Premiership of Abiy Ahmed

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Abiy Ahmed is currently the third serving Prime Minister of Ethiopia. In 2018, he became the first ever Oromo descent to assume the role of prime minister in the history of Ethiopia. He won the Nobel Peace Prize in his second year as a prime minister of Ethiopia in 2019 becoming the eighth African laureates to win the award for peace.

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Abiy Ahmed with LI Yong 2018 (cropped).jpeg
Abiy in 2018
Premiership of Abiy Ahmed
2 April 2018 –present

On October 16, 2018, Abiy reduced his cabinet from 28 to 20 ministers during a parliamentary session. Half were women, which was unprecedented. His new cabinet contained Sahle-Work Zewde as the first female president, Aisha Mohammed Musa as Minister of Defense and Muferiat Kamil as Minister of Peace, with oversight of intelligence and security agencies. Writer and activist Billene Seyoum was the first press secretary of the Office of the Prime Minister.

Party reform

The EPRDF administration consisted of four parties, most represented by ethnic groups: the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), the Oromo People Democratic Organization (OPDO), the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), and the Southern Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (SEPDM). On November 21, 2019, Abiy formed the Prosperity Party by merging the following parties:

Abiy said that the "Prosperity Party is committed to strengthening and applying a true federal system which recognizes the diversity and contributions of all Ethiopians". [61]

Foreign policy

During the 2017 Saudi Arabian purge, Abiy released about 1,000 Ethiopian prisoners after a request by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and discussed bilateral, regional, and global issues affecting both countries during a two-day visit. [62] Detainees included billionaire Mohammed Hussein Al-Amoudi. In June 2018, Abiy met Egyptian president Abdel Fattah el-Sisi in Cairo; he also met with South Sudanese president Salva Kiir and rebel leader Riek Machar in Addis Ababa to facilitate peace talks. Ethiopia played a role in the regional IGAD's work for peace in South Sudan. [63]

Djibouti and port agreement

Ethiopian cargo ship in the Port of Djibouti. In 2018, Ethiopia signed an agreement with Djibouti to access the port. Ethiopian cargo ship at Port of Djibouti.jpg
Ethiopian cargo ship in the Port of Djibouti. In 2018, Ethiopia signed an agreement with Djibouti to access the port.

Ethiopia announced its intention to hold a stake in the Port of Djibouti, a gateway for trade, in May 2018. Djibouti had been seeking foreign investors due to the termination of Dubai's state-owned DP World concession and failure to have a contract for six years. [64] The government announced that it would hold a 19-percent stake in Berbera Port, located in the unrecognized Republic of Somaliland, as part of a joint venture with DP World. [65] Two days later, Sudan agreed to give Port Sudan to Ethiopia. The Ethio-Djibouti agreement allowed Djibouti to become a stakeholder in state-owned Ethiopian firms such as Ethio Telecom and Ethiopian Airlines [66] after Abiy and Kenyan president Uhuru Kenyatta agreed to build an Ethiopian logistics facility at Lamu Port, part of the Lamu Port and Lamu-Southern Sudan-Ethiopia Transport Corridor (LAPSSET) project. [67]

Eritrea

Abiy (right) with Eritrean president Isaias Afewerki in 2019 Abiy Ahmed and Isaias Afwerki speaking in Eritrea 2019.jpg
Abiy (right) with Eritrean president Isaias Afewerki in 2019

Abiy has worked to end the Eritrean–Ethiopian border conflict; his government announced in June 2018 that it would hand over the disputed town of Badme to Eritrea, end hostilities between the countries, and comply with the 2000 Algiers Agreement. Both countries were in a frozen conflict described as "no war, no peace", with tens of thousands of deaths. BBC Tigrinya editor Samuel Gebrehiwot said that "change could be on the cards, but few imagined it could happen this quickly". [68] [69]

On 20 June 2018, Eritrean president Isaias Afewerki sent a high-level delegation to Addis Ababa to implement a peace agreement in accordance with the Algiers Agreement. On 26 June, Eritrean Foreign Minister Osman Saleh Mohammed visited Addis Ababa for the first time in over two decades. [70] Abiy was the first Ethiopian leader to meet his counterpart, Eritrean president Isaias Afewerk, in over two decades at the 8 July 2018 Eritrea–Ethiopia summit in Asmara. He ended the bilateral tension by signing a joint declaration of peace and friendship ensuring direct telecommunications, road, and aviation links using Massawa and Asseb. [71] Abiy received the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize.

Some Eritrean critics asked why only one party to a minor peace agreement should receive the Nobel Peace Prize. [72] In July 2020, the Eritrean Ministry of Information said: "Two years after the signing of the Peace Agreement, Ethiopian troops continue to be present in our sovereign territories. Trade and economic ties of both countries have not resumed to the desired extent or scale." [73] Anonymous Ethiopian officials alleged that Abiy and Isaias secretly conspired against Tigray. [74]

Egypt

14 January 2022 Sentinel-2 Level-2A image of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam Sentinel-2 L2A image on 2022-01-14.jpg
14 January 2022 Sentinel-2 Level-2A image of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam

The controversial Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam has been under construction since 2011. On 4 July 2018, a diplomatic meeting was held in Ethiopia to discuss the facilitation of foreign relations with Egypt and other Arab countries and coordinating with the private sector to serve Egyptian strategic interests. Abiy pledged that the dam would not affect Egypt's share of Nile water agreed in the 1959 convention, reversing previous government decisions. [75] Egypt feared that the water flow would decrease by 2019, and the UN predicted that Egypt would lose its water supply by 2025. Abiy downplayed Egypt's concern, saying that "no force can stop the dam's completion". [76] In a January 2022 letter, he called on Sudan and Egypt to "nurture towards building peace, cooperation, mutual co-existence and development of all our people without harming one another. If there is a need to go to war, we could get millions readied." [77] [78]

The June 2020 murder of activist and singer Hachalu Hundessa sparked violence in Addis Ababa and other Ethiopian cities; Abiy hinted, without obvious suspects or a motive for the killing, that Hundessa may have been murdered by Egyptian security agents acting on orders from Cairo. [79] An Egyptian diplomat said that Egypt "has nothing to do with current tensions in Ethiopia". [80] In a Time magazine article, Ian Bremmer wrote that Abiy "may just be looking for a scapegoat that can unite Ethiopians against a perceived common enemy". [79]

Civil conflicts

The number of ethnic clashes has increased during Abiy's premiership. The first conflict was the Gedeo–West Gurji, which displaced 1.4 million people; the year's highest violence-related displacement, it was caused by a shortage of food, farmland, and livestock supplements. [81] Awol Allo said that when Abiy came to power in 2018, two irreconcilable future visions were created. [82] Abiy undertook reforms, and the liberation was suspected of worsening the relationship with the Tigray People's Liberation Front. [83]

Amhara Region coup d'état attempt

On 22 June 2019, factions of the Amhara Region's security forces attempted a coup d'état against the regional government during which regional president Ambachew Mekonnen was assassinated. [84] A bodyguard siding with nationalist factions assassinated Ethiopian National Defense Force general-staff chief Se'are Mekonnen and his aide, Major General Gizae Aberra. [84] The Prime Minister's office accused regional security-forces chief Asaminew Tsige of leading the plot, [85] and Tsige was shot dead by police near Bahir Dar on 24 June. [86]

Metekel conflict

Fighting in the Metekel Zone of the Benishangul-Gumuz Region, which began in June 2019, reportedly involved Gumuz militias. [87] The Gumuz have allegedly formed militias such as Buadin and the Gumuz Liberation Front which have staged attacks. [88] [89] According to Amnesty International, the 22–23 December 2020 attacks were made by the Gumuz against Amhara, the Oromo and Shinasha (whom Gumuz nationalists viewed as "settlers"). [90]

October 2019 clashes

In October 2019, Ethiopian activist and media owner Jawar Mohammed said that police attempted to force his security detail to leave his home in Addis Ababa so they could detain him during the night of 23 October at the behest of Abiy. The previous day, Abiy gave a speech in Parliament accusing "media owners who don't have Ethiopian passports" of "playing it both ways" (a reference to Jawar); "if this is going to undermine the peace and existence of Ethiopia ... we will take measures." [91] [92]

