The ethnic competition thesis, also known as ethnic competition theory or ethnic competition hypothesis, is an academic theory that posits that individuals support far-right political parties because they wish to reduce competition from immigrants over scarce resources such as jobs, housing, mating opportunities and welfare benefits. [1] According to the theory, support for the far right should be higher in areas if there are more immigrants and more lower-educated and lower-skilled voters who would face competition from them.
Several studies have found support for ethnic competition thesis. A 2011 study by Jens Rydgren and Patrick Ruth found some support for the theory in that support for the far-right Sweden Democrats party was higher in areas where there were a higher number of immigrants. [2] Another study by Abbondanza and Bailo, published in 2018, found similar support for this thesis with the Lega Nord in Northern Italy as a case study. [3] However, other studies have questioned the link between the number of refugees, number of asylum seekers, or proportion of noncitizens and people born abroad and the success of the far right. [4]
The Pim Fortuyn List was a right-wing populist political party in the Netherlands named after its eponymous founder Pim Fortuyn, a former university professor and political columnist. The party was considered nationalist as well as adhering to its own distinct ideology of Fortuynism according to some commentators.
The Sweden Democrats is a nationalist and right-wing populist political party in Sweden founded in 1988. As of 2022, it is the largest member of Sweden's right-wing governing bloc to which it provides confidence and supply, and is the second largest party in the Riksdag. Within the European Union, the party is a member of the European Conservatives and Reformists Party.
The Progress Party, is a political party in Norway. It is generally positioned to the right of the Conservative Party, and is considered the most right-wing party to be represented in parliament. The FrP has traditionally self-identified as classical-liberal and as a libertarian party. It is often described as right-wing populist, which has been disputed in public discourse, and has been described by academics as far-right. By 2020, the party attained a growing national conservative faction. After the 2017 parliamentary election, it was Norway's third largest political party, with 26 representatives in the Storting. It was a partner in the government coalition led by the Conservative Party from 2013 to 2020.
The Danish People's Party is a nationalist and right-wing populist political party in Denmark. It was formed in 1995 by former members of the Progress Party (FrP).
New Democracy was a political party in Sweden. It was founded in 1991 and elected into the Riksdag in the 1991 Swedish general election. It lost all its seats in the Riksdag in the subsequent election in 1994, and its subsequent decline culminated in bankruptcy in February 2000, at which time it retained only one city council post. Local factions of New Democracy reformed into minor parties such as Sjöbopartiet, which faced mixed success.
Opposition to immigration, also known as anti-immigration, is a political ideology that seeks to restrict the incoming of people from one area to another. In the modern sense, immigration refers to the entry of people from one state or territory into another state or territory in which they are not citizens in contrast, but closely correspond to emigration which refers people leaving one state or territory in which they are citizens. Illegal immigration occurs when people immigrate to a country without having official permission to do so. Opposition to immigration ranges from calls for various immigration reforms, to proposals to completely restrict immigration, to calls for repatriation of existing immigrants.
Fortuynism is the political ideology of Dutch politician Pim Fortuyn. Observers variously saw him as a political protest targeting the alleged elitism and bureaucratic style of the Dutch purple coalitions, as offering "openness, directness and clearness", populism simply as charisma. Another school holds Fortuynism as a distinct ideology, with an alternative vision of society. Some argue that Fortuynism is not just one ideology, but that it contained liberalism, populism and nationalism.
Right-wing populism, also called national populism and right-wing nationalism, is a political ideology that combines right-wing politics with populist rhetoric and themes. Its rhetoric employs anti-elitist sentiments, opposition to the Establishment, and speaking to or for the "common people". Recurring themes of right-wing populists include neo-nationalism, social conservatism, economic nationalism and fiscal conservatism. Frequently, they aim to defend a national culture, identity, and economy against perceived attacks by outsiders. Right-wing populism has remained the dominant political force in the Republican Party in the United States since the 2010s.
