candidates were permitted to run. As such, it won every seat in the Sejm.
As part of the Polish Round Table Agreement in April 1989 which paved the way for free elections in Poland, PRON was guaranteed 299 out of 460 Sejm seats (65%), with the remaining 161 up for free election with the opposition Solidarity. In the semi-elections that June, Solidarity won every contested seat in the Sejm as well as 99 out of 100 seats in the reestablished Senate. PRON effectively ceased to exist in August after the Democratic Party and United People's Party announced they would be forming an alliance with Solidarity. This reduced the PZPR to a minority in the chamber and precipitated the appointment of Poland's first non-Communist government since World War II. The Patriotic Movement for National Rebirth was formally disbanded in November 1989.
Ideology
The Patriotic Movement for National Rebirth described itself as "a broad and authentic social movement" that unites "workers, peasants, the intelligentsia and all those who want the homeland to be better, who want to turn desires into deeds, and who want to give deeds the most effective dimension." It declared itself open to everyone who "recognise that there is no other way for Poland but socialist development, no more certain a guarantee of its independence than alliance and friendship with the Soviet Union and membership of the community of socialist countries." It also stated that it brings together those "who believe that the guarantor of socialist development is the PZPR, fulfilling a leading role in society in partnership with the ZSL and SD, in constructive cooperation with the associations of lay Catholics and Christians standing on the basis of the systemic principles of socialist Poland".[3]
Unlike the previous communist-led coalition, the Front of National Unity, PRON was broader as it also included Catholic organisation and sought to extend the appeal of the Polish United Workers' Party by introducing patriotic, nationalist and Catholic rhetoric. Nevertheless, the coalition was dominated by the communist PZPR and was staunchly left-wing in character, with other members of the coalition submitting to supremacy of the PZPR. The coalition became active in the field of nationalist marches and commerations, including the commemoration of September 1939 and adding a nationalist tone to the communist military parades.[3] Polish historian Waldemar Czachur recalls that the Patriotic Movement for National Rebirth ran its campaign with "full military ceremony, with the participation of young people, veterans, representatives of political and social organisations, municipal, city and provincial authorities. Many commemorations, especially at the regional level, were also initiated by representatives of civil society, often in cooperation with the Catholic Church." In this way, the main goal of the PRON was to improve public image of the communist regime.[12]
Appealing to Polish voters for support, the coalition recalled achievements of communist Poland, writing: "In the 40 years of People's Poland, we became an industrialised, urbanised, maritime country. The western and northern lands were reclaimed and developed. Revolutionary reforms and socialist transformations freed society from social injustice, unemployment and illiteracy." The party adopted a nationalist slogan and commonly utilized communist youth organisations in its campaign, in some ways appearing similar to the interwar right-wing nationalist activists in Poland. Stressing the nationalist, socialist and also populist character of the party, the coalition used slogans such as: "Won't you cast your vote on Sunday? Poland's enemies will gain!" or "By not voting, you are doing harm to your homeland! Go to the ballot box as soon as possible, be together with the nation."[2]
The Patriotic Movement for National Rebirth was also described as national communist and an explicit attempt to attract nationalists, including the right-wing ones. This was shown by the fact that the chairman of the PRON was Jan Dobraczyński, a Catholic novelist and longtime associate of Bolesław Piasecki, who was a member of the right-wing National Democracy movement in the interwar era before becoming a Soviet collaborator in the 1940s.[9] PRON was an extention of Piasecki's concept of a "nationalist-communist alliance" and "relied extensively on the rhetoric of nationalism, including old Piłsudskiite and Endek slogans, while also endorsing statism and further diminishing Marxist ideological discourse". Polish historian Mikołaj Kunicki compared the rhetoric and ideology of PRON as similar to interwar Sanacja regime - "patriotic, authoritarian-militarist, all-embracing, but also extremely vague".[8]
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1 2 Łukasik-Turecka, Agnieszka (2016). Anna Bartoś (ed.). Oblicza wyborów. Studia wyborcze i analizy kampanii parlamentarnej w 2015 roku na Lubelszczyźnie (in Polish). Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL. pp.155–156. ISBN978-83-8061-354-6.
↑ Tracz, Bogusław (2010). Adam Dziuba; Sebastian Rosenbaum (eds.). "Dekompozycja, rozkład i demontaż struktur wojewódzkich: PZPR w Katowicach". Upadek systemu komunistycznego na Górnym Śląsku. Wokół przemian 1989 roku w województwach katowickim i opolskim (in Polish). 4. Katowice: IPN Katowice: 122–189.
↑ Ruzikowski, Tadeusz (2013). Stan Wojenny w Warszawie i Województwie Stołecznym: 1981–1983 (in Polish). Warsaw: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej. p.152. ISBN978-83-7629-519-0.
↑ Ruzikowski, Tadeusz (2013). Stan Wojenny w Warszawie i Województwie Stołecznym: 1981–1983. Warsaw: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej. p.155. ISBN978-83-7629-519-0.
↑ Sanford, George (1985). "Poland's Recurring Crises: An Interpretation". The World Today. 41 (1). Royal Institute of International Affairs: 8–11.
1 2 Kunicki, Mikołaj Stanisław (2012). Between the Brown and the Red: Nationalism, Catholicism, and Communism in 20th-Century Poland — The Politics of Bolesław Piasecki. Ohio University Press. pp.182–183. ISBN978-0-8214-4420-7.
↑ Sikorski, Tomasz (2021). "Phantasm and an Attack on the Epoch. An Overview of Józef Piłsudski's Image in Polish Feature Films in the People's Republic of Poland". Remembrance and Justice. 38 (2). Uniwersytet Szczeciński: 353. doi:10.48261/pis213819.
↑ Czachur, Waldemar; Loew, Peter Oliver (2022). „Nigdy więcej wojny!”: 1 września w kulturze pamięci Polski i Niemiec w latach 1945-1989 (in Polish). Warszawa: Współczesne Społeczeństwo Polskie wobec Przeszłości. doi:10.7366/9788366849884. ISBN978-83-66849-88-4.
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