During the course of the 20th century, the Colorado Party of Paraguay set up several paramilitary organizations and militias in the country. They defended party interests and positions by force and actively participated in armed civil conflicts, playing a decisive role in the 1947 civil war. During the period of one-party rule in Paraguay, they were key components of the repressive apparatus of the dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessner. Politically and ideologically, these paramilitary groups stood on ultra-right and anti-communist positions, from traditionalism to fascism.
Paramilitary formations have been common in the political history of Paraguay since the time of the Paraguayan War. Political parties tried to acquire their own militant organizations. This was especially true for the right-wing conservative Colorado Party (Spanish for Red Party).
From the late 19th century, peasant militias of rural Colorado supporters were organized. In the second quarter of the 20th century, they received the collective name py nandí (which, in the Guaraní language, means "barefoot ones"). These detachments were recruited, as a general rule, from the poor peasantry, and were often Guaraní Indians. [1] Their ideology involved conservative traditionalist sentiments combined with republican nationalism.
The degree of organization of py nandí was at first low. There was no unified structure, command, discipline. Obsolete weapons were selected by each participant independently; often limited to melee weapons or just clubs. At the same time, the py nandí were deeply motivated - admiration for the authority of party leaders, interest obtaining favors from the Colorado Party leadership, and faith in party ideology. The number of py nandí at times exceeded 15 thousand people. These formations established the regime of Colorado hegemony in the villages, and resulted in the political opposition being heavily persecuted in the rural areas of the country. [2]
The py nandí became the model and basis for other forms of the Colorado Party's paramilitary organization. In 1938, Colorado leader Juan Natalicio González undertook to reform the party militia. [3] He formed the urban equivalent of the py nandí, the Colorado Action Groups (Grupos de Acción Colorada, GAC), and in 1942 organized part of these urban and rural formations into the Guión Rojo (Red Banner) militia.
The way the new structure differed from py nandí was in having a more broad social composition - not just peasants, but also city-dwelling petite bourgeoise, workers, criminals and right wing intellectuals participated. The Guión Rojo were better organized, and adhered to a clearer ideology of far-right radicalism (in many ways close to fascism) and anti-communism. They were distinguished by a personal loyalty to the founder Juan Natalicio González.
The Guión Rojo and py nandí played important roles in the 1947 Paraguayan Civil War. [4] These detachments largely determined its outcome in favor of the right-wing forces and the government of Higinio Morínigo. During this time, the militants became infamous for their cruelty, not just in battle, but also in their subsequent reprisal against the supporters of the defeated rebels. [5]
In the post-war period, the Guión Rojo helped Juan Natalicio González ascend to the presidency and consolidate power, but their activities of the "Gionists" gradually faded away due to the departure from politics and the emigration of Natalicio in 1950. The py nandí were restored in a more organized and regular formation. The Guión Rojo formally dissolved in 1966, but some of its leaders, such as Edgar Ynsfrán and Juan Manuel Frutos Fleitas, became important political figures in Paraguay.
In 1954, the Colorado Party's paramilitary organizations enthusiastically supported the military coup d'état and the rise to power of General Alfredo Stroessner.
Stroessner's dictatorship cannot be understood without emphasizing the role of the Colorado Party and, ultimately, the guerrilla armies of the Civil War. [6]
In the second half of the 1950s, the py nandí militias helped government troops and the police to suppress the left-wing guerrilla movement against Stroessner, utilizing extreme violence and torture against the insurgents. The atmosphere they helped to create in the Paraguayan countryside ruled out any massive support for the partisans.
The py nandí retained their importance throughout the period of the Stronist dictatorship. They actively assisted the Colorado Party, the police and intelligence agencies, were involved in pro-government actions in cities - for example, in 1973 Py Nandi held a powerful counter-demonstration in Asuncion, turning the tide in favor of the government. [1] The rural party militia played a prominent role in the peculiar "system of checks and balances" created by the dictator. Subordinate to Stroessner on the party line, the py nandí were an alternative armed force that limited the ambitions of the army command. [7]
The paramilitaries of the ruling party were an important tool for agrarian reform and land redistribution. In many ways, their efforts suppressed attempts to resume leftist insurgent movements. The organizer of the agrarian reform and the main ideologue of the regime, Juan Manuel Frutos Fleitas, was himself a former member of the Guión Rojo milita.
Under Minister of the Interior Edgar Ynsfrán and, later, his successor Sabino Augusto Montanaro, more repressive organizations and death squads subordinate to the government were created in Paraguay. Two special services were organized under the Ministry of the Interior: the Department of Investigations of the Metropolitan Police (Departamento de Investigaciones de la Policía de la Capital, DIPC) under the leadership of Pastor Coronel, [8] and the National Directorate of Technical Affairs (Dirección Nacional de Asuntos Técnicos, DNAT) directed by Antonio Campos Alum. [9] Both units specialized in political repression.
