Post-Zionism

Last updated

Post-Zionism is the opinion of some Israelis, diaspora Jews and others, particularly in academia, that Zionism fulfilled its ideological mission with the formation of the modern State of Israel in 1948, and that Zionist ideology should therefore be considered at an end. The Jewish right also use the term to refer to the Israeli Left in light of the Oslo Accords of 1993 and 1995. Some critics associate post-Zionism with anti-Zionism; proponents strenuously deny this association. [1]

Contents

Characteristic of the perceptions of post-Zionism

Post-Zionism is a term associated with a variety of perceptions and different positions, behind which stands criticism of the core beliefs of Zionist groups. Post-Zionists raise many questions about Zionism and the state of Israel, among them:

Many of the aforementioned questions have also been raised by Zionists.[ who? ] However, the post-Zionists emphasize these points in their conception of Zionist history.

In sociological development

Transformations that took place in Israeli society in the 1980s and 1990s brought considerable changes to its values and political views. These changes have taken place in the economic field—e.g., liberalization of the Israeli economy and its opening to the global market, as well as in the breaking of the cultural hegemony of the labor movement, which existed up to that time. The prominent turning point occurred in 1977, when the right-wing Likud party first won parliamentary majority. This alone was a manifestation of the strengthening of the more extreme Zionist positions.

Several changes occurred in this period in tandem, including a reaction to the strengthening of the Zionist component in the government. Still, not all of the numerous changes occurring in tandem are due to one factor, and they are not all attributable to the phenomenon called post-Zionism.

The transformations in Israeli society accompanying the phenomenon of post-Zionism are found in a number of fields:

Economic characteristics
Just as there are no economic characteristics unique to Zionism, which encompasses the full range of economical ideologies from Marxism, Communism, and Syndicalism to Capitalism, there are no economic characteristics unique to post-Zionism, which encompasses extreme left-wing components as well as components that maintain a capitalist ideology. The capitalist political view of the free market and the nurturing of individualism was acceptable to great parts of the Zionist movement in Israel and outside Israel, and it is not only attributable to the post-Zionist movement. Even in the strongly socialist Histadrut trade union, a non-socialist liberal party existed during the pre-state Yishuv. Post-Zionist parties that retain capitalist objectives and political views have continued to undermine the socialist political views that typified the Labor Party agenda, which had a central place in the Zionist movement. The loss of the institutional collective and its historical foundations can be seen in the writings of a considerable part of the new sociologists and historians, who exhibit the most radical manifestation of this idea. The position of these communities is expressed in the individualism that sees individual material success as the only economic objective of the person, and also in economic globalization, which supports the opening of the Israeli economic system to the world economic system, in contrast with conserving a closed and planned national economy.
Cultural characteristics
These years are characterized by the challenging of the existence of a cultural hegemony in Israel. Different groups undermined the perception of the melting pot, according to which only one Israeli culture existed and all the cultures joining it had to shed their previous identities; different communities began fighting to keep their unique cultural identities. Examples include Mizrahi Jews, immigrants from the former USSR, Israeli Arabs and more.
Political characteristics
Mainly after the Oslo Accords, a new movement started amongst a large section of left-wing Israelis who believe that the State of Israel should no longer declare itself to be a Jewish democratic state and should rather focus on its democratic aspects. This movement seeks to create social equality in Israel.

However, the groups in Israeli society going through those processes are not necessarily post-Zionist. Actually, only a minor percentage of those groups define themselves as such.[ citation needed ] The above three fields do not necessarily overlap. Benjamin Netanyahu, for example, might have much in common with several post-Zionists in his economic beliefs, though he is more Zionist in all other aspects.

As an intellectual movement

Modern post-Zionism is closely associated with the New Historians, a school of historical revisionism examining the official history of Israel and Zionism in the light of declassified government documents, aiming to uncover events hitherto downplayed or suppressed by Zionist historians, especially those pertaining to the dispossession of the Palestinians, which the New Historians argue was central to the creation of the State of Israel.

The new post-Zionists are intellectuals, mainly academics who consider themselves, or are considered by others, as post-Zionists. Critics of post-Zionism known as neo-Zionists argue that it undermines the Zionist narrative in its competition with other narratives, mainly the Palestinian one.

Although there are several intellectuals considering themselves to be post-Zionists, many others are not willing to adopt this epithet. The designation of post-Zionist has been used in a derogatory manner to describe those whose opinions take them outside the Zionist movement. Therefore, there are few intellectuals who are willing to refer to themselves as such.[ citation needed ]

In the early 1990s there began to appear articles by Israeli academics who referred to themselves as post-Zionists; this was mostly in the aftermath of a lengthy public discussion on the issues surrounding the events of the War of Independence, attributed to the New Historians. The public mood in the aftermath of the Oslo Accords, which presumed that the Arab–Israeli conflict was nearing a conclusion, contributed even more to the development of this tendency. Since the start of the Second Intifada, public mood has changed tremendously, and as many perceive,[ who? ] the post-Zionist tendency has been in retreat.

