[In 2011], after more than five and a half years of arduous work, there is a topographic inventory that allows us to pinpoint the location of the documents in the AHPN, which have finally been identified, preserved, classified, ordered and described. An archival system is being implemented which meets the highest international regulatory standards in this field. The AHPN has a group of highly qualified people with the skills necessary to identify, process, and analyze documents containing information relating to events that constitute human rights violations. It also possesses cutting-edge technology and know-how that allows the digitization of documents at a rate of two million, eight hundred thousand pages a year. [1]
Contents
In July 2005, in an abandoned warehouse in downtown Guatemala City, Guatemala, delegates from the country's Institution of the Procurator for Human Rights uncovered, by sheer chance, a vast archive detailing the history of the defunct National Police and its role in the Guatemalan Civil War. [2] Over five rooms full of files containing names, address, identity documents, were brought to light. [3]
The store of documents measures nearly 8 kilometres (5 mi) length, and contains records dating as far back as the late 19th century (1882) and as recent as 1997. [4] Since the discovery, forensic teams have been carefully archiving the files they have found, with the help of specialized organizations like Benetech and Human Rights Data Analysis Group, and software such as Martus. [5]
In December 2009, the AHPN achieved legal certainty through the Inter-Institutional Cooperation Agreement between the Ministry of the Interior and the Ministry of Culture and Sport. [4] By the end of 2013, more than 15 million documents (about 20% of the roughly 80 million total sheets) had been digitized. [6] In July 2015, the AHPN celebrated the tenth anniversary of its discovery. [7]
In July 2005, an explosion near the police compound prompted officials to inspect surrounding buildings looking for bombs left from the war. While investigating an abandoned munitions depot, they found it stuffed with police records. Investigators described the room as “brim with head-high heaps of papers, some bundled with plastic string, and others mixed with books, photographs, videotapes and computer disks—all told, nearly five linear miles of documents.” [8]
This archive contains approximately 80 million pages of information from the Guatemalan National Police, the largest collection of state secrets ever found in Latin America. The archive most notably sheds light on kidnappings, tortures and murders of tens of thousands of people during the country's 36-year Guatemalan Civil War, which ended in 1996, while the collections date back to the 19th century. [9]
In 1954 the democratic interlude in Guatemalan history was ended by the CIA, who overthrew the government and installed the right-wing Guatemalan Army Colonel Carlos Castillo Armas as Head of State and therefore started decades marked by violence. From the mid-1950s through the 1970s, the UN characterized Guatemala as a state increasing repression against its citizens in response to militia unrest and leftist inclinations. In 1982, after a military coup led by Efraín Ríos Montt, the Guatemalan military conducted mass killings at especially alarming rates in response to higher public mobilization in favor of the Revolutionary National Unity of Guatemala (URNG). The CIIDH database documented 18,000 killings by government forces in the year 1982. [10]
The United Nations established the Historical Clarification Commission to investigate the human rights violations during the Guatemalan Civil War. The Commission presented its report, Guatemala: Memory of Silence on February 25, 1999. They found that over 200,000 people were killed, in which "State forces and related paramilitary groups were responsible for 93% of the violations documented.” [11] Public mobilization against the government was highest between 1978 and 1982 and so was the rate of murder and human rights abuses.
The 1996 Peace Accords ended the 36-year Guatemalan Civil War, which was one of the longest and bloodiest in Latin American history. The process began in 1991, leading a gradual process towards democratization. Part of this negotiation was the creation of the Human Rights Accord, signed in March 1994, which created mechanisms for ensuring fair and equal treatment of government dissenters. As became clear from the archive, the army had for years kidnapped, tortured, and killed many citizens associated with anti-government groups.
The archives have been used to try ex-government officials who committed human rights violations during past authoritarian governments. Former head of the national police, Hector Bol de la Cruz was charged and convicted in the case of Fernando Garcia, a 27-year-old student activist who disappeared on February 18, 1984. Bol de la Cruz was sentenced to 40 years in prison for his role in the kidnapping. Families of roughly 45,000 missing leftists have contacted local rights groups to help them find information about their relatives in the archives, hoping that trials will end decades of impunity for crimes against suspected leftists. As Reuters reports, “Human rights lawyers say success in the cases would bring Guatemala into the ranks of countries like Rwanda and Germany, which held former government officials and military officers responsible for atrocities.” [12]
Efraín Ríos Montt, head of the Guatemalan army, stood trial in 2013 regarding his war crimes with substantial evidence from the Guatemala National Police Archive. After a lengthy appeals process, on 10 May 2013, he was convicted of genocide and crimes against humanity, was sentenced to 80 years imprisonment. 10 days later, an appeals court overturned the decision, forcing a retrial in 2015. [10] A Guatemalan court has stated that he can stand trial for genocide and crimes against humanity, but he cannot be sentenced due to dementia, which prevents him from reasonably defending himself.
