Abortion in Kenya

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Abortion in Kenya is prohibited with the exception of certain circumstances including danger to the life and health of the expectant mother, and rape. [1] [2] [3] Unsafe abortions are a major cause of deaths and health complications for women in Kenya. [4] [5]

Contents

Voice of America: Kenya debate ignites over issue of unsafe abortions, reporting on abortion statistics in Kenya (2019). Video 3:25 m.

The Constitution

Abortion in Kenya is regulated by Article 26(IV) of the Constitution of Kenya, which states that:

Abortion is not permitted unless, in the opinion of a trained health professional, there is need for emergency treatment, or the life or health of the mother is in danger, or if permitted by any other written law. [1]

The 2010 Kenyan constitutional referendum that introduced article 26 broadened access to abortion by allowing it for maternal health reasons. [2] Prior to the 2010 referendum, criminalization for abortion was common, especially that of abortion providers. [6] A well-known court case in Kenya took place in 2004 where three healthcare workers were charged with murder after performing an abortion in the Republic v. Nyamu and Others case. [6] Although access has been broadened by Article 26, due to the lack of specificity in the rhetoric of the 2010 clause in the Constitution debates about abortion in Kenya continue. [7] Many providers are reluctant to offer abortions because of the uncertainty regarding whether they would be legally backed and protected under the Constitution regardless of providing safe options to abort. [7]

Prior to the re-draft of the 2010 constitution, many Kenyan anti-abortion advocates and religious leaders, with the support of U.S. pro-life organizations stood in opposition of the 2010 version of the Constitution of Kenya due to the inclusion of the article concerning abortion. [8] The National Council of Churches of Kenya, which feared it would lead to the legalisation of abortion, opposed the amendment. [9] Those promoting anti-abortion agendas proposed seven amendments to Article 26 of the new drafted 2010 Constitution. [10] Due to the persistent efforts of the Kenyan Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA) and other women's choice organizations the amendments were never implemented. [10]

The Kenyan Penal Code

The 2012 [2010] revision of The Kenyan Penal Code Chapter 63 incorporates and prescribes punishments regarding abortion laws. [11] Sections 158-160 directly address women aborting or miscarrying. [11]

Section 158: Attempts to procure abortion

Any person who, with intent to procure miscarriage of a woman, whether she is or is not with child, unlawfully administers to her or causes her to take any poison or other noxious thing, or uses any force of any kind, or uses any other means whatever, is guilty of a felony and is liable to imprisonment for fourteen years. [11]

Section 159: The like by woman with child

Any woman who, being with child, with intent to procure her own miscarriage, unlawfully administers to herself any poison or other noxious thing, or uses any force of any kind, or uses any other means whatever, or permits any such thing or means to be administered or used to her, is guilty of a felony and is liable to imprisonment for seven years. [11]

Section 160: Supplying drugs or instruments to procure abortion

Any person who unlawfully supplies to or procures for any person any thing whatever, knowing that it is intended to be unlawfully used to procure the miscarriage of a woman whether she is or is not with child, is guilty of a felony and is liable to imprisonment for three years. [11]

Additionally, Section 240 of the Kenyan Penal Code (Cap 63) provides further clarification of the basis of surgical operations in relation to a mother's health and unborn children. [11]

Section 240: Surgical operation

A person is not criminally responsible for performing in good faith and with reasonable care and skill a surgical operation upon any person for his benefit, or upon an unborn child for the preservation of the mother’s life, if the performance of the operation is reasonable, having regard to the patient’s state at the time and to all the circumstances of the case. [11]

Abortion and rape

After the growth of sexual violence coupled with the overall post election violence of the 2007-2008 Kenyan crisis, Kenya saw a need to address the threat and the various consequences of sexual violence particularly against women and girls that had risen in the country. [12] Although Kenya's Ministry of Health did not intend to include abortion into the debate at the time, a decade later the topic of rape and abortion was clarified in the Supreme Court. [12] Pregnancies that are the result of a rape can be terminated by experts, a June 2019 judgment by the Supreme Court ruled. [3] The court was compelled to advise health workers to provide safe and legal abortion in a petition by the Kenyan Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA). [3]

Impact of Kenya's restrictive abortion laws

Due to the limitations placed on abortions in the constitution, women often seek secretive and illegal methods of obtaining an abortion in Kenya. [13]

Historical context

Aside from the cultural stigmas associated with abortion as a result of traditional customs and religious beliefs, many limiting abortion laws throughout Africa are rooted in rules and regulations set during the colonial era. [14] Even after each African country has gained independence and many of the colonizing powers have loosened their own abortion legislation, including Great Britain who ruled the British Colony of Kenya, many African countries including Kenya continue to enforce more restrictive laws. [14]

During the 1990s, there were increased opposition movements against educating adolescents on sexual reproductive health headed by religious and political leaders in Kenya. [15] Both Catholic and Muslim religious leaders led public demonstrations in August 1995. [15] President Daniel arap Moi supported these movements until 1999 when he declared support for the purveying of contraception amidst the HIV/AIDS epidemic in Kenya. [15] This began a new wave of debates and discourse regarding contraception and sexual reproductive health on a public stage in Kenya. [15] In the 1980s and 90s, and in regards to abortion specifically, the Kenyatta National Hospital’s data reveals "incomplete abortions accounted for more than half of all the gynecological admissions." [16]  

Unsafe abortion practices

Some of the reasons why Kenyan women choose unsafe methods for abortion is due to the stigma of terminating a pregnancy, the fear of reduction of privacy as well as the lack of education and knowledge about reproductive health and contraceptive options in Kenyan society. [17] Women who choose clandestine abortions may find services from doctors at private clinics, midwives, herbalists, or terminate their pregnancy on their own. [18] A 2014 study reveals various methods Kenyan women claim to use to induce abortions independently of a medical clinic or medical provider. [19] Among some of the most prevalent answers included tea leaves, quinine, detergent and bleach, undiluted fruit juice, traditional herbs, a metal rod, wire, or stick inserted into the uterus, and overdoses of paracetamol and malaria pills. [19] [6]

Post-abortion complications and delays in care-seeking are also underlying causes for mortality rates in Kenya. [20] Post-abortion admissions have seen over 75% of patients with moderate to severe ailments. [20] Studies have revealed that the largest delays in seeking post-abortion care are from adolescents and young adults aged 10-19, and that higher incidences[ spelling? ] of abortion complications occur within these ages. [16] While dangerous abortion practices can result in moderate to severe complications such as localized peritonitis and sepsis, maternal deaths reveal to be a paramount consequence of unsafe abortions. [20]

Article 26 of the 2010 Constitution and its allowance of abortions taking into consideration the health of the mother has prompted public sectors to offer a higher degree of access to abortions. [19] In this regard, many providers have not been trained properly or are equipped to provide safe services due to the lack of specificities in the constitution and safe practices. [20] While the constitution allows for abortion under specific circumstances, not all abortions are being administered safely, and due to other cultural implications such as stigmatization, women are still seeking and utilizing life-threatening methods of procuring abortions. [13]

Safe abortions provided by trained professionals in hygienic settings correlate with fewer health risks than unsafe abortion practices. [21] Due to the restrictive laws on abortion in Kenya, there continues to be limited access to safe options for women. [17] As a result, many organizations have called for scaling up the number of safe abortion providers. [21]

Family planning and post abortion care

Because the delay in seeking care following safe or unsafe abortion is a cause for higher complications post abortion, there have been pushes to establish more access to family planning and post abortion care in Kenya. [16] Post abortion care tends to refer to emergency medical treatment, but also incorporates family planning for the patient. [13] In combination, these services include counseling, education about reproductive health, and distribution of contraceptives. [13] A suggested increase in family planning in Kenya may also curb repeat abortions for some women. [22]