The leading functionary of the punitive apparatus, the director of the DIPC, Pastor Coronel, created detachements called "Macheteros of Santaní". Their peculiarity lay in the fact that they mainly represented the city of San Estanislao (Santani), where Coronel was from. Depending on their social status, the members of these units were either university students or local peasants. Macheteros attacked and beat oppositionists, and sometimes committed murders. [10] They also participated in Colorado Party events, creating a forceful entourage with machete-raised marches. [11]
Minister of Justice and Labor José Eugenio Jacquet established the Anti-Communist Action Groups (Grupos de Acción Anticomunista, GAA). Having a function akin to that of the secret police, they cooperated with the civilian police and army units. They were mainly engaged in spying on the opposition and passed on the data to the political investigation bodies. They were responsible for many of the human rights violations during the Stronist period. Separate cells-groups were commanded by functionaries of the Ministry of Justice, such as Ruben Candia Amarilla, the future Minister of the Interior and Attorney General of Paraguay. [12] In terms of structure and purpose, the GAA were compared with the Argentine Triple A. [13]
The GAA tried to maintain a low profile unlike some of the other militias. Organizationally, they were linked to the World Anti-Communist League through the Paraguayan branch, which was led by Juan Manuel Frutos Fleitas and DNAT secret police chief Antonio Campos Alum.
Another branch of the Colorado militias was led by Ramón Aquino, the chairman of the 14th section of the Colorado Party in the Asunción slum district of Chacarita. The militias led by Aquino were called Garroteros (from the garrote). Garroteros were distinguished by a specific social composition - mostly militants of local organized crime groups and criminal youth from the slums. Observers referred to them as the "gangsters from Chacarita". They acted with typical methods of assault squads, coupled with an ideology of extreme anti-communism and populist attitudes in the version of criminals professing lawlessness. Garroteros' actions have gained wide notoriety: terror against those suspected of belonging to the Paraguayan Communist Party, beating of opposition students of the Catholic University of Asuncion [14] and attacks on striking doctors. [15]
The end of the 1980s was marked by a general political crisis in Paraguay and a split in Colorado. The Tradicionalistas ("traditionalists") faction advocated the removal of Stroessner from power and the implementation of some liberal democratic reforms in line with the global trend. The Militancias (“militants”) faction remained loyal to Stroessner, and wanted to keep the regime's security measures in place, and supported Stroessner's son Gustavo as his successor. The leaders of the Militancias were the Minister of the Interior Sabino Montanaro and the commanders of the party militias - José Eugenio Jacquet, Pastor Coronel and Ramón Aquino (Montanaro and Jacquet belonged to the so-called "Cuatrinomio de Oro", a group of politicians intimately connected to Stroessner). At the same time, Edgar Ynsfrán, who had been dismissed in 1966, supported the Tradicionalistas.
On August 1, 1987, the Militancias came out on top at the Colorado Convention and took control of the party. Gatherings of "traditionalists" were dispersed by militant Garroteros. [16]
Alfredo Stroessner was finally deposed during the coup d'état of 2 and 3 February 1989, led by his former confidant, Andrés Rodríguez Pedotti, with the support of the army. Party militants did not have time to take action, and the "traditionalists" threw their support to Rodríguez and the new government began carrying out several long-demanded reforms. Political repression as a whole ceased. The new leadership of the Colorado Party officially renounced political violence. Party militias were disbanded. Some of the collaborators of the Stroessner regime, such as Pastor Coronel and José Eugenio Jacquet, were put on trial.
Since then, a new constitution came into force which prevented the President from being re-elected, as a way to prevent Stroessner's abuses from happening again in the country. Paramilitary forces ceased being a political tool and have not made a comeback.
In 2009, the Chilean-Paraguayan businessman Eduardo Avilés called for the revival of anti-communist paramilitary formations. [17] Avilés was a member of the far-right Fatherland and Liberty organization in Chile in the early 1970s, and emigrated to Paraguay during the presidency of Salvador Allende. Avilés complained of a serious communist danger in the policies of the leftist President Fernando Lugo and publicly proposed the creation of the Comando Anticomunista Paraguayo - a callback to the paramilitary organizations of old. [18] His comments have been sharply criticized as being of an outdated mindset. [13] Fernando Lugo would later be impeached by parliament in a move that was described as a coup by neighboring nations, but without any interference by paramilitary units.
Paraguay, officially the Republic of Paraguay, is a landlocked country in South America. It is bordered by Argentina to the south and southwest, Brazil to the east and northeast, and Bolivia to the northwest. It has a population of around 6.1 million, nearly 2.3 million of whom live in the capital and largest city of Asunción, and its surrounding metro area.
Alfredo Stroessner Matiauda was a Paraguayan army officer, politician, statesman, and President of Paraguay from 15 August 1954 to 3 February 1989. Stroessner led a coup d'état on 4 May 1954 with the support of the army and the Colorado Party, with which he was affiliated. After a brief provisional government headed by Tomás Romero Pereira, he was the Colorado Party's presidential candidate for the 1954 general election, and was elected unopposed since all other parties were banned from 1947 to 1962.
Andrés Rodríguez Pedotti was a military officer and politician, being President of Paraguay from February 3, 1989, to August 15, 1993. He led the coup d'état on February 2 and 3, 1989, against the dictator Alfredo Stroessner Matiauda.