On the other hand, post-Zionist historians were accused of adopting the Palestinian narrative without any doubts and of demonizing and delegitimizing Israel and Zionism.

In contrast to political Zionism's goal of the Jewish state, many post-Zionists advocate the evolution of Israel into a non-ideological, secular, liberal democratic state, to be officially neither Jewish nor Arab in character.

Hebrew Universalism

Hebrew Universalism is a post-Zionist philosophy developed initially by Rav Abraham Kook [2] and expanded upon by Israeli settler activist Rav Yehuda HaKohen, as well as the Vision Movement. [3] [4]

The philosophy attempts to synthesize "three forces" defined by Kook in his 1920 book, Lights of Rebirth. The three forces being: "The Holy" - Orthodox Jews, "The Nation" - secular Jewish Zionists, and "The Humanist" - General Humanism found among all peoples. Kook believed that through his philosophy anti-Zionists, Orthodox Jews, and secular nationalists could work together in Israel. [5]

The current ideology, as espoused by the Vision Movement and HaKohen, draws inspiration from Natan Yellin-Mor, Rav Abraham Kook, Canaanism, Avraham Stern, anti-Zionist critics, and the left wing Semitic Action group. [6] [7]

Criticism

Post-Zionism has been criticized by Shlomo Avineri as a polite recasting of anti-Zionism, and therefore a deceptive term. [8] Some right-wing Israelis have accused Jewish post-Zionists of being self-hating Jews. [9]

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Zionism</span> Movement supporting a Jewish homeland

Zionism is a nationalist movement that emerged in Europe in the late 19th century aiming for the establishment of a homeland for the Jewish people, particularly in Palestine, a region roughly corresponding to the Land of Israel in Jewish tradition. Following the establishment of the State of Israel, Zionism became an ideology that supports the development and protection of Israel as a Jewish state. It has also been described as Israel's national or state ideology.

The National Religious Party was a political party in Israel representing the religious Zionist movement.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Religious Zionism</span> Ideology that views Zionism as a fundamental component of Orthodox Judaism

Religious Zionism is an ideology that views Zionism as a fundamental component of Orthodox Judaism. Its adherents are also referred to as Dati Leumi, and in Israel, they are most commonly known by the plural form of the first part of that term: Datiim. The community is sometimes called 'Knitted kippah', the typical head covering worn by male adherents to Religious Zionism.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Zeev Sternhell</span> Israeli historian (1935–2020)

Zeev Sternhell was a Polish-born Israeli historian, political scientist, commentator on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and writer. He was one of the world's leading theorists of the phenomenon of fascism. Sternhell headed the Department of Political Science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and wrote for Haaretz newspaper.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Zvi Yehuda Kook</span> Religious zionist leader (1891–1982)

Zvi Yehuda Kook was an ultranationalist Orthodox rabbi. He was the son of Abraham Isaac Kook, the first Ashkenazi chief rabbi of British Mandatory Palestine. Both father and son are credited with developing Kookian Zionism, which became the dominant form of Religious Zionism. He was Rosh Yeshiva (dean) of the Mercaz HaRav yeshiva.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Haim Arlosoroff</span> Labour Zionist politician in Mandatory Palestine (1899–1933)

Haim Arlosoroff was a Socialist Zionist leader of the Yishuv during the British Mandate for Palestine, prior to the establishment of Israel, and head of the political department of the Jewish Agency. In 1933, Arlosoroff was assassinated while walking on the beach in Tel Aviv.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Avraham Burg</span> Israeli politician

Avraham "Avrum" Burg is an Israeli author, politician and businessman. He was a member of the Knesset, chairman of the Jewish Agency for Israel, Speaker of the Knesset, and Interim President of Israel. He was the first Speaker of the Knesset to have been born in Israel after its declaration of independence in 1948. A member of the Labor Party when he was a member of the Knesset, Burg announced in January 2015 that he had joined Hadash.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Hillel Kook</span> Revisionist Zionist activist and Israeli politician

Hillel Kook, also known as Peter Bergson, was a Revisionist Zionist activist and politician.

Palestinian Jews or Jewish Palestinians were the Jewish inhabitants of the Palestine region prior to the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948.

Neo-Zionism is a right-wing, nationalistic and religious ideology that appeared in Israel following the Six-Day War in 1967 and the capture of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Neo-Zionists consider these lands part of Israel and advocate their settlement by Israeli Jews. Some advocate the transfer of Arabs not only from these areas but also from within the Green Line.

Non-Zionism is the political stance of Jews who are "willing to help support Jewish settlement in Palestine ... but will not come on aliyah."