Hachalu Hundessa riots

The murder of Oromo singer Hachalu Hundessa led to serious unrest in Oromia, Addis Ababa and Jimma from 30 June to 2 July 2020. According to initial police reports, the riots led to the deaths of at least 239 people. [93]

Tigray War

In early November 2020, an armed conflict began after Northern Command attacks by Tigray People's Liberation Front security forces prompted the Ethiopian National Defense Force to respond. [94] [95] [96] The ENDF is supported by the Eritrean Defence Forces, Amhara and Afar Region special forces and other regional forces; the Tigray Special Force and Tigray Defense Force aided the TPLF. [97] [98] [99] [100] [101] [102] [103] [104] Hostilities between the central government and the TPLF escalated after the TPLF rejected the government's decision to postpone the August 2020 elections to mid-2021 due to the COVID-19 pandemic, with the TPLF accusing the government of violating the Ethiopian constitution. [105]

The TPLF conducted regional elections, winning all contested seats in the regional parliament. [106] In response, Abiy redirected funding from the top level of the Tigray regional government to weaken the party. [107]

The Ethiopian government announced on 28 November 2020 that they had captured the Tigray capital of Mekelle, completing their "rule of law operations". [108] However, reports of guerrilla-style conflict with the TPLF continues. [109] [110]

According to the United Nations, about 2.3 million children are cut off from humanitarian aid. The Ethiopian government has strictly controlled access to the Tigray region since the start of the conflict, and the UN has expressed frustration that talks with the government have yet to enable humanitarian access. UNICEF said that the aid consists of "food, including ready-to-use therapeutic food for the treatment of child malnutrition, medicines, water, fuel and other essentials that are running low". [111] [112] [113] [114] [115]

On 23 November, an Agence France-Presse reporter visited the western Tigray town of Humera and noted that officials had taken over administration of conquered portions of Western Tigray from the Amhara Region. [116] Refugees interviewed by AFP said that the pro-TPLF troops used the Hitsats refugee camp as a base for several weeks in November 2020, killing several refugees who wanted to leave the camp to get food; in one incident, nine young Eritrean men were killed in revenge for losing a battle against the EDF. [117] On 18 December 2020, thefts by Amhara forces were reported by the Europe External Programme with Africa which included 500 dairy cows and hundreds of calves. [118]

In a victory speech [119] [120] [121] [122] [123] [124] delivered to the federal parliament [125] on 30 November 2020, Abiy said: "Related to civilian damage, maximum caution was taken in just three weeks of fighting, in any district, Humera, Adi Goshu, Axum, Edaga Hamus. The defence forces never killed a single civilian in a single town. No soldier from any country could display better competence." [126] On 21 March 2021, during a parliamentary session in which Abiy was questioned about sexual violence in the Tigray War, he said: "The women in Tigray? These women have only been penetrated by men, whereas a knife penetrated our soldiers". [127]

The image of a Nobel Peace Prize winner has been re-assessed by international media as reports of atrocities emerge. [128] In December 2021, Declan Walsh reported in The New York Times that Abiy and Isaias had been secretly planning the Tigray War before Abiy received the Nobel Prize to settle their scores with the TPLF. [129]

