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A counter-protest (also spelled counterprotest) is a protest action which takes place within the proximity of an ideologically opposite protest. The purposes of counter-protests can range from merely voicing opposition to the objective of the other protest to actively drawing attention from nearby media outlets away from the other protest toward the counter-protestors' cause to actively seeking to disrupt the other protest by conflict of a non-violent or violent nature.
In many countries where protests by various pressure groups are allowed, the nearby law enforcement installation may make it a priority to keep rival protestors as far from each other as to avoid possible physical contact, and legal contention often arises over whether the rival groups possess permits to gather and rally within a short distance of each other. Often, rallies can be infiltrated by rival protestors for purposes ranging from distraction, disruption to merely asking critical questions of the leaders of the rally or providing humorous or mocking diversions; the reactions of protestors to counter-protestors within close proximity can often be violent and confrontational.
In some countries, governments can even sponsor counter-protestors who rally against opposition figures and members.
While counter-protests may involve physical confrontation, they also employ non-violent strategies to undermine opposing movements. This phenomenon is sometimes described as "soft repression," where non-state actors in civil society use collective mobilization to limit or exclude oppositional ideas. [1] Unlike "hard repression" utilized by the state, which involves police or military force, soft repression relies on ridicule, stigma, and silencing.
Ridicule is a micro-level tactic involving the mocking or trivializing of the opposing group to diminish their standing. For example, feminist activists in the 1960s were derided with labels such as "bra-burners" or "women's lib," caricatures intended to diminish their political demands. At the meso-level, counter-movements may actively mobilize stigma to discourage identification with a cause. This tactic creates an environment where association with a movement becomes a source of discredit, such as framing affirmative action beneficiaries as "unqualified" to deter support. Finally, at the macro-level, counter-movements and civil society institutions may work to silence opposing voices from public discourse, particularly within mass media. This involves creating an environment where specific movements are ignored or their perspectives are systematically excluded from news coverage. [1]
Recent research suggests that the tactics employed by counter-protesters significantly influence public perception of the original movement. [2] While counter-protests aim to undermine a cause, violent or aggressive disruptions can paradoxically increase public sympathy for the original protesters. This phenomenon is often driven by a "backfire effect," where a violent counter-protest disrupting a peaceful social change protest heightens public concern that the counter-protesters are suppressing the original group's freedom of speech.
This perception of suppressed free speech is strongly associated with increased sympathy for the original protesters. [2] Violent disruption may highlight the original protesters as a disadvantaged group or "underdog," reinforcing the perception that their rights are being violated. This effect has been observed even when accounting for the political orientation of the observers. However, the mere presence of a counter-protest is not always sufficient to shift public attitudes; the specific strategy plays a decisive role. Non-violent counter-protests generally do not trigger the same level of free speech concerns and consequently do not generate the same sympathetic backlash in favor of the original movement. [2]
In Cuba, various organizations can organize violent pro-government rallies known as "mitines de repudio" (repudiation meetings, often sponsored by the CDR) against groups such as Ladies in White and help in loading the opposition members into police buses directed to a nearby jail. [3] [ better source needed ]
Since World War II, protests by fascist, racist or counter-religious organizations have often been met by anti-racist or anti-fascist groups, many of which are aligned with the Labour Party. Counter-protest activity has been ramped up against anti-Islamist or anti-Muslim organizations since the September 11 attacks in the United States. During the 2024 United Kingdom riots, many anti-racist and anti-fascist organisations, such as Unite Against Fascism, counter protested against far right protesters, many Muslim youth and men also counter protested against far right protesters. [4] [5]
Since the announcement of the impending invasion on Iraq in 2003, anti-war protests were met with counter-protests by pro-war and socially-conservative groups such as Protest Warrior.
After Barack Obama launched an initiative for healthcare reform, protests against government and Congress members by Tea Party members at townhall meetings were met with counter-protests by progressive/liberal activists and pro-labor unionists.
The Westboro Baptist Church, which achieved notoriety for protesting homosexuality at various locations and events at which they were not invited, have been met with various counter-protests, including participation from high school and college students when the church members arrived to protest at their campuses.
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