The lack of birth control usage and methods has often been tied with need for abortion. [23] The 2008-2009 Kenya Demographic and Health Survey uncovered that 43% of women in Kenya who gave birth in the previous five years from when the report was documented communicated the births as "unwanted or mistimed". [23] This statistic reflects the usage, or lack thereof of contraceptives in Kenya. [23] According to a Guttmacher Institution report, 12-17% of poor and uneducated married women use modern contraceptives in Kenya, while 48-52% of wealthy and educated married women in Kenya use and have access to modern birth control methods. [18] An organization that has addressed these shortages and needs relating to reproductive health is Marie Stopes International. [13] Since its opening in Kenya in 1985, Marie Stopes has served as the largest reproductive health services and family planning clinic in Kenya. [13] As reported by Marie Stopes Kenya, in 2019 the health center prevented 180,000 unsafe abortions through post abortion care and family planning. [24]

Other organizations and activist groups including the Center for Reproductive Rights and FIDA use their resources and legal platforms to fight for more accessible and equitable care for women seeking reproductive health services and abortions in Kenya. [25] [26]

Socio-cultural opinions and impacts on abortion

Reasoning for abortion often varies on a case-to-case basis, but for both married and unmarried Kenyan women, economic objectives are frequently a primary concern accompanied by birthing a child. [27] For single women, common reasons also include their single status, unemployment, and economic dependence on a family member that may hinder their desire to bear a child. [27]

Stigmatization

There are many cultural stigmas that are associated with women and terminating a pregnancy. In Kenya, both women seeking abortions and abortion providers are met with socio-cultural disgrace and discrimination, and abortion remains a taboo topic across the country. [28] A combination of traditional cultural expectations and religious beliefs formulate stigmas against abortions. [29] Many stigmas are based on the belief that a woman's purpose is to bear children and her role in society is to be a mother. [29] In regards to young girls and adolescents, there are social and cultural expectations that young people should refraining from sexual activity and maintain innocence. [28]

Research has revealed that young, unmarried women from lower socioeconomic classes feel a higher burden from these cultural stigmas. [29] The same research has also revealed that stigma is a root cause for hesitancy and untimeliness of seeking post-abortion care. [29]

Statistics

On the continent of Africa as a whole, 97% of abortions are unsafely performed. [30] Unsafe abortion is predicted to account for 35% of maternal deaths in Kenya whereas in East Africa as a whole, unsafe abortions account for 18%. [31]

A survey of 2012 by the Kenyan Ministry of Health, African Population and Health Research Center and IPSAS found that there were 464,000 abortions induced that year, which translates to an abortion rate of 48 per 1,000 women aged 15–49; and an abortion ratio of 30 per 100 live births. A study analyzing this survey reveals of the reported abortions in 2012, 116,000 of them, nearly 25%, were treated for complications. [31] Within the women who faced complications from abortions, 87,000 of cases were moderate to severe complications, and 40,000 of the complications were experienced by women who 19 years old and younger. [31] Hospital-based data reveals that between 2004-2012 the estimated number of induced abortions increased in Kenya. [32] About half (49%) of all pregnancies in Kenya were unintended and 41% of unintended pregnancies ended in an abortion. [5] Marie Stopes International estimates that 2,600 women die from unsafe abortions annually, an average seven deaths a day. [4] Nearly 120,000 women are hospitalized each year due to abortion-related complications. [5]

The publication of the 2012 survey in 2018 [33] and the death of activist Caroline Mwatha in February 2019 following an unsafe abortion [34] had brought the debate on abortion to the forefront in 2019.

See also

Related Research Articles

Abortion is the termination of a pregnancy by removal or expulsion of an embryo or fetus. An abortion that occurs without intervention is known as a miscarriage or "spontaneous abortion"; these occur in approximately 30% to 40% of all pregnancies. When deliberate steps are taken to end a pregnancy, it is called an induced abortion, or less frequently "induced miscarriage". The unmodified word abortion generally refers to an induced abortion. The most common reason women give for having an abortion is for birth-timing and limiting family size. Other reasons reported include maternal health, an inability to afford a child, domestic violence, lack of support, feeling they are too young, wishing to complete education or advance a career, and not being able or willing to raise a child conceived as a result of rape or incest.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Maternal death</span> Aspect of human reproduction and medicine

Maternal death or maternal mortality is defined in slightly different ways by several different health organizations. The World Health Organization (WHO) defines maternal death as the death of a pregnant mother due to complications related to pregnancy, underlying conditions worsened by the pregnancy or management of these conditions. This can occur either while they are pregnant or within six weeks of resolution of the pregnancy. The CDC definition of pregnancy-related deaths extends the period of consideration to include one year from the resolution of the pregnancy. Pregnancy associated death, as defined by the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG), are all deaths occurring within one year of a pregnancy resolution. Identification of pregnancy associated deaths is important for deciding whether or not the pregnancy was a direct or indirect contributing cause of the death.

An abortion clinic or abortion provider is a medical facility that provides abortions. Such clinics may be public medical centers, private medical practices or nonprofit organizations such as Planned Parenthood.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Self-induced abortion</span> Abortion performed by a pregnant person themselves outside the recognized medical system

A self-induced abortion is an abortion performed by the pregnant woman herself, or with the help of other, non-medical assistance. Although the term includes abortions induced outside of a clinical setting with legal, sometimes over-the-counter medication, it also refers to efforts to terminate a pregnancy through alternative, potentially more dangerous methods. Such practices may present a threat to the health of women.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Unsafe abortion</span> Termination of a pregnancy by using unsafe methods

An unsafe abortion is the termination of a pregnancy by people lacking the necessary skills, or in an environment lacking minimal medical standards, or both. An unsafe abortion is a life-threatening procedure. It includes self-induced abortions, abortions in unhygienic conditions, and abortions performed by a medical practitioner who does not provide appropriate post-abortion attention. About 25 million unsafe abortions occur a year, of which most occur in the developing world.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Sexual and reproductive health</span> State of the reproductive system without evidence of disease, disorders, or deficiencies

Sexual and reproductive health (SRH) is a field of research, health care, and social activism that explores the health of an individual's reproductive system and sexual well-being during all stages of their life.

Reproductive justice is a critical feminist framework that was invented as a response to United States reproductive politics. The three core values of reproductive justice are the right to have a child, the right to not have a child, and the right to parent a child or children in safe and healthy environments. The framework moves women's reproductive rights past a legal and political debate to incorporate the economic, social, and health factors that impact women's reproductive choices and decision-making ability.

Abortion in India has been legal under various circumstances with the introduction of the Medical Termination of Pregnancy (MTP) Act, 1971. The Medical Termination of Pregnancy Regulations, 2003 were issued under the Act to enable women to access safe and legal abortion services.

In Trinidad and Tobago, abortion is illegal save for few exceptions. The respective laws are in place since 1925.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Abortion in the Dominican Republic</span>

The Dominican Republic is one of 24 countries in the world and one of six in Latin America that has a complete ban on abortion. This complete ban includes situations in which a pregnant person’s life is at risk.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ipas (organization)</span>

Ipas is an international, non-governmental organization that seeks to increase access to safe abortions and contraception. To this end the organization informs women how to obtain safe and legal abortions and trains relevant partners in Africa, Asia, and Latin America on how to provide and advocate for these.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Reproductive rights in Latin America</span>

Latin America is home to some of the few countries of the world with a complete ban on abortion and minimal policies on reproductive rights, but it also contains some of the most progressive reproductive rights movements in the world. With roots in indigenous groups, the issues of reproductive rights include abortion, sexual autonomy, reproductive healthcare, and access to contraceptive measures. Modern reproductive rights movements most notably include Marea Verde, which has led to much reproductive legislation reform. Cuba has acted as a trail-blazer towards more liberal reproductive laws for the rest of Latin America, while other countries like El Salvador and Honduras have tightened restrictions on reproductive rights.