Óscar Nicanor Duarte Frutos is a Paraguayan politician who served as President of Paraguay from 2003 to 2008. In 2013, President Horacio Cartes appointed Duarte as Ambassador to Argentina, a diplomatic posting he held from 2013 until 2016. Duarte currently holds the title of Senator for life.
The National Republican Association – Colorado Party is a conservative political party in Paraguay, founded on 11 September 1887 by Bernardino Caballero. Since 1947, the Colorado party has been dominant in Paraguayan politics, ruling as the only legal party between 1947 and 1962, and has controlled the presidency since 1948 notwithstanding a brief interruption between 2008 and 2013. With almost 2 million members, it is the largest political party in the country.
Higinio Nicolás Morínigo Martínez was a Paraguayan military officer, politician and statesman who was as a prominent officer of the Paraguayan Army during the Chaco War (1932–1935) and later served as President of Paraguay from September 7, 1940 until his overthrow on June 3, 1948.
The Authentic Radical Liberal Party is a centre-left liberal and radical political party in Paraguay. The party is a full member of Liberal International. The liberales, as they are known, are the leading opposition to the dominant conservative Colorado Party. They have taken this position since the end of the Alfredo Stroessner dictatorship in 1989. They are the political successors of the Liberal Party, which traces its history back to 10 July 1887.
The Paraguayan Civil War was a civil war in Paraguay that lasted from 7 March to 20 August 1947.
Juan Natalicio González Paredes was a Paraguayan politician and poet who served as President of Paraguay from 15 August 1948 to 30 January 1949.
Pastor Milciades Coronel was the chief of the Investigations Department during General Alfredo Stroessner's dictatorship of Paraguay. He is considered by human rights activists, like Martín Almada, to be the most feared torturer of the dictatorship. The discovery of the "Archives of Terror" showed that he was the perpetrator of several human rights violations.
Agustín Goiburú was a politician from Paraguay. He was the leader of the movement MOPOCO that represented the strongest opposition to the dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessner. He was murdered during the Operation Condor. He was a doctor, specialized in orthopedic surgery in Brazil. When he returned to the country, he worked in the Social Prevention Institute and in the Police Policlinic “Rigoberto Caballero”.
The Painful Easter is the name given by the Paraguayan press to the repression of several farmers groups accused of participating in the clandestine movement Organización Primero de Marzo (OPM) by the police of the Alfredo Stroessner regime. The persecution reached many regions of the country and destroyed any attempt of building any kind of organization between agriculture workers.
Epifanio Méndez Fleitas was a Paraguayan politician, musician, writer and poet, and twice the president of Central Bank of Paraguay: from 1952 to 1954 and in 1955. He fled Paraguay during the Alfredo Stroessner years and was the uncle to future President Fernando Lugo. He died in Buenos Aires.
The dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessner, colloquially known as El Stronismo or El Stronato, was the period of almost 35 years in the history of Paraguay in which army general Alfredo Stroessner ruled the country as a de facto one-party state under an authoritarian military dictatorship, from 15 August 1954 to 3 February 1989.
Edgar Linneo Ynsfrán Doldán was a Paraguayan politician who held important governmental posts during the dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessner. He became Minister of the Interior in Paraguay in 1956, and held key roles in the severe political repressions of the late 50s and early 60s in the country. He was dismissed from his post in 1966 and retired from politics until the mid-1980s, when he emerged as one of the leaders of the anti-Stroessner movement within the military and the Colorado Party.
The term Cuatrinomio de Oro refers to a group of influential Paraguayan politicians of the 1960-1980s, representing the closest allies of the dictatorial President Alfredo Stroessner. The group included three members of the government and the presidential secretary. Under the leadership of Stroessner, members of the "Golden Four" stood at the highest levels of the regime, determining the policy of the state and the Colorado Party. They became infamous in the country due to their involvement in political repression and corruption. After the fall of the regime, they were prosecuted.
Juan Manuel Frutos Fleitas was a Paraguayan politician and government minister under the dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessner. He was the founder and first chairman of the Rural Welfare Institute, and as such, he was one of the key figures of the Stroessner administration's economic policy, spearheading the "March to the East" land reclamation and colonization project of the 1960s-1980s. Frutos, a staunch anti-communist, also served as an ideologue of the Stroessner regime, and was the chairman of the Paraguayan branch of the World League for Freedom and Democracy anti-communist organization.
The Guión Rojo was a Paraguayan paramilitary organization of the 1930-1950s, which was formed in 1942 as the paramilitary wing of the Colorado Party. It united supporters of Colorado leader Juan Natalicio González, far-right nationalists, anti-communists and adherents of Falangist and pro-fascist ideas. It played a prominent role under the dictatorial regime of the 1940s, in the civil war of 1947, the subsequent political struggle and the establishment of Alfredo Stroessner's dictatorship.
Antonio Campos Alum was a Paraguayan politician and head of the National Directorate of Technical Affairs, a law enforcement agency during the dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessner.
Ramón Aquino was a Paraguayan far-right politician from the Colorado Party, known as the leader of the Garroteros militia during the dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessner.