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Editors | Ian Geary and Adrian Pabst |
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Language | English |
Subject | UK politics |
Publisher | I.B. Tauris |
Publication date | 2015 |
Publication place | United Kingdom |
Media type | Print (paperback) |
ISBN | 978-1-78453-202-4 |
Blue Labour: Forging a New Politics is a 2015 book edited by Maurice Glasman, Baron Glasman, and Adrian Pabst. The collection of chapters by different contributors attempts to further articulate the Blue Labour political tendency within the Labour Party and British politics more generally, building on previous books such as The Labour Tradition and the Politics of Paradox: The Oxford London Seminars, 2010–2011 and Tangled Up in Blue . In his foreword, Rowan Williams states that whilst contemporary academic thought is increasingly questioning the idea of a "solitary, speechless individual" with utilitarian aims as a theoretical starting-point, this has not been accompanied by an associated shift in public rhetoric and popular imagination. He expresses his belief that if people are to change politics in a positive manner, especially in light of the recent financial crisis, we must develop new communitarian approaches that start from civil society upwards. The remainder of the book is accordingly a development of this basic notion, arranged thematically.
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Adrian Pabst from the outset situates Blue Labour in opposition to the wider framework of social and economic liberalisation, and the categories of secular left and reactionary right, that have characterised the postwar settlement in British politics. Continuity is instead claimed to be found with the British Romantic tradition embodied by William Morris, with its "emphasis on the creativity of human labour, on the intrinsic importance of vocation and on the need to nurture virtuous action". Pabst proclaims the timeless values of the common good, participation, association, individual virtue and public honour as comprising Blue Labour's core beliefs.
Part One begins with Maurice Glasman adumbrating his ideas on the foundations of a good society, taking particular influence from Catholic social teaching. He points to Germany's postwar model of development, characterised by subsidiarity and decentralisation, and corporatism rather than class conflict, as a set of ideas from which influences can be drawn. He views this as being able to overcome the dichotomy between the two impersonal entities of state and market, both of which he sees as having damaged social cohesion. John Milbank then goes on to expose what he sees as the limits of contemporary liberalism in both its left-wing and right-wing incarnations, arguing that it promotes a contractual, self-interested worldview that ignored meaningful, reciprocal relations in favour of an increasing commodification of human existence. This is followed by a contribution by Frank Field, who charts the loss of the Labour Party's core working-class constituency. He identifies a lack of patriotism and a disconnect between both rights and privileges as well as contributions and entitlements as being particularly problematic.
David Lammy opens the section with a reflection on his own experiences in growing up and joining the Labour Party, arguing that Blue Labour is itself reflective of the spirit of the party he had joined as a young man. He welcomes Blue Labour's ability to engage in dialogue with other factions in forming the basis of Labour in the future. Arnie Graf then goes on to speak of his experiences with community organising in the United States and how this is suited to Blue Labour's own perspective. Leading on from this is a chapter by Tom Watson focusing on trade unionism. Watson speaks positively of the historical role of trade unions in the United Kingdom, and issues a call for a more relational approach to trade union organisation, both internally between members and the leadership as well as externally between workers and management.
Established Blue Labour spokesman Jon Cruddas begins Part Three with a reflection on liberal political economy's atomistic character, in contrast to faith-based moral systems. The latter would be reflected, he believes, in a politico-economic model “which combines private profit with public benefit by sharing reward, risk and responsibility amongst all stakeholders”. The state's role would also have to be altered, with greater decentralisation for local communities, no more outsourcing of services to the private sector, and no more top-down reorganisation. Adrian Pabst builds on these points, proposing a ‘civil economy’ that “ties economic profit to ethical and social purpose” and seeking to “ethicise exchange by instituting just prices, fair wages and non-usurious rates of interest”. This must replace the current ‘broken’ UK political economy, characterised by low wages, low productivity, low innovation, low growth, and high inequality. ‘Virtue’ must be at the heart of this conception. David Goodhart takes on the next chapter's topic of immigration. ‘Immigrationist ideology’, he argues, has co-opted left-wingers onto the side of big business. Mass immigration has brought with it, he argues, social dislocation, and whilst lauded as good for the economy it has seen lower wages and a lack of employment for Britons who instead languish on unemployment assistance.