Abortion is illegal in Bangladesh under most situations, but menstrual regulation is often used as a substitute. Bangladesh is still governed by the penal code from 1860, where induced abortion is illegal unless the woman is in danger.

Abortion in Uganda is illegal unless performed by a licensed medical doctor in a situation where the woman's life is deemed to be at risk.

Abortion in Cambodia is legal upon request within the first twelve weeks of pregnancy.

Abortion is a controversial topic in Nigeria. Abortion in Nigeria is governed by two laws that differ depending on geographical location. Northern Nigeria is governed by The Penal Code and Southern Nigeria is governed by The Criminal Code. The only legal way to have an abortion in Nigeria is if having the child is going to put the mother's life in danger. However, sex-selective abortion has long had acceptance in Nigeria.

Abortion in Puerto Rico is legal throughout pregnancy. On June 22, 2022, the Senate passed a bill limiting abortion to 22 weeks, with exceptions for danger to the mother's life, fetal defects, and if the fetus would not be viable. The bill will need to be considered by the House.

Since 2000, Rwandan reproductive health has taken numerous precautions to prevent maternal and newborn deaths among many other national health improvements. From 2006 on, major changes began in rural areas to provide community-based health insurance.

In 2005, the Ethiopian Parliament liberalised the abortion law to grant safe abortions to women in specific circumstances.

Abortion is illegal in Tanzania except to preserve the life of the mother. Under the Tanzanian penal code, health practitioners who perform illegal abortions may receive sentences of up to 14 years in prison, while those who procure abortions for themselves may be sentenced to up to seven years in prison.

References

  1. 1 2 "Constitution of Kenya - Article 26(4)". Kenya Law. 2010. Archived from the original on 17 February 2015. Retrieved 13 March 2020.
  2. 1 2 Bhalla, Nita (12 July 2018). "Kenya's high court to decide on safe abortion as teenager dies". Reuters . Retrieved 9 March 2019.
  3. 1 2 3 "High Court rules abortion remains illegal in Kenya". Capital News. 13 June 2019. Retrieved 21 August 2019.
  4. 1 2 Ratcliffe, Rebecca (21 December 2018). "Kenya lifts ban on Marie Stopes abortion services after warning lives are at risk". the Guardian. Retrieved 1 March 2019.
  5. 1 2 3 Mohamed SF, Izugbara C, Moore AM, Mutua M, Kimani-Murage EW, Ziraba AK, Bankole A, Singh SD, Egesa C (August 2015). "The estimated incidence of induced abortion in Kenya: a cross-sectional study". BMC Pregnancy Childbirth. 15: 185. doi: 10.1186/s12884-015-0621-1 . PMC   4546129 . PMID   26294220.
  6. 1 2 3 "In Harm's Way: The Impact of Kenya's Restrictive Abortion Law" (PDF). Center for Reproductive Rights . 2010.
  7. 1 2 Mohamed, Deeqa; Diamond-Smith, Nadia; Njunguru, Jesse (2018). "Stigma and agency: exploring young Kenyan women's experiences with abortion stigma and individual agency". Reproductive Health Matters. 26 (52): 128–137. doi: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1492285 . ISSN   0968-8080. JSTOR   26605073. PMID   30058955. S2CID   51863361.
  8. ↑ Tripp, Aili Mari (2016). "Women's Movements and Constitution Making after Civil Unrest and Conflict in Africa: The Cases of Kenya and Somalia". Politics & Gender. 12 (1): 78–106. doi:10.1017/S1743923X16000015. ISSN   1743-923X. S2CID   146937386.
  9. ↑ Richard Allen Greene (4 August 2010). "Kenya's churches unite against draft constitution". CNN. Retrieved 9 March 2019.
  10. 1 2 Tripp, Aili Mari (2016). "Women's Movements and Constitution Making after Civil Unrest and Conflict in Africa: The Cases of Kenya and Somalia". Politics & Gender. 12 (1): 78–106. doi:10.1017/S1743923X16000015. ISSN   1743-923X. S2CID   146937386.
  11. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 "Penal Code - Laws of Kenya" (PDF). 2012 [2010].
  12. 1 2 Ministry of Public Health & Sanitation Ministry of Medical Services (2009). "National Guidelines on Management of Sexual Violence in Kenya" (PDF).
  13. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Mohamed, Deeqa; Diamond-Smith, Nadia; Njunguru, Jesse (2018). "Stigma and agency: exploring young Kenyan women's experiences with abortion stigma and individual agency". Reproductive Health Matters. 26 (52): 128–137. doi: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1492285 . ISSN   0968-8080. JSTOR   26605073. PMID   30058955. S2CID   51863361.
  14. 1 2 Brookman-Amissah, Eunice; Moyo, Josephine Banda (2004). "Abortion Law Reform in Sub-Saharan Africa: No Turning Back". Reproductive Health Matters. 12 (sup24): 227–234. doi:10.1016/S0968-8080(04)24026-5. ISSN   0968-8080. PMID   15938178. S2CID   30640187.
  15. 1 2 3 4 Oronje, Rose N (2013). "The Kenyan national response to internationally agreed sexual and reproductive health and rights goals: a case study of three policies". Reproductive Health Matters. 21 (42): 151–160. doi: 10.1016/S0968-8080(13)42749-0 . ISSN   0968-8080. JSTOR   43288317. PMID   24315071. S2CID   206113153.
  16. 1 2 3 Mutua, Michael M.; Maina, Beatrice W.; Achia, Thomas O.; Izugbara, Chimaraoke O. (2015). "Factors associated with delays in seeking post abortion care among women in Kenya". BMC Pregnancy and Childbirth. 15 (1): 241. doi: 10.1186/s12884-015-0660-7 . ISSN   1471-2393. PMC   4597436 . PMID   26445973.
  17. 1 2 Jayaweera, Ruvani T.; Ngui, Felistah Mbithe; Hall, Kelli Stidham; Gerdts, Caitlin (2018-01-25). Dangal, Ganesh (ed.). "Women's experiences with unplanned pregnancy and abortion in Kenya: A qualitative study". PLOS ONE. 13 (1): e0191412. Bibcode:2018PLoSO..1391412J. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0191412 . ISSN   1932-6203. PMC   5784933 . PMID   29370220.
  18. 1 2 Hussain, Rubina (2012). "Abortion and Unintended Pregnancy in Kenya" (PDF). Issues in Brief (Alan Guttmacher Institute) (2): 1–4. PMID   22734165.