In 2003, when the Estado Mayor Presidencial (EMP, Presidential General Staff) was dissolved under the terms of the Peace Accords, neither the official government entity charged with document preservation, the Archivo General de Centroamérica (AGCA, General Archive of Central America) or the Procuraduría de los Derechos Humanos (PDH, Human Rights Ombudsman's Office) had sufficient staff or funding to preserve the records. [13] : 35–37, 58 Human rights groups, including the Centro Para la Acción Legal en Derechos Humanos (CALDH, Center for Human Rights Legal Action), the Grupo de Apoyo Mutuo (GAM, Mutual Support Group), the Hijos e Hijas por la Identidad y la Justicia y Contra el Olvido y el Silencio (HIJOS, Sons and Daughters for Identity and Justice and Against Forgetting and Silence), the Oficina de Derechos Humanos del Arzobispado de Guatemala (ODHAG, Human Rights Office of the Archbishop of Guatemala), and Seguridad em Democracia (SEDEM, Security in Democracy) volunteered to assist with the digitizing of records. [13] : 66 The urgency to capture images of the documents and lack of formal archival training, meant that the images were not categorized and kept in sequence. [13] : 66–67 GAM and SEDEM remained with the project until it was completed, which prompted the ombudsman Sergio Morales to call on those organizations again when the police archives were discovered. [13] : 35–37, 66–67 Both NGOs had access to international funding, and were able to gain support from international archivists to assist with the processes. Iduvina Hernández, through her organization, SEDEM, paid for the staff hired to process the records. [13] : 35–37 Over the past 10 years, extensive efforts have revolved around the preservation, identification and description of the archival materials. In order for the documents to be utilized for human rights cases, officials first must make sense of what was found. This task, however, proved to be extensively difficult, especially considering that there are kilometres of documents to look through.
Investigators soon employed the help of database software and statistical analysis, with the assistance of Benetech, a non-proift founded in Palo Alto, California in 2000 with the slogan "Technology Serving Humanity." Benetech does significant work with human rights, revolving around a database called Martus, which helps sort and analyze information that is inputted. The data can also be backed up and secured, a crucial element for human rights projects considering that the information is largely legally and political sensitive. According to Patrick Ball, the organization's chief scientist and director of its human rights program, the Guatemalan archives presented a unique challenge that was "longer-term, more scientifically complex and more politically sensitive" than anything the organization had done before. He continues, “The point of all human rights work is to understand the past, so we can build a future that doesn’t repeat it… we give [organizations] the technical tools to preserve their information…and provide them with technical support to assure that the process is systematic, thorough and scientific.” [14]
From July 2009 the ownership of Guatemala National Police Archive moved from the Ministry of Interior to the Ministry of Culture and Sports, under the guidance of the General Archive of Central America (AGCA). The Guatemalan Justice Department is pursuing further prosecutions related to war crimes, hoping that these will help Guatemalan families find closure in times of tragic defeat. "Prosecutions are a great way of creating moral closure—I've participated in many," says Patrick Ball, chief Benetech scientist. "But they aren't what will change a country." In his view, understanding how the National Police went bad and preventing it from happening again—"that's real improvement...Now it's the world's job to dig through the material and make sense of it." [15] The archive, however, will not only be used for prosecutions. Guatemalan scholars, historians, and journalists also want to look the government's record and role in a conflict that destroyed so many lives. The national healing process is not limited to judicial procedure, but instead, as human rights advocates have argued, a collective reckoning across disciplines of thought.
José Efraín Ríos Montt was a Guatemalan military officer, politician, and dictator who served as de facto President of Guatemala from 1982 to 1983. His brief tenure as chief executive was one of the bloodiest periods in the long-running Guatemalan Civil War. Ríos Montt's counter-insurgency strategies significantly weakened the Marxist guerrillas organized under the umbrella of the Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity (URNG) while also leading to accusations of war crimes and genocide perpetrated by the Guatemalan Army under his leadership.
The Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity is a Guatemalan political party that started as a guerrilla movement but laid down its arms in 1996 and became a legal political party in 1998 after the peace process which ended the Guatemalan Civil War.
The Inter-American Court of Human Rights is an international court based in San José, Costa Rica. Together with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, it was formed by the American Convention on Human Rights, a human rights treaty ratified by members of the Organization of American States (OAS).
Óscar Humberto Mejía Víctores was a Guatemalan military officer and politician who served as the Head of Government from August 1983 to January 1986. A member of the military, he was head of state during the apex of repression and death squad activity in the Central American nation. When he was minister of defense, he rallied a coup against President Ríos Montt, which he justified by declaring that religious fanatics were abusing the government. He allowed for a return to democracy, with elections for a constituent assembly being held in 1984, followed by general elections in 1985.
Carlos Manuel Arana Osorio was a military officer and politician who served as the 35th president of Guatemala from 1970 to 1974. A member of the National Liberation Movement, his government enforced torture, disappearances, and killings against political and military adversaries, as well as common criminals.
Julio César Méndez Montenegro was a Guatemalan academic who served as the 34th president of Guatemala from July 1966 to July 1970. Mendez was elected on a platform promising democratic reforms and the curtailment of military power. The only civilian to occupy Guatemala's presidency during the long period of military rule between 1954 and 1986. Nevertheless, his election and swearing in was considered a major turning point for the long military-led Guatemala. He was the first cousin of César Montenegro Paniagua whose kidnapping, torture and murder during the Julio César Méndez presidency is rumored to have been undertaken with presidential sanction.
