Fire of Moscow (1571)

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Fire of Moscow (1571)
Part of the Russo-Crimean Wars
Facial Chronicle - b.22, p. 202.gif
Miniature of the Illustrated Chronicle, 16th century
Date24 May 1571
Location 55°47′N37°40′E / 55.783°N 37.667°E / 55.783; 37.667
Result

Ottoman–Crimean–Nogai–Circassian victory

  • Most of Moscow destroyed by fire
Belligerents
Flag of the Ottoman Empire (1453-1844).svg Ottoman Empire
Flag of the Crimean Khanate (15th century).svg Crimean Khanate [1]
Nogai flag.svg Nogai Horde [2]
Circassian flag.svg Circassia [2]
Flag of Oryol ship (variant).svg Tsardom of Russia
Commanders and leaders
Selim II
Devlet I Giray
Divey-Murza [lower-alpha 1]
Temroqwa Idar
Ivan Belsky
Ivan Mstislavsky
Ivan Sheremetev
Mikhail Vorotynsky
Pyotr Tatev
Vasily Temkin-Rostovsky
Units involved

c. 40,000 Tatar horsemen [lower-alpha 2]

unknown number of Nogais and Circassians [lower-alpha 3]
35,000–40,000 [4] [lower-alpha 4]
Casualties and losses
Unknown 60,000–200,000 inhabitants
European Russia laea location map (Crimea disputed).jpg
Red pog.svg
Moscow
Location within European Russia

The Fire of Moscow occurred on 24 May 1571, when the Crimean [6] and Ottoman Army [ citation needed ] (circa 40,000 horsemen [4] ) led by the khan of Crimea Devlet I Giray, bypassed the Serpukhov defensive fortifications on the Oka River, crossed the Ugra River into the Moscow suburbs, and rounded the flank of the 35,000–40,000 men [4] of the Russian army.

Contents

Prelude

The sentry troops of Russians were crushed by the Crimean-Turkish forces. Not having forces to stop the invasion, the Russian army retreated to Moscow. The rural Russian population also fled to the capital. After defeating the Russian army, the Crimean-Turkish forces besieged the town of Moscow, because in 1556 and 1558, Muscovy, violating the oath given to the Giray dynasty, attacked the lands of the Crimean Khanate — Moscow troops invaded the Crimea and burned villages and towns in the Western and Eastern Crimea, with many Crimean Tatars captured or killed. In 1561, Muscovites "received a letter from the Patriarch of Constantinople" (which turned out to be false [7] ), which asserted the rights of Ivan the Terrible to claim himself the Tsar. By 1563, relations between the Muscovy and the Crimean Khanate finally deteriorated. [8]

By 23 May 1571, Tatar troops approached Moscow, setting up a camp near Kolomenskoye. At the same time, Russian voivodes entered the city. The army of Ivan Belsky stood on Bolshaya Street, and the regiment of Ivan Mstislavsky and Ivan Sheremetev on Yakimanka. The advanced regiment of Mikhail Vorotynsky and Pyotr Tatev stood on the Tagansky meadow, while the army of Vasily Tiomkin-Rostovsky was behind Neglinnaya. [9] According to chroniclers, "Prince Ivan Dmitrievich Belskoy went against the Crimean people across the Moskva River to the meadow behind the Swamp and did business with them." During the battle, the Crimeans pushed back the Russians, Prince Belsky was wounded, and a fire rapidly spread through the city. [10]

Fire

The Crimean Tatar and Ottoman forces set the suburbs on fire on 24 May and a sudden wind blew the flames into Moscow and the city went up in a conflagration. [11] According to Heinrich von Staden, a German in the service of Ivan the Terrible (he claimed to be a member of the Oprichnina)," the city, the palace, the Oprichnina palace, and the suburbs burned down completely in six hours. It was a great disaster because no one could escape." [12] People fled into stone churches to escape the flames, but the stone churches collapsed (either from the intensity of the fire or the pressure of the crowds.) People also jumped into the Moscow River to escape, where many drowned. The powder magazine of the Kremlin exploded and those hiding in the cellar there asphyxiated. [13] The tsar ordered the dead found on the streets to be thrown into the river, which overflowed its banks and flooded parts of the town. Jerome Horsey wrote that it took more than a year to clear away all the bodies. [14]