  19. 1 2 3 Marlow, Heather M; Wamugi, Sylvia; Yegon, Erick; Fetters, Tamara; Wanaswa, Leah; Msipa-Ndebele, Sinikiwe (2014). "Women's perceptions about abortion in their communities: perspectives from western Kenya". Reproductive Health Matters. 22 (43): 149–158. doi: 10.1016/S0968-8080(14)43758-3 . ISSN   0968-8080. JSTOR   43288343. PMID   24908466. S2CID   14166131.
  20. 1 2 3 4 Ziraba, Abdhalah Kasiira; Izugbara, Chimaraoke; Levandowski, Brooke A; Gebreselassie, Hailemichael; Mutua, Michael; Mohamed, Shukri F; Egesa, Caroline; Kimani-Murage, Elizabeth W (2015-02-15). "Unsafe abortion in Kenya: a cross-sectional study of abortion complication severity and associated factors". BMC Pregnancy and Childbirth. 15: 34. doi: 10.1186/s12884-015-0459-6 . ISSN   1471-2393. PMC   4338617 . PMID   25884662.
  21. 1 2 Chimaraoke O. Izugbara, Carolyne P. Egesa, Caroline W. Kabiru and Estelle M. Sidze (December 2017). "Providers, Unmarried Young Women, and Post-Abortion Care in Kenya". Studies in Family Planning. 48 (1). doi:10.1111/sifp.2017.48.issue-1. ISSN   0039-3665 – via JSTOR.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  22. ↑ Obare, Francis; Liambila, Wilson; Birungi, Harriet (2014-09-22). "Family planning counselling and use among clients seeking abortion services in private health facilities in Kenya". African Population Studies. 28 (3): 1274. doi: 10.11564/0-0-615 . ISSN   0850-5780.
  23. 1 2 3 Chimaraoke Izugbara; Kimani, Elizabeth; Mutua, Michael; Mohamed, Shukri; Adbalah Ziraba; Egesa, Caroline; Hailemichael Gebreselassie; Levandowski, Brooke; Susheela Singh; Akinrinola Bankole; Moore, Ann (2013). "Incidence and Complications of Unsafe Abortion in Kenya: Key Findings of a National Study". doi:10.13140/RG.2.1.3117.2328.{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  24. ↑ "The challenge". Marie Stopes International. Retrieved 2020-11-06.
  25. ↑ "Kenya". Center for Reproductive Rights. Retrieved 2020-11-06.
  26. ↑ "The law, trials and imprisonment for abortion in Kenya". International Campaign for Women's Right to Safe Abortion (SAWR). 28 April 2017. Retrieved 2020-11-06.
  27. 1 2 Baker, Jean; Khasiani, Shanyisa (1992). "Induced Abortion in Kenya: Case Histories". Studies in Family Planning. 23 (1): 34–44. doi:10.2307/1966826. ISSN   0039-3665. JSTOR   1966826. PMID   1557793.
  28. 1 2 Chimaraoke O. Izugbara, Carolyne P. Egesa, Caroline W. Kabiru and Estelle M. Sidze (December 2017). "Providers, Unmarried Young Women, and Post-Abortion Care in Kenya". Studies in Family Planning. 48 (1). doi:10.1111/sifp.2017.48.issue-1. ISSN   0039-3665 – via JSTOR.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  29. 1 2 3 4 Mohamed, Deeqa; Diamond-Smith, Nadia; Njunguru, Jesse (2018). "Stigma and agency: exploring young Kenyan women's experiences with abortion stigma and individual agency". Reproductive Health Matters. 26 (52): 128–137. doi: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1492285 . ISSN   0968-8080. JSTOR   26605073. PMID   30058955. S2CID   51863361.
  30. ↑ Mutua, Michael M.; Maina, Beatrice W.; Achia, Thomas O.; Izugbara, Chimaraoke O. (2015). "Factors associated with delays in seeking post abortion care among women in Kenya". BMC Pregnancy and Childbirth. 15 (1): 241. doi: 10.1186/s12884-015-0660-7 . ISSN   1471-2393. PMC   4597436 . PMID   26445973.
  31. 1 2 3 Mohamed, Deeqa; Diamond-Smith, Nadia; Njunguru, Jesse (2018). "Stigma and agency: exploring young Kenyan women's experiences with abortion stigma and individual agency". Reproductive Health Matters. 26 (52): 128–137. doi: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1492285 . ISSN   0968-8080. JSTOR   26605073. PMID   30058955. S2CID   51863361.
  32. ↑ Marlow, Heather M; Wamugi, Sylvia; Yegon, Erick; Fetters, Tamara; Wanaswa, Leah; Msipa-Ndebele, Sinikiwe (2014). "Women's perceptions about abortion in their communities: perspectives from western Kenya". Reproductive Health Matters. 22 (43): 149–158. doi: 10.1016/S0968-8080(14)43758-3 . ISSN   0968-8080. JSTOR   43288343. PMID   24908466. S2CID   14166131.
  33. ↑ Ombuor, Rael (7 February 2019). "Kenya Debate Ignites Over Issue of Unsafe Abortions". VOA . Retrieved 14 April 2019.
  34. ↑ Mboga, Jael (27 February 2019). "Post-abortion care in a land where it is illegal". The Standard. Retrieved 14 April 2019.
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