In 1994 Guatemala's Commission for Historical Clarification - La Comisión para el Esclarecimiento Histórico (CEH) - was created as a response to the thousands of atrocities and human rights violations committed during the decades long civil war that began in 1962 and ended in the late 1990s with United Nations-facilitated peace accords. The commission operated under a two-year mandate, from 1997 to 1999, and employed three commissioners: one Guatemalan man, one male non-national, and one Mayan woman. The mandate of the commission was not to judge but to clarify the past with "objectivity, equity and impartiality."
The Guatemalan Civil War was a civil war in Guatemala which was fought from 1960 to 1996 between the government of Guatemala and various leftist rebel groups. The Guatemalan government forces committed genocide against the Maya population of Guatemala during the civil war and there were widespread human rights violations against civilians. The context of the struggle was based on longstanding issues of unfair land distribution. Wealthy Guatemalans, mainly of European descent and foreign companies like the American United Fruit Company had control over much of the land. They paid almost zero taxes in return–leading to conflicts with the rural indigenous poor who worked the land under miserable terms.
Human rights in Mexico refers to moral principles or norms that describe certain standards of human behaviour in Mexico, and are regularly protected as legal rights in municipal and international law. The problems include torture, extrajudicial killings and summary executions, police repression, sexual murder, and, more recently, news reporter assassinations.
Benetech is a nonprofit social enterprise organization that empowers communities with software for social good. Previous projects include the Route 66 Literacy Project, the Miradi environmental project management software, Martus, and the Human Rights Data Analysis Group. Current program areas include global education, human rights, and poverty alleviation.
The Guerrilla Army Of The Poor was a Guatemalan leftist guerrilla movement, which commanded significant support among indigenous Maya people during the Guatemalan Civil War.
Juan José Gerardi Conedera was a Guatemalan Roman Catholic bishop and human rights defender who was long active in working with the indigenous Mayan peoples of the country.
The Permanent Assembly for Human Rights is an Argentine non-governmental human rights organization; founded in 1975. According to its official website the organization is the product of a "call from people coming from distinct areas: the church, politics, Human Rights, sciences, culture, and labour Argentines in response to the increasing violence and the collapse of the most elemental Human Rights in the country".
Patrick Ball is an American scientist specializing in quantitative analysis of large-scale human rights abuses. He has carried out work for truth commissions, non-governmental organizations, and international criminal tribunals as well as United Nations missions in El Salvador, Ethiopia, Guatemala, Haiti, South Africa, Chad, Sri Lanka, East Timor, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Kosovo, Liberia, Peru, Colombia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Syria. As Director of Research at the Human Rights Data Analysis Group, he carries out statistical and scientific analyses to assist human rights defenders in documenting and understanding patterns of abuse.
The Human Rights Data Analysis Group is a non-profit, non-partisan organization that applies rigorous science to the analysis of human rights violations around the world. It was founded in 1991 by Patrick Ball. The organization has published findings on conflicts in Syria, Colombia, Chad, Kosovo, Guatemala, Peru, East Timor, India, Liberia, Bangladesh, and Sierra Leone. The organization provided testimony in the war crimes trials of Slobodan Milošević and Milan Milutinović at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, and in Guatemala's Supreme Court in the trial of General José Efraín Ríos Montt, the de facto president of Guatemala in 1982–1983. Gen. Ríos was found guilty of genocide and crimes against humanity. Most recently, the organization has published on police violence in the United States.
The Guatemalan genocide, also referred to as the Maya genocide, or the Silent Holocaust, was the mass killing of the Maya Indigenous people during the Guatemalan Civil War (1960–1996) by successive Guatemalan military governments that first took power following the CIA instigated 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état. Massacres, forced disappearances, torture and summary executions of guerrillas and especially civilians at the hands of security forces had been widespread since 1965, and was a longstanding policy of the military regime. Human Rights Watch (HRW) has documented "extraordinarily cruel" actions by the armed forces, mostly against civilians.
Violence against women in Guatemala reached severe levels during the long-running Guatemalan Civil War (1960-1996), and the continuing impact of that conflict has contributed to the present high levels of violence against women in that nation. During the armed conflict, rape was used as a weapon of war.
The Movimiento Judío por los Derechos Humanos was a human rights organization in Argentina. It was founded by Marshall Meyer and Herman Schiller on August 19, 1983.
Iduvina Hernández is a Guatemalan journalist and internationally-known human rights activist. Her work has involved analyzing democracy and state security. Specifically, her research has focused on the violence which occurred during the Guatemalan Civil War and rebuilding the structures to support the country's democracy. In her childhood, her father was threatened by the National Civil Police and her husband was killed in 1984. She interrupted her education after his murder and moved to Mexico, living in exile there and working as a journalist until 1989. After her return to Guatemala, Hernández wrote articles focused on the war and counterinsurgency for Crónica magazine.