The Dawei deep-sea port and special economic zone is an infrastructure project in Burma. Construction started, but was suspended in 2013. Plans to resume construction were announced in August 2015. [1] It is in Dawei, the capital of the Tanintharyi Region. It aims to transform Dawei into Myanmar's and Southeast Asia's largest industrial and trade zone. [2] It aims to develop local businesses, provide local employment opportunities, and stimulate the construction of infrastructure. [2] It is notable for its tumultuous history, as many financial and human rights violations have arisen during the project's history. If completed, it will be the largest industrial zone in Southeast Asia. [3]
The Dawei Special Economic Zone Law, officially known as The State Peace and Development Council Law No. 17, was passed on 27 January 2011. The law has a number of notable tax breaks for investors and developers, in order to spur investment in the region. The law stipulates that two zones, the promotion zone and the exempted zone, are to exist within the special economic zone itself. The two zones differ in their tax breaks. [4]
Investors in the project are exempt from income taxes on their businesses for their first seven years of operation in the exempted zone, and for their first five years of operation in the promotion zone. In both zones, investors receive 50% relief in their second five years of operation, and 50% relief on all profits in their third year of operation. Developers have all of the same stipulations, except they are exempted from income tax in their first eight years of operation. [4]
Developers are exempted from customs duties for construction materials, machinery, equipment, heavy machinery, and vehicles. Investors have the same exemption in the exempted zone, but in the promotion zone pay 50% of normal duties for the first five years of transport into Dawei. [4]
Businesses in the Dawei port project have been granted a number of rights by the law which are not common elsewhere in Burma. They are given the right to open foreign bank accounts, and have relaxed currency exchange restrictions. Additionally, foreign companies and investors are allowed to invest in the project, and the government does not regulate product pricing. The law also stipulates that the government will not seize, or nationalize businesses in the zone. [4]
The project, as stipulated by The Dawei Special Economic Zone Law, aims to construct many differentiated zones. High-tech industrial zones, information technology zones, export processing zones, port area zones, transportation zones, technological research & development zones, service business zones, sub-trading zones, and governmental zones are all part of the construction project. In the construction of these zones, law also stipulates that investors and developers must employ local workers. Businesses are supposed to find these workers via labor recruitment agents. Twenty-five percent of their non-specialist workforce is required to be employed by Burmese citizens during their first five years, 50% during their second five years, and 75% during their third five years. Businesses are also required to supply adequate training for all of their employees. [4] The project is also set to include a 160 kilometer-long two lane super highway that connects the zone to the Thai-Burma border. A large amount of infrastructure is required to be built as well, so a high-speed railway, an electric grid, a dockyard, a deep sea port, and oil and gas pipelines are slated for construction. [5] The entirety of the special economic zone is slated to be 196 square kilometers, and will be ten times larger than Thailand's largest industrial zone. [5] [6]
Thailand and Burma signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) to develop the Dawei Special Economic Zone (ထားဝယ်အထူးစီးပွားရsup about="#mwt52" class="mw-ref reference" id="cite_ref-memorandum_7-0" data-mw="{"name":"ref","attrs":{"name":"memorandum"},"body":{"id":"mw-reference-text-cite_note-memorandum-7"}}"> [7] Another MOU was signed in July 2012. The Burmese and Thai governments then agreed to complete the project by 2015 at an ASEAN summit in November 2012. [7] The estimated total costs of the project were US$8.6 billion, but those estimates have since risen to US$10.7 billion. [6] [8]
Burma initially granted Italian-Thai Development PCL (ITD) a 75-year concession in 2008 to construct the project, and attract investment, as a part of the first memorandum of understanding. The investment required to develop the zone at the time was estimated to total US$8.6 billion, and require 1,000 laborers. [5] [9] Progress slowed due to a lack of funds, but the Thai and Burmese government opted to continue construction despite this. [5] In 2012, Max Burma Conglomerate confirmed that it would pull out, giving up its 25% stake in the project. [10] In 2013, after failing to attract enough investment, and failing to commit to a power source, ITD was stripped of its position as the sole leader of development in the zone. [11] The Thai and Burmese governments temporarily seized responsibility from ITD, in an attempt to rescue the floundering project. [12] Han Sein, the Chairman of the Dawei Special Economic Zone Management Committee told reporters, "In this economic zone, there needs to be a lot of investors." [1] The ITD was then required to halt activities so that the three international auditing companies Ernst & Young, PricewaterhouseCoopers, and Deloitte could check to see if the project was being built to international standards. [1] Up until the suspension of construction in 2013, the ITD had spent US$189 million on the project. [1]
Following this suspension and Max Burma Conglomerate's pullout, the Burmese and Thai governments both took 50% stakes in the project, and looked to attract international investors. [12] Thailand and Burma proposed involving Japan as a third-party investor, but the Japanese government declined to invest in the project. [7] Despite consistent pressure from the Thai government, significant funding from Japanese investors did not occur. [13] In 2013, Thailand's Office of Transport and Traffic Policy and Planning conducted a new feasibility study of the zone's infrastructure, as Japan had disagreed with the plan made by Italy-Thai group. [14] Thai banks committed US$4 billion following these issues, in an attempt to keep the project moving. [6]
The initial resumption of construction was set for 15 May 2014, but was delayed as both governments looked for investors. Additionally, they created a new plan, which involved two phases of construction, the initial phase, and the full-fledged phase. [15] The new plan also stipulated that the zone would cover 196 square kilometers, instead of 204.5 square kilometers. [15] Many experts thought that the Dawei Special Economic Zone was doomed to failure. [14] The Economic Affairs Officer at The United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific said that Kalargote Island looked like a more promising, and more feasible opportunity, noting that a logistically-sound deep sea port should be the singular focus of Burma's next step forward in their industrialization. [16] In 2014, the Thai and Burmese governments officially announced that they planned to revive the project, which had been dormant for the past two years. They plan to utilize ITD once again, while bringing in the help of Rojana Industrial Park PLC. [3]
On 30 January 2015, Japan agreed to participate in the project. It was revealed that they will hold equal partnership to Thailand and Burma in the Dawei Special Economic Zone Development Co, and intend to provide technical and financial support for the project. [17] On the same day, Rojana and ITD announced that they will sign an agreement in March 2015 to develop the initial phase of the project, which is estimated to cost US$1.7 billion. [11] The new plan states that the 160 kilometer road to the Thai-Burmese border will be built first, with a budget of US$119 million. [11] The Thai government will provide Burma with soft loans to help provide the necessary capital. Thai Deputy Prime Minister Pridiyathorn Devakula said that during this first phase of construction, they aim to complete a small port, a reservoir, a telecoms network, and other basic infrastructure projects in the next five years. [11] This initial phase is set to cover 27 square kilometers of the planned 196 square kilometer industrial complex. [18] Burma's Vice President Nyan Tun said that with the help of Japan, this project will now be able to move along quickly. [18]
Moving away from the stipulations made in the Dawei Special Economic Zone Law of 2011, it was also announced that the Neighboring Countries Economic Development Cooperation Agency are being hired to redevelop a master plan for the zone. [19]
This special economic zone project has been criticized extensively for its human rights abuses of local villagers. There is significant opposition from local populations, due to alleged land seizures, forced evictions, insufficient compensation for confiscated farmland, and denial of their right to sufficient food, and adequate housing. [20] Additionally, there is a significant fear of health problems, as the massive industrial complex will be a significant polluter. [5] The Dawei Development Association, a coalition of civil society groups, was set up by residents of Dawei to look into the project, and raise awareness. [5]