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References

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  3. ↑ "Ethiopia's Abiy Ahmed: The Nobel Prize winner who went to war". BBC News. 2021-10-11. Retrieved 2022-05-01.
  4. ↑ "The Nobel Peace Prize 2019". NobelPrize.org. Retrieved 2022-08-04.
  5. ↑ "Ethiopia's PM Abiy Ahmed loses his shine". POLITICO. 2020-09-25. Retrieved 2022-05-13.
  6. ↑ Walsh, Declan (2021-12-15). "The Nobel Peace Prize That Paved the Way for War". The New York Times. ISSN   0362-4331 . Retrieved 2022-05-13.
  7. ↑ "UN decries Ethiopia air strikes; says dozens killed this month". www.aljazeera.com. Retrieved 2022-05-13.
  8. ↑ "A brief profile about Dr. Abiy Ahmed". Walta Media and Communication Corporate S.C. 3 May 2022.
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  17. ↑ Mumbere, Daniel (19 June 2018). "Ethiopia PM says era of state-sanctioned torture is over". AfricaNews. Archived from the original on 19 June 2018. Retrieved 19 June 2018.
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  20. ↑ Gebre, Seifeselassie (28 May 2018). "Is Ethiopia Creating a Revolving Door Criminal Justice System?". Tigrai Online. Archived from the original on 2 June 2018. Retrieved 6 June 2018.
  21. ↑ AfricaNews (2018-06-14). "Ethiopia's peace deal with Eritrea criticised by TPLF". Africanews. Retrieved 2022-05-04.
  22. ↑ Abera, Etenesh (13 June 2018). "TPLF says Ethiopia's recent Eritrea, economy related decisions have "fundamental flaws"; calls for emergency meeting of EPRDF executive". Addis Standard . Archived from the original on 13 June 2018. Retrieved 13 June 2018.
  23. ↑ "Ethiopia: Exiled church patriarch returns home with PM Abiy Ahmed – The Ethiopian Satellite Television and Radio (ESAT)". ethsat.com. Retrieved 2022-05-04.
  24. ↑ "One year on, tough times loom for Ethiopia's Abiy Ahmed". Yahoo! News. 31 March 2019. Archived from the original on 1 April 2019. Retrieved 31 March 2019. ... Abiy has touted his moves to improve media freedom – following in the footsteps of Hailemariam, who released several prominent jailed journalists – but instability threatens this progress.
  25. ↑ "Ethiopia drops charges against two foreign-based media organizations, two individuals". FanaBC. 29 May 2018. Archived from the original on 1 April 2019. Retrieved 31 March 2019. The Federal Attorney General has requested the federal high court to drop charges against two foreign countries-based media organizations-ESAT and OMN as well as Berhanu Nega and Jawar Mohammed.
  26. ↑ "New television channels in Ethiopia may threaten state control". The Economist. 9 December 2016. Archived from the original on 12 January 2018. Retrieved 6 April 2019.
  27. ↑ Yoseph, Nardos (2 August 2009). "New Channels Abundance Increases Competition for TV Ad Revenues". Addis Fortune . Archived from the original on 21 April 2020. Retrieved 6 April 2019.
  28. ↑ Roth, Kenneth (19 December 2018). Ethiopia: Events of 2018. Human Rights Watch. Archived from the original on 19 March 2019. Retrieved 21 March 2019. After years of widespread protests against government policies, and brutal security force repression, the human rights landscape transformed in 2018 after Abiy Ahmed became prime minister in April. The government lifted the state of emergency in June and released thousands of political prisoners from detention, including journalists and key opposition leaders such as Eskinder Nega and Merera Gudina. The government lifted restrictions on access to the internet, admitted that security forces relied on torture, committed to legal reforms of repressive laws, and introduced numerous other reforms, paving the way for improved respect for human rights... Parliament lifted the ban on three opposition groups, Ginbot 7, Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), an Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) in June. The government had used the prescription as a pretext for brutal crackdowns on opposition members, activists, and journalists suspected of affiliation with the groups. Many members of these and other groups are now returning to Ethiopia from exile...

    With the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) controlling 100 percent of the seats in parliament, the institutional and legal impediments for sustained political space remain a challenge. Accountability for years of abuses, including torture and extrajudicial killings, and opening the space for political parties and civil society remain significant challenges for the new administration. There are indications that the reform process may ultimately be hindered by a lack of independent institutions to carry forward changes...

    Ethiopia released journalists who had been wrongfully detained or convicted on politically motivated charges, including prominent writers such as Eskinder Nega and Woubshet Taye, after more than six years in jail. The federal Attorney General's Office dropped all pending charges against bloggers, journalists, and diaspora-based media organizations, including the Zone 9 bloggers, Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT), and Oromia Media Network (OMN), which had previously faced charges of violence-inciting for criticizing the government...

