The military criminal code instituted under the military dictatorship in Brazil in the 1960s created military courts to try certain crimes committed by military personnel, in particular crimes against humanity committed at the order of the Brazilian executive. Critics say that cases transferred to these courts often languish, and note that nobody has ever suffered a penalty for any of the killings and disappearances of that period.
Given the prevalence of military police in state-level law enforcement, human rights agencies have expressed concern that police impunity is in part responsible for the large numbers of police homicides. Brazilian police killed more than 6,400 people in 2022, according to Human Rights Watch. [1]
Military criminal law in Brazil dates back to the Empire of Brazil. The Brazilian imperial family organized the nation's first court, the Supreme Military and Justice Council, which later became the Superior Military Court (STM), currently headquartered in Brasília with jurisdiction nationwide. The current Military Penal Code (CPM) [2] passed in 1969 under the military dictatorship that took power in the 1964 Brazilian coup d'état, covers members of the armed forces, military police and military fire brigades, who must obey and respect military rules. The current Constitution of Brazil dates from 1988.
The Lei de Anistia of 28 August 1979 gave amnesty to everyone accused of committing political crimes during the dictatorship period, both political dissidents and military personnel, and in many respects amounted to "a form of self-amnesty for those involved in the repressive actions that took place during the dictatorship." [3] No member of the military has been held responsible for crimes committed under the military dictatorship. [4]
"Brazilian security forces have been repeatedly accused of systematic violations of human rights and of the existence of a system which guarantees the impunity of these violations. The Commission believes that there is indeed a history of abusive practices by the police..." wrote the inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the Organization of American States in 1997. [5]
Military police in Brazil carry out routine law enforcement duties at the state level and are responsible for keeping public order. Recent law-and-order crackdowns in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro, carried out by the military police, have resulted in many police killings of young men in these neighborhoods. [6] "The existence in Brazil of two different court systems—one civil and the other military—with varying legal proceedings and sentences for similar crimes committed by civilian police and military police", wrote Jorge Zaverucha in 2022, constituted a "violation of the basic principle of equality before the law." [7]
Law No. 13.491/17 [8] adopted in 2017 by the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies modified Article 9 of the Military Criminal Code and expanded the jurisdiction of military courts to investigate actions ordered by the President of the Republic or the Ministry of State for Defence, and with respect to the security of military institutions.
The National Truth Commission named 377 state agents of whom almost 200 of them were still alive, in hundreds of cases of torture, killings, and enforced disappearance under the military dictatorship. [9] President Jair Bolsonaro opposed the creation of the commission when he was a congressman and called the late torturer Carlos Brilhante Ustra a “hero.” [9]
Brazil signed the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, and passed legislation in consequence, Decree 8767 of May 11, 2016. [10]
Military personnel do not have the right to strike, due to the fact that they carry weapons and a work stoppage could harm public order and the democratic rule of law, so technically this amounts to mutiny. [11] according to article 142, item IV of the Constitution of Brazil and article 149 of the Brazilian Military Penal Code. [2] While theoretically the military police are responsible to the governor of each states, illegal labor strikes have been used by the military police against a governor, usually resulting in more crime. [12]
The Brazilian military code imposes harsh penalties on members of the military who speak out, according to Human Rights Watch. [13]
On 23 August 2019, Bolsonaro signed Decreto No. 9,985, de 24 de Agosto de 2019 authorizing the use of the military to fight fires in the Amazon. [14]
New scholars have dedicated themselves to military criminal law, among them, Jorge César de Assis, Adriano Alves-Marreiros, Guilherme Rocha, Ricardo Freitas, Ronaldo João Roth, Paulo Tadeu Rodrigues Rosa, Robson Coimbra, Lauro Escobar, James Magalhães and Leandro Antunes, who have contributed to the construction of a theory of constitutional military criminal law.