U Tin Maung Swe, chairman of the Support Group for the Deep Sea Port and Special Economic Zone, responded to concerns by telling the media, "People have criticized this project because of the chemical industries and their fears of the effect on the environment and the social structure. We won't accept any investment that could have a negative impact. We want labor-intensive industries that can produce value-added local products. We're always thinking about the public interest." [5] According to U Phone Shwe, Deputy Minister for Social Welfare, Relief, and Resettlement, residents, who have in total lost over 6,000 acres of land to the project thus far, have received US$33 million in compensation. [1] The project expects to owe villagers about US$307 million more moving forward. [1]
According to the villages of the area and the Dawei Development Association (DDA), villagers were either underpaid by the project, or not paid at all. [21] When villagers were paid, they weren't given enough money to buy new farmland, which lowered their standards of living. [21] They estimate that 20 to 36 villages housing 22,000 to 43,000 people will be affected by the project. [22] The DDA called for a freeze on the special economic zone in 2014, in hopes to prevent it from resuming at a large scale without human rights abuses being attended to. [22] The DDA also called for The National Human Rights Commissions of Thailand and Burma to conduct a full investigation on human rights abuses in the mega-project, as a part of a report that they released, titled Voices From the Ground: Concerns Over the Dawei Special Economic Zone and Related Projects, which evaluated the abuses. [23]
The DDA received an audience with The National Human Rights Commission of Thailand in October 2014 after releasing their report, to submit findings on human rights abuses in the project. [24] According to the report, two-thirds of households didn't receive information from the ITD or the government about the project. [24] Only 15% of households received any form of compensation for lost land, and many families were coerced or tricked into relocation. [24] Additionally, only 27% of surveyed residents ever received consultation meetings, and said meetings were oftentimes one-way and non-negotiable. [24] Despite the stalling of operations in 2013, much of the land for the project has been seized and cleared, and 71% of households in the area are expected to lose their land to the project. [25] Upon receiving the report, Thai officials deflected the blame onto the Burmese government, whose own National Human Rights Commission has not offered the DDA an audience. [25]
The Tavoyan Women's Union, a local rights NGO in Dawei, released a 2014 report titled Our Lives Not for Sale, that claimed the project was destroying local economy. [26] The report describes how the Dawei Special Economic Zone project has undermined local agricultural and fishing livelihoods, through the confiscation of land, restriction of coastal access, and destruction of farmland. [26] The report also found that villagers in Dawei were now facing food insecurity, and three-quarters of people surveyed reported that they had to take their children out of school for financial reasons. [26] In another report, they found that people near the proposed site had a loss in income, which forced many of them to send family members to Thailand to work. [27] Five weeks after Our Lives are Not for Sale was published, U Phone Swe, a Deputy Minister in the Tanintharyi Regional Government, organized a public demonstration in support of the special economic zone. [28] The 300 demonstrators shouted that the TWU, and everyone else who didn't support the project was their enemy. The TWU also reported that government officials went to teachers in the region, and told them not to teach about the negative impacts of coal. They allegedly warned the teachers not to oppose the coal project, as they were "teaching politics". [28]
The economy of Myanmar is the seventh largest in Southeast Asia. After the return of civilian rule in 2011, the new government launched large-scale reforms, focused initially on the political system to restore peace and achieve national unity and moving quickly to an economic and social reform program. Current economic statistics were a huge decline from the economic statistics of Myanmar in the fiscal year of 2020, in which Myanmar’s nominal GDP was $81.26 billion and its purchasing power adjusted GDP was $279.14 billion. Myanmar has faced an economic crisis since the 2021 coup d'état. According to International Monetary Fund (IMF) Myanmar GDP per capita in 2024 is est to reach $1.179
A special economic zone (SEZ) is an area in which the business and trade laws are different from the rest of the country. SEZs are located within a country's national borders, and their aims include increasing trade balance, employment, increased investment, job creation and effective administration. To encourage businesses to set up in the zone, financial policies are introduced. These policies typically encompass investing, taxation, trading, quotas, customs and labour regulations. Additionally, companies may be offered tax holidays, where upon establishing themselves in a zone, they are granted a period of lower taxation.