Political Director of Greenpeace UK, Ruth Davis, opens the section by bemoaning the false dichotomy between science and faith characteristic of the contemporary era. Scientific knowledge, she argues, must be applied within the context of tradition, meaning, value and virtue; it is only through this basic approach that Labour's environmentalist characteristics can be revived. Dave Landrum adds his contribution, analysing how the broad notion of ‘progress’ has distorted political discussion, through the assumption that achievements are cumulative rather than recurrent. This has led to a variety of perverse results, whether Tony Blair and his embrace of individualistic ethics, or the Marxist position in which traditional wisdom is a barrier to enlightenment. Ruth Yeoman, for the 12th chapter, speaks of the need for meaningful work and workplace interactions, which although a dominant part of most peoples’ lives is neglected to be seen as anything other than a means to an end rather than an end in itself.
Rowenna Davis, another veteran Blue Labour contributor, lauds the British peoples’ inherent conservative desires for order, strength, stability and community, which has been ignored by the ‘modernising’ liberal forces of the political establishment. The concessions made to the free market and finance capital, Davis argues, have been antithetical to true small-c conservative values. Ed West elaborates this line of thought more explicitly, noting the negative consequences of the otherwise-noble New Left commitment to the rights of women and sexual and racial minorities. West sees results of this progressivism as including familial breakdown, social fragmentation due to mass immigration, and the elimination of a commitment to socialism.
Luke Bretherton begins by asserting that Blue Labour is rooted not in abstract theory but in the practice of everyday politics: "on already established practices, traditions and customs, and the presuppositions and histories that inform them." He calls for recognising institutions such as schools, universities, small businesses and hospitals, as important bastions of common life against the tide of globalising commodification. That is a practical politics based on common work, distinct from the instant demands of recognition and respect seen in identity politics. Michael Merrick then writes on how Labour and the left have neglected the family in spite of the clear evidence that stable families are overwhelmingly positive for a child's development. Liberal individualist attitudes saw the replacement of familial positions with economic ones and led to the state faultily attempting to compensate for the gaps in between. Marriage began to be seen as an increasingly as a simple two-party contract of individual happiness.
Adrian Pabst reiterates the necessity of Blue Labour in relocating virtue, value and vocation in British politics. This will be achieved, as the book has shown, through policies of self-government, reciprocity, welfare reform, the revitalisation of the workplace (including a living wage), fair prices for everyday costs and an overhaul of finance. Through the recognition of these key ‘post-liberal’ ideas, Labour will be able to tell a story of national renewal, win over disillusioned voters, and transform the country.
The book has received positive reviews from several commentators. These include journalists Rafael Behr from The Guardian, Rod Liddle from The Spectator and Peter Oborne from The Telegraph, as well as academics such as Robert Skidelsky, Market Garnett, Philip Blond and Colin Crouch. [1]
Classical liberalism is a political tradition and a branch of liberalism that advocates free market and laissez-faire economics and civil liberties under the rule of law, with special emphasis on individual autonomy, limited government, economic freedom, political freedom and freedom of speech. Classical liberalism, contrary to liberal branches like social liberalism, looks more negatively on social policies, taxation and the state involvement in the lives of individuals, and it advocates deregulation.
The labor theory of value (LTV) is a theory of value that argues that the exchange value of a good or service is determined by the total amount of "socially necessary labor" required to produce it. The contrasting system is typically known as the subjective theory of value.
Socialism is an economic and political philosophy encompassing diverse economic and social systems characterised by social ownership of the means of production, as opposed to private ownership. It describes the economic, political, and social theories and movements associated with the implementation of such systems. Social ownership can take various forms, including public, community, collective, cooperative, or employee. As one of the main ideologies on the political spectrum, socialism is considered the standard left wing ideology in most countries of the world. Types of socialism vary based on the role of markets and planning in resource allocation, and the structure of management in organizations.
Karl Marx's theory of alienation describes the estrangement of people from aspects of their human nature as a consequence of the division of labour and living in a society of stratified social classes. The alienation from the self is a consequence of being a mechanistic part of a social class, the condition of which estranges a person from their humanity.
In Marxist philosophy, the term commodity fetishism describes the economic relationships of production and exchange as being social relationships that exist among things and not as relationships that exist among people. As a form of reification, commodity fetishism presents economic value as inherent to the commodities, and not as arising from the workforce, from the human relations that produced the commodity, the goods and the services.
A Red Tory is an adherent of a centre-right or paternalistic-conservative political philosophy derived from the Tory tradition. It is most predominant in Canada; however, it is also found in the United Kingdom, where it is more commonly known as one nation conservatism. This philosophy tends to favour communitarian social policies, while maintaining a degree of fiscal discipline and a respect of social and political order. It is contrasted with "Blue Tory" or "High Tory". Some Red Tories view themselves as small-c conservatives.
Labour power is the capacity to do work, a key concept used by Karl Marx in his critique of capitalist political economy. Marx distinguished between the capacity to do work, i.e. labour power, and the physical act of working, i.e. labour. Labour power exists in any kind of society, but on what terms it is traded or combined with means of production to produce goods and services has historically varied greatly.