As an organized nationalist movement, Zionism is generally considered to have been founded by Theodor Herzl in 1897. However, the history of Zionism began earlier and is intertwined with Jewish history and Judaism. The organizations of Hovevei Zion, held as the forerunners of modern Zionist ideals, were responsible for the creation of 20 Jewish towns in Palestine between 1870 and 1897.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Intercommunal conflict in Mandatory Palestine</span> 1920–1948 conflict between Arabs and Jews in Palestine

During the British rule in Mandatory Palestine, there was civil, political and armed struggle between Palestinian Arabs and the Jewish Yishuv, beginning from the violent spillover of the Franco-Syrian War in 1920 and until the onset of the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. The conflict shifted from sectarian clashes in the 1920s and early 1930s to an armed Arab Rebellion against British rule in 1936, armed Jewish Revolt primarily against the British in mid-1940s and finally open war in November 1947 between Arabs and Jews.

Yehouda Shenhav is an Israeli sociologist and critical theorist. He is known for his contributions in the fields of bureaucracy, management and capitalism, as well as for his research on ethnicity in Israeli society and its relationship with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Types of Zionism</span> Different approaches to the subject of creating a Jewish homeland

The common definition of Zionism was principally the endorsement of the Jewish people to return to their homeland, secondarily the claim that due to a lack of self-determination, this territory must be re-established as a Jewish state. Zionism was produced by various philosophers representing different approaches concerning the objective and path that Zionism should follow.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Jewish fascism</span> Fascism associated with Jewish far right

Jewish fascism is a term that is applied to Jewish political factions which are on the far-right wing of the political spectrum.

Labor Zionism or socialist Zionism refers to the left-wing, socialist variation of Zionism. For many years, it was the most significant tendency among Zionists and Zionist organizations, and was seen as the Zionist sector of the historic Jewish labour movements of Eastern Europe and Central Europe, eventually developing local units in most countries with sizable Jewish populations. Unlike the "political Zionist" tendency founded by Theodor Herzl and advocated by Chaim Weizmann, Labor Zionists did not believe that a Jewish state would be created by simply appealing to the international community or to powerful nations such as the United Kingdom, Germany, or the former Ottoman Empire. Rather, they believed that a Jewish state could only be created through the efforts of the Jewish working class making aliyah to the Land of Israel and raising a country through the creation of a Labor Jewish society with rural kibbutzim and moshavim, and an urban Jewish Proletariat.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Alliance for New Zionist Vision</span>

The Alliance for New Zionist Vision is a coalition of grassroots educational and activist movements that ran in the 2015 American Zionist Movement elections for the 37th World Zionist Congress with the stated goals of making Zionism relevant to Jewish young adults, improving pro-Israel advocacy on North American university campuses, identifying the next major goals of Jewish history and giving a voice at the official Zionist movement to young activists on the front lines of Jewish social and political struggles. The ANZV was the only slate in the 2015 WZC elections exclusively running young adult candidates with activist backgrounds. The alliance comprises LAVI, Kumah and Doreinu.

Zionist antisemitism or antisemitic Zionism refers to a phenomenon in which antisemites express support for Zionism and the State of Israel. In some cases, this support may be promoted for explicitly antisemitic reasons. Historically, this type of antisemitism has been most notable among Christian Zionists, who may perpetrate religious antisemitism while being outspoken in their support for Jewish sovereignty in Israel due to their interpretation of Christian eschatology. Similarly, people who identify with the political far-right, particularly in Europe and the United States, may support the Zionist movement because they seek to expel Jews from their country and see Zionism as the least complicated method of achieving this goal and satisfying their racial antisemitism.

Hebrew Universalism is a post-Zionist religious, cultural, and political philosophy that synthesizes secular Jewish nationalism, Jewish anti-Zionism, and Orthodox Jewish thought. It was initially formulated by the first Ashkenazi Chief Rabbi of British Mandatory Palestine, Abraham Isaac Kook, as a means of unifying Jewish civilization.

References

  1. (in Hebrew)
  2. "The Teachings of Rav. Kook: Nationalism vs Universalism - Part 1 - L'Emunat Iteinu vol.I (13/07/16)". Machon Meir English Department. Retrieved 1 June 2024.
  3. "Home - VISION" . Retrieved 1 June 2024.
  4. LAVI (3 November 2022). "Foundations of Hebrew Universalism | VISION | Rav Gavriel Reiss". VISION. Retrieved 1 June 2024.
  5. Dosetareh, Eliott (8 August 202). "Hebrew Universalism: The Future Vision of Rav Kook" (PDF). Straus Scholars Program Thesis: Yeshiva University (1): 4–6.
  6. Action, Semitic (8 March 2019). "The Story of Natan Yellin-Mor (Gera) | VISION Magazine". VISION. Retrieved 1 June 2024.
  7. Podcast, The Next Stage (27 January 2022). "Sternism as a Jewish Liberation Tendency | VISION | The Next Stage". VISION. Retrieved 1 June 2024.
  8. Shlomo Avineri (6 July 2007). "Post-Zionism doesn't exist". Haaretz. Retrieved 14 November 2010.
  9. Strenger, Carlo (20 December 2007). "Zionism? Post-Zionism? Just give arguments". Haaretz. Retrieved 19 September 2018.