Dawei is a city in south-eastern Myanmar and is the capital of the Tanintharyi Region, formerly known as the Tenasserim Division, on the eastern bank of the Dawei River. The city is about 614.3 km (381.7 mi) southeast of Yangon. Its population is 146,964. Dawei is a port at the head of the Dawei River estuary, 30 km (18.6 mi). from the Andaman Sea. As a result, the city is prone to flooding during the monsoon season. Dawei People is also the name of one of Myanmar's 135 ethnic minorities.
In justifying opening up and the series of economic reforms that ensued in China, Deng Xiaoping referred to Karl Marx and his theories, which predicted that nations need to undergo urbanization and a stage of capitalism for a natural socialist transition. One of the most influential reforms under Deng was establishing four special economic zones (SEZ) along the Southeastern coast of China, with Shenzhen, Shantou, and Zhuhai located in Guangdong province and Xiamen located in Fujian province. The four aforementioned special economic zones were all established from 1980 to 1981. As of 2024, there have been 3 additional special economic zones. In 1988, Hainan became the fifth SEZ. In 1990, Pudong district in Shanghai became the sixth "SEZ". In 2009, Binhai district in Tianjin became the seventh SEZ. Special economic zones in mainland China are granted more market-oriented economic policies and flexible governmental measures by the government of China.
Mae Sot is a district in western Thailand that shares a border with Myanmar to the west, and has been described "an almost entirely Burmese town". It is notable as a trade hub and for its substantial population of Burmese migrants and refugees. The town is part of Tak province and is the main gateway between Thailand and Myanmar, and is located on the East-West Economic Corridor. As a result, it has gained notoriety for its trade in gems and teak, as well as black market services such as human trafficking and drugs. Neighbouring districts are : Mae Ramat, Mueang Tak, and Phop Phra. The Moei River serves as a natural border between Mae Sot and the Burmese town of Myawaddy.
Kyaukphyu is a major town in Rakhine State, in western Myanmar. It is located on the north western corner of Yanbye Island on Combermere Bay, and is 250 miles (400 km) north-west of Yangon. It is the principal town of Kyaukphyu Township and Kyaukphyu District. The town is situated on a superb natural harbor which connects the rice trade between Calcutta and Yangon. The estimated population in 1983 was 19,456 inhabitants. The population of Kyaukphyu's urban area is 20,866 as of 2014, while Kyaukphyu Township's population is 165,352.
PTT Public Company Limited or simply PTT is a Thai state-owned SET-listed oil and gas company. Formerly known as the Petroleum Authority of Thailand, it owns extensive submarine gas pipelines in the Gulf of Thailand, a network of LPG terminals throughout the kingdom, and it is involved in electricity generation, petrochemical products, oil and gas exploration and production, and gasoline retailing businesses. The company also owns Café Amazon, a popular coffee chain throughout South East Asia, which shops are often located next to PTT gas stations or inside malls.
The Rason Special Economic Zone, earlier called the Rajin-Sonbong Economic Special Zone, was established by the North Korean government at Rason, bordering China and Russia, in 1991 to promote economic growth through foreign investment. It is similar to the special economic zones of China and elsewhere, set up to pilot market economics in a designated controlled area. Foreign currency may be used in the zone. Chinese and Russian companies have invested in the special economic zone, and Mongolia joined in about 2013.
Adani Ports and Special Economic Zone Limited (APSEZ) is an Indian multinational port operator and logistics company, part of Adani Group. APSEZ is India's largest private port operator with a network of 12 ports and terminals, including India's first port-based SEZ at Mundra and the first deep water transshipment port at Thiruvananthapuram. The company has attracted controversies for cronyism, alleged stock manipulation and violation of environmental norms.
Tanintharyi Region is a region of Myanmar, covering the long narrow southern part of the country on the northern Malay Peninsula, reaching to the Kra Isthmus. It borders the Andaman Sea to the west and the Tenasserim Hills, beyond which lie Thailand, to the east. To the north is the Mon State. There are many islands off the coast, the large Mergui Archipelago in the southern and central coastal areas and the smaller Moscos Islands off the northern shores. The capital of the division is Dawei (Tavoy). Other important cities include Myeik (Mergui) and Kawthaung. The division covers an area of 43,344.9 square kilometres (16,735.6 sq mi), and had a population of 1,406,434 at the 2014 Census.
