Status generalization

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In sociology, as defined by Murray Webster JR. and James Driskell, [1] status generalization is:

Contents

"the process by which statuses of actors external to a particular interaction are imported and allowed to determine important features of that interaction." [1]

As an example, Webster and Driskell cite the tendency of white male executives to become group leaders even if their executive skills are not relevant to the group's task. [1]

Research

Timothy Brezina and Kenisha Winder (2003) [2] researched white people's racial stereotyping of blacks and the association between black people and lower socioeconomic statuses. They found that negative racial stereotyping is fueled by the continuing association between race and economic disadvantage. The mindset is that “if blacks continue to fall behind economically, then they must not be trying hard enough”. [2]

According to Brezina and Winder, if white people are aware of the relatively disadvantaged positions of black people, the white people are more likely to negative stereotype the black people. If the black people are in a group, the white people are more likely to form a negative status generalization about them.[ citation needed ]

Paul Thomas Monroe focuses on the situation in which a low-status person gains legitimate authority or power in higher-status positions. This theory was tested using an experiment designed to have two-by-two groups working on cooperative tasks.

Context

The concept of status generalization can be applied to groups that are assembled to perform a task. A group member's external status (race, age, gender, or occupation), as opposed to his or her skill, may determine their roles within the group. [1]

Julian Oldmeadow, Michael Platow, and Margaret Foddy state:

“the underlying psychological process that gives rise to (status generalization) in naturally occurring task-groups is psychological group formation, understood as self-categorization and social identification with other task-group members.” [4]

The researchers state that people naturally identify with others in a group by their physical status characteristics. These characteristics include a person's socioeconomic status, their race, and/or their gender. After identifying these characteristics, people will establish a pecking order within the group. This pecking order will predict each person's influence within the group (i.e. speaking order, command of topic).[ citation needed ]

When people enter a task group, they look at the physical status characteristics (skin color, age, social economic status) of each group member. The group will probably give more power and prestige to members with the so-called "best" characteristics. It does not matter if these characteristics are irrelevant to the task; the group will still consider them in assigning roles to its members.

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References

  1. 1 2 3 4 Webster Jr, Murray; James E. Driskell Jr (April 1978). "Status Generalization: A Review and Some New Data". American Sociological Review. 43 (2): 220–236. doi:10.2307/2094700. JSTOR   2094700.
  2. 1 2 Brezina, Timothy; Kenisha Winder (December 2003). "Economic Disadvantage, Status Generalization, and Negative Racial Stereotyping By White Americans". Social Psychology Quarterly. 66 (4): 402. doi:10.2307/1519837. JSTOR   1519837.
  3. Munroe, Paul Thomas (March 2002). Creating a legitimated power and prestige order: The impact of status consistency and performance evaluations on expectations for competence and status (Thesis). ProQuest   619962300.
  4. Oldmeadow, Julian; Platow, Michael; Foddy, Margaret (2005). "Task-groups as self-categories: A social identity perspective on status generalization". Current Research in Social Psychology. hdl:1885/51335.