Aftermath

The march on Moscow, which was carried out by the Tatars, is considered to be the final major devastation inflicted upon the city. Scholars argue that the fire in 1571 was even more widespread than the great fire of Moscow in 1547. The aftermath of the raid was so catastrophic that it was said that there were no remaining poles in the city to tie a horse to. [15] Determining the exact number of casualties and captives during the Devlet Giray campaign is challenging. Different sources provide varying estimates, ranging from 60 to 150 thousand individuals enslaved and from 10 to 120 thousand people killed in the attack on Moscow. [16] The Crimean ambassador in Warsaw claimed that 60 thousand individuals lost their lives during the campaign, while an equal number were captured. On the other hand, Giles Fletcher believed that the death toll reached a staggering 800 thousand people. Although this figure is clearly exaggerated, it cannot be denied that Russia suffered immense losses. The extensive destruction of Moscow is further confirmed by the papal legate Antonio Possevino who reported a population of no more than 30 thousand individuals in 1580. This is in stark contrast to the 41,500 houses and at least 100 thousand inhabitants that Moscow had in 1520. [17]

The battle of Moscow had a significant impact on the Russian military, leading to substantial losses. However, despite these setbacks, the Russian troops did not face defeat. The unfolding events during the battle caused great distress within the army, with their wagons being nearly completely destroyed by fire on the streets of Moscow. Additionally, numerous horses were lost, and the field artillery suffered damage. Despite these challenges, the number of troops recruited from local cavalry, which relied on the support of serving cities, did not experience a significant decrease, as evident from the campaign of 1572. [10]

The fire had a significant influence on both the domestic and foreign policy decisions made by Ivan the Terrible. The inability of the Oprichniks to protect the capital highlighted the urgent necessity of disbanding the Oprichnina. Furthermore, the Oprichny Palace, which had been reduced to ashes, was not reconstructed, and a number of influential oprichniks paid the ultimate price through execution. Following the devastating incidents, the authorities in Moscow contemplated the construction of a formidable stone barrier encompassing Bely Gorod, strategically designed to render it impervious to the relentless onslaught of the Tatar cavalry. In this regard, during the early 1590s, the government of Boris Godunov, who was the brother-in-law of the Tsar, took the initiative to construct a structure known as the Belgorod Wall. [18] [19]

The campaign launched against Moscow had a significant impact on the foreign policy dynamics of the Russian state, resulting in a notable transformation in its international relations. Ivan the Terrible faced a multitude of challenges in addition to his difficult relationships with the Crimean Khanate and the Ottoman Empire. He was also forced to make compromises and concessions when engaging in negotiations with various other states. In the year 1571, he consented to the extension of trade privileges specifically for merchants from England. [17]

In a letter addressed to the Tsar, Devlet-Giray passionately detailed the motives behind his assault on Moscow. Indignant about the ongoing conflicts regarding Kazan and Astrakhan, he expressed his frustration by resorting to drastic measures – burning and destroying everything in his path. With a fervent belief in the divine, he sought to bring forth the glory of God by reducing the wealth of the entire world to mere ashes. His intention was clear – to conquer Moscow, seize the crown, and claim the Tsar's very head. However, to his astonishment, the Tsar did not rise up to face him in battle. Despite this, Devlet-Giray could not fathom the audacity of the Tsar to boast about being the ruler of Moscow. In a scathing remark, he asserted that if the Tsar possessed any semblance of honor and self-respect, he would have confronted them head-on, instead of cowering behind his throne.

According to Alexander Zimin's account, during a meeting held on June 15, 1571, Ivan the Terrible expressed his willingness to establish a Tatar principality (princedom) in Astrakhan, effectively granting Devlet-Giray control over the region. However, Ivan the Terrible adamantly refused to relinquish Kazan to the Crimean khan. In his correspondence with the Crimean Khan, Ivan the Terrible expressed his reasons for declining the offer. He acknowledged the Khan's mention of war in their letter, but felt that discussing it further would not lead to a positive outcome. Understanding the Khan's frustrations regarding the refusal of Kazan and Astrakhan, Ivan expressed a willingness to concede Astrakhan to the Khan. However, he explained that the process of transferring such a significant territory would require the involvement of ambassadors, as it could not be accomplished solely through messengers. Ivan emphasized the importance of the Khan agreeing to terms and avoiding conflict with their land until the necessary diplomatic efforts could be completed.