The Kaladan Road Project is a US$484 million project connecting the eastern Indian seaport of Kolkata with Sittwe seaport in Rakhine State, Myanmar by sea. In Myanmar, it will then link Sittwe seaport to Paletwa in Chin State via the Kaladan river boat route, and then from Paletwa by road to Mizoram state in Northeast India. All components of the project, including Sittwe port and power, river dredging, Paletwa jetty, have been completed, except the under construction Zorinpui-Paletwa road. Originally, the project was scheduled to be completed by 2014, but end-to-end project is expected to be fully operational only by December 2023 as per November 2023 update.
Max Myanmar Group of Companies is a major Burmese holding company with former interests in gems and active interests in construction, mechanical engineering, transportation, hotel and tourism, rubber plantations, energy retail and banking industries. Max Myanmar is owned by Zaw Zaw.
Thilawa Special Economic Zone is a 2,500 hectares special economic zone being developed in Kyauktan and Thanlyin Townships, 25 kilometres (16 mi) south of Yangon city. The first phase of the SEZ became operational at the end of September 2015.
Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone is a 1,600 hectares Burmese special economic zone being developed on Kyaukphyu, Ramree Island, Rakhine State. Kyaukphyu SEZ was first announced in September 2013. The project initially began as a joint venture between the Chinese and Burmese governments, but has since transitioned to private developers. Kyaukphyu SEZ will be accessible to the Shwe gas field in the Bay of Bengal. The oil and gas terminal was financed by the China National Petroleum Corporation which built two pipelines for natural gas and oil.
The Eastern Economic Corridor (Abrv: EEC; Thai: ระเบียงเศรษฐกิจภาคตะวันออก, romanized: Rabīang Sētthakit Phāk Tawan-ǭk, RTGS: Rabiang Setthakit Phak Tawan-ok, pronounced[rā.bīa̯ŋsèːt.tʰā.kìtpʰâːktā.wān.ʔɔ̀ːk]) officially the Eastern Special Development Zone (ESDZ), is a special economic zone of three provinces in eastern Thailand. Collectively, these provinces occupy an area of 13,266 km2 (5,122 sq mi), and in 2016 had an estimated population of over 2.8 million.
The Golden Triangle Special Economic Zone is located along the Mekong River in the Ton Pheung District of Bokeo Province in Laos. The zone has an area about 3,000 hectares and was created in 2007 by the Lao government together with the Chinese-owned Hong Kong-registered company Kings Romans Group with the hope of generating economic development.
Japan–Myanmar relations are the bilateral relations between Japan and the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. The two countries enjoyed good relations after the two country's 1954 peace treaty and World War II reparations agreement. Myanmar and Japan held some of the strongest ties among Asian countries, often called a "special relationship" throughout the socialist period. Japan's influence waned towards the 2000s as an ambivalent power stuck between sanctionists like the United States and new engagers like China. Japan today has retained significant political and economic influence over the Myanmar military in the wake of the 2021 Myanmar coup d'état. Japan has previously condemned the coup and the killing of peaceful protestors.
The Central–Western Economic Corridor is a special economic zone in Thailand that aims to promote economic development in the central and western regions of the country. It comprises four provinces: Phra Nakhon Si Ayutthaya, Nakhon Pathom, Suphanburi, and Kanchanaburi. The corridor is focused on developing the agro-tourism industry, high-value hi-tech industry, as well as green and heritage tourism. The CWEC is strategically designed to connect both to Bangkok and the Eastern Economic Corridor (EEC), as well as to the Dawei port in Myanmar, making it an important hub for transportation and trade.
{{cite news}}
: CS1 maint: unfit URL (link){{cite news}}
: CS1 maint: unfit URL (link){{cite news}}
: CS1 maint: unfit URL (link)