An enforced disappearance is the secret abduction or imprisonment of a person with the support or acquiescence of a state followed by a refusal to acknowledge the person's fate or whereabouts with the intent of placing the victim outside the protection of the law. Often, forced disappearance implies murder whereby a victim is abducted, may be illegally detained, and is often tortured during interrogation, ultimately killed, and the body disposed of secretly. The party committing the murder has plausible deniability as there is no evidence of the victim's death.
Human rights in Thailand have long been a contentious issue. The country was among the first to sign the UN's Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 and seemed committed to upholding its stipulations; in practice, however, those in power have often abused the human rights of the Thai nation with impunity. From 1977 to 1988, Amnesty International (AI) reported that there were whitewashed cases of more than one thousand alleged arbitrary detentions, fifty forced disappearances, and at least one hundred instances of torture and extrajudicial killings. In the years since then, AI demonstrated that little had changed, and Thailand's overall human rights record remained problematic. A 2019 HRW report expanded on AI's overview as it focuses specifically on the case of Thailand, as the newly government of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha assumes power in mid-2019, Thailand's human rights record shows no signs of change.
Human rights in Mexico refers to moral principles or norms that describe certain standards of human behaviour in Mexico, and are regularly protected as legal rights in municipal and international law. The problems include torture, extrajudicial killings and summary executions, police repression, sexual murder, and, more recently, news reporter assassinations.
In Brazil, the Federal Constitution establishes eight law enforcement institutions - seven titulars and one auxiliar. The titular institutions are: the Federal Police, the Federal Highway Police, the Federal Railroad Police, the Federal Penal Police, the State Military Police and Fire Brigade, the State Civil Police and the State Penal Police. Of these, the first four are affiliated to federal authorities and the latter three are subordinated to state governments. These public safety institutions are part of the Executive branch of either federal or state government. Apart from these eight institutions, there are others which affiliate to municipal authorities: the Municipal Guards. According to Minister Alexandre de Moraes of the Supreme Federal Court, "...the Municipal Guards are inserted in public safety as the auxiliary and related body of public security force..." Federal law 13,022 gave them de facto and de jure police attributions.
An amnesty law is any legislative, constitutional or executive arrangement that retroactively exempts a select group of people, usually military leaders and government leaders, from criminal liability for the crimes that they committed. More specifically, in the 'age of accountability', amnesty laws have come to be considered as granting impunity for the violation of human rights, including institutional measures that preclude the prosecution for such crimes and reprieve those crimes already convicted, avoiding any form of accountability.
Capital punishment is a long unused form of punishment in Brazil. The last recorded instance of a death penalty convict being executed in the country was in 1876. Although virtually abolished, it is still legal during wartime, according to the Article 5, XLVII, "a", of the Federal Constitution. Brazil is the most populous country in the world that does not retain the death penalty in practice. It is also one of seven countries to have abolished capital punishment for ordinary crimes only.
The Davao Death Squad (DDS) is a vigilante group in Davao City, Philippines. The group is alleged to have conducted summary executions of street children and individuals suspected of petty crimes and drug dealing. It has been estimated that the group is responsible for the killing or disappearance of between 1,020 and 1,040 people between 1998 and 2008. A 2009 report by the Philippine Commission on Human Rights (CHR) noted stonewalling by local police under the mayorship of Rodrigo Duterte while a leaked cable observed a lack of public outrage among Davao residents.
Crime in Turkey is combated by the Turkish police and other agencies. Since the 1990s, overall crime in Turkey rose until its peak in 2014. As of 2014, Turkey has seen a 400% rise in crimes, but has steadily declined since then. In 1994, the number of arrested prisoners was recorded as 38,931; 20 years later, as of the beginning of October 2014, the number of prisoners has reached 152,335. According to the data provided by the Ministry of Justice, terrorism and homicide rate has been decreasing year by year after 2014 in Turkey and terrorism is almost never seen.