Nativism is the political policy of promoting or protecting the interests of "native-born" or established inhabitants over those of immigrants, including the support of anti-immigration and immigration-restriction measures. Despite the name, and in the US in particular, this position is usually held by the descendants of immigrants themselves, and is not a movement led by Indigenous peoples, as opposited to Nativists in Europe who are descended from native peoples such as Celts, Anglo-Saxons or Norsemen.
Criticism of multiculturalism questions the ideal of the maintenance of distinct ethnic cultures within a country. Multiculturalism is a particular subject of debate in certain European nations that are associated with the idea of a nation state. Critics of multiculturalism may argue against cultural integration of different ethnic and cultural groups to the existing laws and values of the country. Alternatively critics may argue for assimilation of different ethnic and cultural groups to a single national identity.
In the politics of the United States, the radical right is a political preference that leans towards ultraconservatism, white nationalism, white supremacy, or other far-right ideologies in a hierarchical structure which is paired with conspiratorial rhetoric alongside traditionalist and reactionary aspirations. The term was first used by social scientists in the 1950s regarding small groups such as the John Birch Society in the United States, and since then it has been applied to similar groups worldwide. The term "radical" was applied to the groups because they sought to make fundamental changes within institutions and remove persons and institutions that threatened their values or economic interests from political life.
Welfare chauvinism or welfare state nationalism is the political notion that welfare benefits should be restricted to certain groups, particularly to the natives of a country as opposed to immigrants. It is used as an argumentation strategy by right-wing populist parties, which describes a claimed connection between the problems of the welfare state and, in essence, immigration, but also other social groups such as welfare recipients and the unemployed. The focus is placed on categorizing state residents in two extremes: the "nourishing" and "debilitating" and the contradiction between them in the competition for the society's scarce resources.
The modernization losers thesis, or modernization losers theory, is a theory associated with the academic Hans-Georg Betz that posits that individuals support far-right political parties because they wish to undo changes associated with modernization.
Jens Rydgren is a Swedish writer, political commentator and a professor of sociology, at Stockholm University. Specialising in research of political sociology, for many years he has studied populist right-wing parties. In 2002 he defended his thesis Political Protest and Ethno-Nationalist Mobilization: The Case of the French National Front in a debate with Sidney Tarrow of Cornell University. He has appeared as an expert on right wing populist parties, including the Sweden Democrats, in various news media.
The social breakdown thesis is a theory that posits that individuals that are socially isolated — living in atomized, socially disintegrated societies — are particularly likely to support right-wing populist parties.
In political science, the terms radical right, reactionary right and populist right have been used to refer to the range of nationalist, right-wing to far-right parties that have grown in support since the late 1970s in Europe. Populist right groups have shared a number of causes, which typically include opposition to globalisation and immigration, criticism of multiculturalism, and opposition to the European Union, but do not oppose democracy.
Islamophobia in Sweden refers to the set of discourses, behaviours and structures which express feelings of anxiety, fear, hostility and rejection towards Islam and/or Muslims in Sweden. Historically, attitudes towards Muslims in Sweden have been mixed with relations being largely negative in the early 16th century, improving in the 18th century, and declining once again with the rise of Swedish nationalism in the early 20th century. According to Jonas Otterbeck, a Swedish historian of religion, attitudes towards Islam and Muslims today have improved but "the level of prejudice was and is still high." Islamophobia can manifest itself through discrimination in the workforce, prejudiced coverage in the media, and violence against Muslims. The anti-immigration and anti-Islam Sweden Democrats is the second largest party in the Riksdag.
Europe of 100 Flags is a concept developed by Breton nationalist Yann Fouéré in his 1968 book, L'Europe aux Cent Drapeaux. It proposes a redrawing of European borders in a way that more resembles a map of the region during the Middle Ages, including the creation of states for Basques, Bretons, and Flemings. These regions would be designed to promote regionalism and European federalism as a replacement for nationalism, and redefine extreme European boundaries more strictly in terms of ethnically homogeneous "authentic" historic regions. These individually ethnically "pure" states would then be incorporated under a "post-liberal-pan-European framework".