In addition to this, Devlet-Giray decided to send official representatives to the Tsar with the intention of seeking a solution or resolution to their ongoing issues. Specifically, their main demand was for an augmentation in the amount of tribute they were required to pay to the Tsar's realm. According to a chronicle written at a later time, it is recorded that Ivan IV once took part in a performance where he appeared before the audience donning a sheepskin coat[ citation needed ]. During this theatrical display, the Terrible pointed towards his attire and exclaimed, drawing attention to his appearance. He lamented the fact that he had been forced into such a state, attributing it to the actions of the tsar himself. The Terrible claimed that the tsar had essentially stripped him of his wealth and resources, leaving his kingdom depleted and the treasury in ruins. As a result, he found himself in a position where he had nothing left to offer or present to the tsar. According to Jerome Gorsey's account, in retaliation, the Tatar ambassador presented a tarnished and menacing blade to the tsar, purportedly dispatched by the khan as a means for the tsar to bring an end to his own humiliation by slitting his own throat. In a fit of rage, Ivan commanded Kondratyev to execute severe punishments on several individuals. Some unfortunate souls faced the gruesome fate of having their heads mercilessly severed, while others experienced the harrowing ordeal of having their noses and ears cruelly sliced off. To add insult to injury, instead of receiving the expected tribute, these disfigured individuals were sent back to their comrades bearing an axe as a grim reminder of their failure[ citation needed ].

With the intention of replicating the triumph achieved during the summer campaign, Devlet-Giray devised a strategy to seize control over the entirety of Russia and subject it to his rule. The Ottoman administration based in Istanbul expressed their approval and endorsement of this plan. In 1572, Khan orchestrated a fresh military expedition aimed at Moscow, however, the outcome of the clash at Molodi culminated in the conquest of the Crimean-Turkish army (see the Battle of Molodi).

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References

  1. "The experienced military commander Divey-Murza was chief counsellor of Devlet I Giray" [3]
  2. Chronicler Balthasar Russow's data [4]
    Probably borrowed from other Livonians Johann Taube and Elert Kruse. [4]
  3. Historian Ruslan Skrynnikov's commentary [2]
  4. The anonymous German author of the brochure "Brief reliable news and general review of the past stories and deeds that happened in last time in 1570 and 1571 in Moscow and in Russia" wrote about 40,000 Russian troops. [5]
    Devlet I Giray himself in his dispatch to Istanbul reported that under Moscow's walls he was met by a Russian army of 30,000 selected horsemen and 6,000 infantrymen. [5]
  1. Penskoy & Penskaya 2013, p. 183.
  2. 1 2 3 Penskoy & Penskaya 2013, p. 214.
  3. Penskoy & Penskaya 2013, p. 199.
  4. 1 2 3 4 5 Penskoy & Penskaya 2013, p. 192.
  5. 1 2 Penskoy & Penskaya 2013, p. 190.
  6. Robert Nisbet Bain, Slavonic Europe: Apolitical History of Poland and Russia from 1447 to 1796, (Cambridge University Press, 1908), 124.
  7. К. Валишевский. «Иван Грозный», pages 144–145.
  8. Карамзин Н. М. История государства Российского: в 12-и т. — СПб., 1816–1829
  9. Zimin 2001, p. 272.
  10. 1 2 Penskoy & Penskaya 2013, pp. 206–207.
  11. Isabel de Madariaga, Ivan the Terrible. First Tsar of Russia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005), 264.
  12. Heinrich von Staden, The Land and Government of Muscovy: A Sixteenth Century Account ed. and trans. Thomas Esper(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1967), 47; Michael C. Paul, "The Military Revolution in Russia 1550–1682," The Journal of Military History 68, no. 1 (Jan. 2004), 40.
  13. von Staden, "The Land and Government of Muscovy," 47; Jerome Horsey, "The Travels of Sir Jerome Horsey, Knight," in Russia at the Close of the Sixteenth Century. Edward A Bond, ed. (London: Haklyut Society, 1856), 164–166; Paul, "The Military Revolution in Russia," 40.
  14. Madariaga, Ivan the Terrible, 266.
  15. Shokarev 2012, p. 211.
  16. Kondratiev 1996, p. 10.
  17. 1 2 Zimin 2001, p. 278.
  18. Zimin 2001, pp. 274–275.
  19. Shokarev 2012, p. 213.

Sources