    OMN and ESAT television stations reopened in Addis Ababa in June, following calls by Prime Minister Abiy for diaspora-based television stations to return. Additionally, the government lifted obstructions to access more than 250 websites. The restriction on access to the internet and mobile applications introduced during the 2015 protests was also lifted.    {{cite book}}: |website= ignored (help)
  29. ↑ Latif Dahir, Abdi (14 December 2018). "For the first time in decades, there are no Ethiopian journalists in prison". Quartz Africa. Archived from the original on 21 March 2019. Retrieved 21 March 2019. ...Abiy Ahmed, who took over in April also released thousands of political prisoners and journalists and dismissed charges against diaspora-based media outlets. Those released included prominent journalists Eskinder Nega, Darsema Sori, and Khalid Mohammed, who were held for years on charges ranging from treason to inciting extremist ideology and planning to overthrow the government.
  30. ↑ Bieber, Florian; Tadesse Goshu, Wondemagegn (15 January 2019). "Don't Let Ethiopia Become the Next Yugoslavia". Foreign Policy. Graham Holdings Company. Archived from the original on 21 March 2019. Retrieved 21 March 2019. The process of liberalizing a political system in an ethnically polarized society is dangerous. During the liberalizing moment, newfound freedom of speech can easily focus on finding culprits, singling out particular groups, and bringing up repressed grievances. Furthermore, there is less tradition to distinguish fact from rumour, and thus fearmongering rhetoric can travel quickly and with fewer checks than in established pluralist environments. This is mostly due to social media but also because of a lack of reliable institutions and structures to turn to in a country where institutions have been decimated by years of authoritarian rule.
  31. ↑ "Why ESAT and Messay Mekonen called for genocide on the people of Tigray?". Horn Affairs. 15 November 2016. Archived from the original on 11 October 2019. Retrieved 29 July 2019. Mr. Messay Mekonon has called a genocide attack to such civil population, which are the indigenous people of Tigray-Ethiopia in his satellite TV called ESAT on 4 September 2016
  32. ↑ "ESAT Radio and Television: The Voice of Genocide". Horn Affairs. 23 August 2017. Archived from the original on 11 October 2019. Retrieved 29 July 2019. ESAT television, in a public address made to the people of Gondar, on August 06, 2016, ESAT journalist Mesay Mekonnen broadcast that "the difficulty that we (Ethiopians) are facing now is not between the oppressor government/regime and the oppressed people, as other countries are facing. What we Ethiopians are now facing is a small minority ethnic group, representing five percent of the Ethiopian population, who wants to rule Ethiopia subjugating others and the subjugated peoples. And the solution for what we are facing at this time is "drying the water so as to catch (kill) the fish."
  33. ↑ "ESAT TV, stop your hate propaganda against the people of Tigrai". Tigrai Online. 27 January 2013. Archived from the original on 11 October 2019. Retrieved 29 July 2019. ESAT's main objective is to provide thinly veiled poisonous hate propaganda against the people of Tigrai. Financed by the traditional enemies of Ethiopia this divisive and very dangerous media outlet has been pumping out thousands of articles, cyber TV programs, and radio programs. The majority of those programs are designed to create a permanent discord between the general Ethiopian population and the people of Tigrai.
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  120. ↑ Green, Andrew (4 December 2020). "Abiy's Victory Claims Ring Hollow as Fighting Continues in Ethiopia's Tigray Region". World Politics Review. Archived from the original on 12 April 2021. Retrieved 12 April 2021. At the same time, Abiy is trying to shore up his popular support in the rest of Ethiopia. And though his quick declaration of victory appeared premature to outside observers, it seemed designed to rally his supporters and serve as a warning to other restive ethnic factions that might have been feeling emboldened to take on his administration
  121. ↑ Unger, Luke (12 December 2020). "Ethiopian Military Say They Now Control Tigray Capital". OWP. The Organisation for World Peace. Archived from the original on 12 April 2021. Retrieved 12 April 2021. It seems that Prime Minister Ahmed's victory speech is worryingly premature. Not for the legitimacy of the current Ethiopian government, but for the thousands of refugees caught in the crossfire. It remains likely that this conflict will develop into guerrilla warfare by the TPLF, potentially drawing the conflict out for several months, if not years. Within this Guerrilla conflict, civilians will inevitably be caught in the crossfire as fighting will likely be most prominent in civilian areas. Before further potential violence ensues, both the TPLF and Ethiopian government should recognize that the protection of civilians in this conflict is paramount and employ necessary measures to ensure civilian safety, including stopping indiscriminate bombardments, and putting military facilities near civilian areas and targeting civilian facilities. Both sides should also grant unobstructed access to humanitarian organizations that can provide aid and supplies for those in need and restore communication channels to ensure transparency by both groups.
