Impartial culture (IC) or the culture of indifference [1] is a probabilistic model used in social choice theory for analyzing ranked voting method rules. [2] [3]
The model is understood to be unrealistic, and not a good representation of real-world voting behavior, however, it is useful for mathematical comparisons of voting methods under reproducible, worst-case scenarios. [4] [5] [6] [1] [7]
The model assumes that each voter provides a complete strict ranking of all the candidates (with no equal rankings or blanks), which is drawn from a set of all possible rankings. For candidates, there are possible strict rankings (permutations). [2]
There are three variations of the model that use different subsets of the full set of possible rankings, so that different election permutations are drawn with different probabilities:
This model assumes that each voter's ranking is randomly selected from a uniform distribution. If these are chosen by voters, there are thus possible elections ("preference profiles".) [2]
This reduces the set of possible elections by eliminating those that are equivalent if the voter identities are unknown. [2] [8] For example, the two-candidate, three-voter election {A>B, A>B, B>A} is equivalent to the election where the second and third voters swap votes: {A>B, B>A, A>B}, and so all variations on this set of votes are only included once. The set of all such elections is called the anonymous equivalence class (AEC), and if the strict rankings are being chosen by voters, there are possible elections. [2]
This is also referred to as the "Dirichlet" or "simplex" model. [9] [10] [11]
This reduces the set of possible elections further, by eliminating those that are equivalent if the candidate identities are unknown. For example, the two-candidate, three-voter election {A>B, A>B, B>A} is equivalent to the election where the two candidates are swapped: {B>A, B>A, A>B}. [2]
The Condorcet paradox in social choice theory is a situation noted by the Marquis de Condorcet in the late 18th century, in which collective preferences can be cyclic, even if the preferences of individual voters are not cyclic. This is paradoxical, because it means that majority wishes can be in conflict with each other: Suppose majorities prefer, for example, candidate A over B, B over C, and yet C over A. When this occurs, it is because the conflicting majorities are each made up of different groups of individuals.
A Condorcet method is an election method that elects the candidate who wins a majority of the vote in every head-to-head election against each of the other candidates, whenever there is such a candidate. A candidate with this property, the pairwise champion or beats-all winner, is formally called the Condorcet winner. The head-to-head elections need not be done separately; a voter's choice within any given pair can be determined from the ranking.
Arrow's impossibility theorem is a celebrated result and key impossibility theorem in social choice theory. It shows that no ranked-choice voting rule can produce a logically coherent ranking of candidates. Specifically, no such procedure can satisfy a key criterion of decision theory, called independence of irrelevant alternatives or independence of spoilers: that the choice between and should not depend on the quality of a third, unrelated outcome .
The monotonicity criterion, also called positive weight, is a principle of social choice theory that says voters should never have a negative effect on an election's results. In other words, increasing a winning candidate's grade should not cause them to lose.
Independence of irrelevant alternatives (IIA), also known as binary independence or the independence axiom, is an axiom of decision theory and economics describing a necessary condition for rational behavior. The axiom says that adding "pointless" (rejected) options should not affect the outcome of a decision. This is sometimes explained with a short story by philosopher Sidney Morgenbesser:
Morgenbesser, ordering dessert, is told by a waitress that he can choose between blueberry or apple pie. He orders apple. Soon the waitress comes back and explains cherry pie is also an option. Morgenbesser replies "In that case, I'll have blueberry."
The Gibbard–Satterthwaite theorem is a theorem in voting theory. It was first conjectured by the philosopher Michael Dummett and the mathematician Robin Farquharson in 1961 and then proved independently by the philosopher Allan Gibbard in 1973 and economist Mark Satterthwaite in 1975. It deals with deterministic ordinal electoral systems that choose a single winner, and states that for every voting rule of this form, at least one of the following three things must hold:
An ecological fallacy is a formal fallacy in the interpretation of statistical data that occurs when inferences about the nature of individuals are deduced from inferences about the group to which those individuals belong. From the conceptual standpoint of mereology, four common ecological fallacies are:
Social choice theory or social choice is a branch of economics that analyzes mechanisms and procedures for collective decisions. Social choice incorporates insights from welfare economics, mathematics, and political science to find the best ways to combine individual opinions, preferences, or beliefs into a single coherent measure of well-being.