David Goodhart is a British journalist, commentator and author. He is the founder and a former editor of Prospect magazine.
Postliberalism is an emergent political philosophy that critiques and seeks to move beyond the dominant liberal paradigm of the late 20th and early 21st centuries. Proponents argue that liberalism, with its emphasis on individual rights, free markets, and limited government, has failed to adequately address societal challenges such as economic inequality, environmental degradation, social alienation, family breakdown, and a perceived loss of community and social cohesion.
In classical political economy and especially Karl Marx's critique of political economy, a commodity is any good or service produced by human labour and offered as a product for general sale on the market. Some other priced goods are also treated as commodities, e.g. human labor-power, works of art and natural resources, even though they may not be produced specifically for the market, or be non-reproducible goods. This problem was extensively debated by Adam Smith, David Ricardo, and Karl Rodbertus-Jagetzow, among others. Value and price are not equivalent terms in economics, and theorising the specific relationship of value to market price has been a challenge for both liberal and Marxist economists.
Liberalism is a political and moral philosophy based on the rights of the individual, liberty, consent of the governed, political equality, right to private property and equality before the law. Liberals espouse various and often mutually warring views depending on their understanding of these principles but generally support private property, market economies, individual rights, liberal democracy, secularism, rule of law, economic and political freedom, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, and freedom of religion. Liberalism is frequently cited as the dominant ideology of modern history.
Blue Labour is a British campaign group and political faction that seeks to promote blue-collar and culturally conservative values within the British Labour Party – particularly on immigration, crime, and community spirit – while remaining committed to labour rights and left-wing economic policies. It seeks to represent a traditional working-class approach to Labour politics.
Maurice Glasman, Baron Glasman is an English political theorist, academic, social commentator, and Labour life peer in the House of Lords. He is a senior lecturer in Political Theory at London Metropolitan University, Director of its Faith and Citizenship Programme and a columnist for the New Statesman, UnHerd, Tablet and Spiked. He is best known as a founder of Blue Labour, a term he coined in 2009.
Tangled Up in Blue: Blue Labour and the Struggle for Labour's Soul is a 2011 politics book by the journalist and Labour councillor Rowenna Davis. The work tracks the emergence of Blue Labour, a movement within the UK Labour Party which seeks to promote active citizenship and to champion traditional community values. While Davis does describe Blue Labour's ideas and policy recommendations, the book focuses on political relationships and the roles these played in Blue Labour's development. In particular the book is concerned with Lord Glasman and his relationships with other academics, strategists, and politicians – especially David and Ed Miliband. The work is Davis's first book.
Jiang Qing is a contemporary Chinese Confucian. He is best known for his criticism of New Confucianism, which according to him, deviated from the original Confucian principles and is overly influenced by Western liberal democracy. He proposes an alternative path for China: Constitutional Confucianism, also known as Political Confucianism, or Institutional Confucianism, through the trilateral parliament framework.
Democratic socialism is a left-wing set of political philosophies that supports political democracy and some form of a socially owned economy, with a particular emphasis on economic democracy, workplace democracy, and workers' self-management within a market socialist, decentralised planned, or democratic centrally planned socialist economy. Democratic socialists argue that capitalism is inherently incompatible with the values of freedom, equality, and solidarity and that these ideals can only be achieved through the realisation of a socialist society. Although most democratic socialists seek a gradual transition to socialism, democratic socialism can support revolutionary or reformist politics to establish socialism. Democratic socialism was popularised by socialists who opposed the backsliding towards a one-party state in the Soviet Union and other nations during the 20th century.
Exploitation is a concept defined as, in its broadest sense, one agent taking unfair advantage of another agent. When applying this to labour, it denotes an unjust social relationship based on an asymmetry of power or unequal exchange of value between workers and their employers. When speaking about exploitation, there is a direct affiliation with consumption in social theory and traditionally this would label exploitation as unfairly taking advantage of another person because of their vulnerable position, giving the exploiter the power.
The proletariat is the social class of wage-earners, those members of a society whose possession of significant economic value is their labour power. A member of such a class is a proletarian or a proletaire. Marxist philosophy regards the proletariat under conditions of capitalism as an exploited class forced to accept meager wages in return for operating the means of production, which belong to the class of business owners, the bourgeoisie.
Inventing the Future: Postcapitalism and a World Without Work is a 2015 monograph by Nick Srnicek and Alex Williams, published by Verso Books.
Adrian Pabst is a German religious scholar and political scientist who has published numerous books and essays on the role of ethics and religion in politics since 2009 as a professor at the University of Kent.