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  124. ↑ Davies, Guy (25 October 2020). "Ethiopian prime minister compared to Mandela now ruling with an iron fist". abc News. Archived from the original on 21 April 2021. Retrieved 12 April 2021. For a moment, Abiy's premiership appeared to be new dawn over one of the world's poorest countries. But within weeks of accepting the Nobel Peace Prize, Abiy already was deploying the language of a very different leader -- saying that Ethiopia was "readied" for war with Egypt over an ongoing dispute over the Nile dam. Citing "domestic concerns," he refused to take questions publicly after the award. Very quickly, it became clear at home that Abiy's intentions were quite different from his international image. "In terms of the Nobel itself, it is very difficult to think of a political leader who was awarded the prize that conducted himself in the same manner," Allo said. "[It is] now very clear that all accolades and praises showered on him, including by myself, were premature."
  125. ↑ "Ethiopia PM Ahmed Abiy admits Eritrea forces in Tigray". BBC News Africa. British Broadcasting Corporation. 23 March 2021. Archived from the original on 23 March 2021. Retrieved 12 April 2021. At the end of November, Mr Abiy had told parliament that "not a single civilian was killed" during the conflict. The defence forces never killed a single civilian in a single town
  126. ↑ "Ethiopia's PM relishes victory, but Tigrayan leader says war not over". Screenocean. Imagen Enterprise Video Platform. Reuters. 30 November 2020. Archived from the original on 12 April 2021. Retrieved 12 April 2021. We were on target, 99 percent. There was no collateral damage on 99 percent of the operation. We never fired on uncertainties - for example, during nights, because, what if children die, they are ours - the enemy assumed we use drones only for firing because they didn't know the capacity of the special forces and the air force. But we used drones in 90 percent of the cases to monitor their movements." MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT SEATED (SOUNDBITE) (Amharic) ETHIOPIAN PRIME MINISTER, ABIY AHMED, SAYING: "The defence forces never killed a single person in a single town. No soldier from any country could display better competence. We have disciplined heroic soldiers. There was a lot of campaigning saying that we would demolish Mekelle. Mekelle is ours, built with our resources. How can we destroy it? No one got in harm's way in the Mekelle operation. The special forces conducted a special surgery in Mekelle." ABIY AT PODIUM MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT SEATED (SOUNDBITE) (Amharic) ETHIOPIAN PRIME MINISTER, ABIY AHMED, SAYING: "We didn't fire a single rocket in the Tigray region. We have double what they have in terms of numbers. On whom do we fire rockets? A rocket travels kilometres out of your sight before it falls somewhere. You can't be sure what it does to whom. But our pilots, they go and come back, loaded with their bombs, if they think there's a risk on civilians - because they can decide, we can also make decisions by watching with drones - we won't do it. But it can be dangerous when it comes to rockets. Even though we had a higher number of them we didn't use them because it is our country. We are not a junta.
  127. ↑ Nyssen, Jan (2021-06-19). "From Apologies to Atrocities: How to make sense of leadership statements in Ethiopia". Reinventing Peace. Retrieved 2022-03-31.
  128. ↑ Akinwotu, Emmanuel. "Scale of Tigray horror adds to pressure on Ethiopian leader". The Guardian. No. 28 March 2021. Guardian News & Media Limited. Archived from the original on 28 March 2021. Retrieved 29 March 2021. Earlier this month, MSF said most of the more than 100 health facilities it had visited across Tigray had been looted, vandalised and destroyed in a deliberate and widespread attack on healthcare. What Abiy has insisted was a military operation against 'criminals' has instead emerged as a bitter conflict waged against millions of civilians, with mass attacks and sexual violence driven by ethnic and historic regional divisions. The military campaign against the TPLF, whom Abiy accused of attacking federal military camps and aiming to destabilise the country, has quickly recast the image of one of Africa's youngest leaders who was awarded the Nobel peace prize for ending the long conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
  129. ↑ Walsh, Declan (15 December 2021). "The Nobel Peace Prize That Paved the Way for War". Archived from the original on 2021-12-15. Retrieved 20 December 2021.
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