An extrajudicial killing is the deliberate killing of a person without the lawful authority granted by a judicial proceeding. It typically refers to government authorities, whether lawfully or unlawfully, targeting specific people for death, which in authoritarian regimes often involves political, trade union, dissident, religious and social figures. The term is typically used in situations that imply the human rights of the victims have been violated; deaths caused by legal police actions or legal warfighting on a battlefield are generally not included, even though military and police forces are often used for killings seen by critics as illegitimate. The label "extrajudicial killing" has also been applied to organized, lethal enforcement of extralegal social norms by non-government actors, including lynchings and honor killings.
Rape in the Philippines is considered a criminal offense. In Philippine jurisprudence, it is a heinous crime punishable by reclusión perpetua when committed against women. Rape of males is also legally recognized as rape by sexual assault, which is penalized by imprisonment of six to twelve years.
The history of human rights in Argentina is affected by the last civil-military dictatorship in the country (1976-1983) and its aftermath. The dictatorship is known in North America as the "Dirty War", a named coined by the dictatorship itself to justify their actions of State-sponsored terrorism against Argentine citizenry, which were backed by the United States as part of their planned Operation Condor, and carried out primarily by Jorge Rafael Videla's de facto rule (1976-1981), but also after it and until democracy was restored in 1983. However, the human rights situation in Argentina has improved significantly since the end of the dictatorship.
In Brazil, the National Truth Commission investigated human rights violations of the period of 1946–1988 - in particular by the authoritarian military dictatorship that ruled Brazil from April 1, 1964 to March 15, 1985.
Though the Cuban government does not release official crime statistics, Cuba is considered one of the safer countries in Latin America. Gun crime is virtually nonexistent, drug trafficking has been largely curtailed, and there is below-average crisis intervention from police. Murder rates are also below those of most Latin American countries, with an intentional homicide rate of 5.00/100,000 inhabitants in 2016, lower than any other country in the region.
The Republic of Uruguay is located in South America, between Argentina, Brazil and the South Atlantic Ocean, with a population of 3,332,972. Uruguay gained independence and sovereignty from Spain in 1828 and has full control over its internal and external affairs. From 1973 to 1985 Uruguay was governed by a civil-military dictatorship which committed numerous human rights abuses.
Right to truth is the right, in the case of grave violations of human rights, for the victims and their families or societies to have access to the truth of what happened. The right to truth is closely related to, but distinct from, the state obligation to investigate and prosecute serious state violations of human rights. Right to truth is a form of victims' rights; it is especially relevant to transitional justice in dealing with past abuses of human rights. In 2006, Yasmin Naqvi concluded that the right to truth "stands somewhere on the threshold of a legal norm and a narrative device ... somewhere above a good argument and somewhere below a clear legal rule".
The systemic human rights abuses of the military dictatorship in Brazil (1964–1985) included extrajudicial killings, forced disappearances, torture, arbitrary detention, and severe restrictions on freedom of speech. Human Rights Watch has described the human rights abuses of the military dictatorship in Brazil as crimes against humanity.
In Argentina, the term "impunity laws" refers to two laws and a series of presidential decrees enacted between 1986 and 1990, which prevented the prosecution or execution of convictions against perpetrators of crimes against humanity during the state terrorism carried out by the Military Junta in the 1976 civil-military coup d'état, which governed from 1976 to 1983. On May 3, 2017, the Supreme Court issued a ruling that allows the sentences of persons found guilty of crimes against humanity to be significantly reduced, by application of the so-called "two for one".
The Brazilian criminal justice system comes from the civil law of Western Europe, in particular Portuguese law, which derives from Roman law. The earliest legal documents in Brazil were land grants and charters dating to the early 16th century, which continued to be used until independence in 1822. Various basic principles of law are enshrined in the 1988 Constitution, such as the principle of legality and the principle of human dignity.
ADPF 153 was a constitutional review case ruled by the Brazilian Supreme Federal Court, which the Order of Attorneys of Brazil (OAB) requested the acknowledgment of the inconstitutionality of the Amnesty Law. Ruled in April 2010, the Supreme Court considered the case unfounded in a voting of 7 to 2.