Proportionality for solid coalitions (PSC) is a fairness criterion for ranked voting systems. It is an adaptation of the proportional representation criterion to voting systems in which there are no parties, the voters can vote directly for candidates, and can rank the candidates in any way they want. This criterion was proposed by the British philosopher and logician Michael Dummett.
The Borda count is a family of positional voting rules which gives each candidate, for each ballot, a number of points corresponding to the number of candidates ranked lower. In the original variant, the lowest-ranked candidate gets 0 points, the next-lowest gets 1 point, etc., and the highest-ranked candidate gets n − 1 points, where n is the number of candidates. Once all votes have been counted, the option or candidate with the most points is the winner. The Borda count is intended to elect broadly acceptable options or candidates, rather than those preferred by a majority, and so is often described as a consensus-based voting system rather than a majoritarian one.
In game theory and political science, Poisson-game models of voting are used to model the strategic behavior of voters with imperfect information about each others' behavior. Poisson games are most often used to model strategic voting in large electorates with secret and simultaneous voting.
In social choice and operations research, the utilitarian rule is a rule saying that, among all possible alternatives, society should pick the alternative which maximizes the sum of the utilities of all individuals in society. It is a formal mathematical representation of the utilitarian philosophy, and is often justified by reference to Harsanyi's utilitarian theorem or the Von Neumann–Morgenstern theorem.
Proportional approval voting (PAV) is a proportional electoral system for multiwinner elections. It is a multiwinner approval method that extends the highest averages method of apportionment commonly used to calculate apportionments for party-list proportional representation. However, PAV allows voters to support only the candidates they approve of, rather than being forced to approve or reject all candidates on a given party list.
A major branch of social choice theory is devoted to the comparison of electoral systems, otherwise known as social choice functions. Viewed from the perspective of political science, electoral systems are rules for conducting elections and determining winners from the ballots cast. From the perspective of economics, mathematics, and philosophy, a social choice function is a mathematical function that determines how a society should make choices, given a collection of individual preferences.
Social utility efficiency (SUE) is a measurement of the utilitarian performance of voting methods—how likely they are to elect the candidate who best represents the voters' preferences.
Condorcet efficiency is a measurement of the performance of voting methods. It is defined as the percentage of elections for which the Condorcet winner is elected, provided there is one.
The highest median voting rules are a class of graded voting rules where the candidate with the highest median rating.
A jury theorem is a mathematical theorem proving that, under certain assumptions, a decision attained using majority voting in a large group is more likely to be correct than a decision attained by a single expert. It serves as a formal argument for the idea of wisdom of the crowd, for decision of questions of fact by jury trial, and for democracy in general.
The Method of Equal Shares is a proportional method of counting ballots that applies to participatory budgeting, to committee elections, and to simultaneous public decisions. It can be used when the voters vote via approval ballots, ranked ballots or cardinal ballots. It works by dividing the available budget into equal parts that are assigned to each voter. The method is only allowed to use the budget share of a voter to implement projects that the voter voted for. It then repeatedly finds projects that can be afforded using the budget shares of the supporting voters. In contexts other than participatory budgeting, the method works by equally dividing an abstract budget of "voting power".
In political science and social choice theory, the spatialmodel of voting is a mathematical model of voting behavior. It describes voters and candidates as varying along one or more axes, where each axis represents an attribute of the candidate that voters care about. Voters are modeled as having an ideal point in this space and voting for the candidates closest to them.
The impartial culture assumption has been criticized extensively as being implausible and empirically irrelevant
…Using unrealistic assumptions may thus have a reasonable methodological function even if we know how to describe reality in a more realistic way…
it is widely acknowledged that the impartial culture is unrealistic … the impartial culture is the worst case scenario
Voting theorists generally acknowledge that they consider this model to be unrealistic
if we use conditions that tend to exaggerate the likelihood of observing paradoxes and find that the probability is small with such calculations, the paradox is assuredly very unlikely to be observed in reality.
In the simplex model, an assumption is made that vote allocations are uniformly distributed on the simplex.
It can be shown that IAC is equivalent to the assumption that the preferences of the voters are independent and identically distributed according to a multinomial distribution conditional on a prior uniform draw … This prior is a special case of a Dirichlet distribution.