Author | Stefan Ihrig |
---|---|
Publication date | 2016 |
Justifying Genocide: Germany and the Armenians from Bismarck to Hitler is a 2016 book by Stefan Ihrig which explores how violence against the Ottoman Armenians, from the Hamidian massacres to the Armenian genocide, influenced German views and led to the acceptance of genocide as a legitimate "solution" to "problems posed by an unwelcome minority". [1] It discusses how the topic was debated in Germany after World War I and the influence of these debates and perceptions of history on the Holocaust.
The book expands on Ihrig's previous book, Atatürk in the Nazi Imagination (2014), [2] and is based on examination of contemporary German publications. [3] [4] Ihrig writes that his book is about "Germany and its road to the Holocaust", [5] [6] and only secondarily about Turks or Armenians. The book covers the period from the 1878 Treaty of San Stefano through World War II; [2] Ihrig argues that the German media took a consistently pro-Turkish line in justifying massacres of Armenians throughout this period. [6]
Ihrig chronicles how the German chancellor, Otto von Bismarck, encouraged the Ottoman rulers resist implementing the Armenian reforms envisioned in the 1878 treaty. [2] Ihrig writes that Bismarck saw the Ottoman Empire as a "land of political opportunity" befitting German interests and tried to keep it intact for that reason. [2] During the 1890s, the German press reported extensively on the Hamidian massacres of Armenians, labeling them "Völkermord" (the German word for genocide) decades before the term genocide was coined in English. [6] In order to its build its relationship with the Ottoman Empire, the German government defended the massacres as justified. By the 1890s, Ihrig finds a consistent anti-Armenianism in the German press (especially right-wing media), which he compares to antisemitism. [3] [6] Anti-Armenian books such as those by Karl May, Hans Barth, and Alfred Körte were also published. [6]
During the Armenian genocide, Ihrig states that Germany could have known "everything" about the fate of the Armenians as it was ongoing. [6] However, the German press repeated uncritically denial of the genocide by German officials long after the facts were widely known, as well as justification and rationalization of the killings. [3] Although Ihrig rejects the claim (proposed by Vahakn Dadrian) that the genocide resulted from a joint German–Ottoman decision, [6] Ihrig concludes that Germany made the decision to "sacrifice the Armenians as the price of preserving Ottoman goodwill toward Germany". [7]
Ihrig covers the 1921 trial of Soghomon Tehlirian for the Assassination of Talat Pasha in Berlin, which raised the profile of the genocide in Germany. Many newspapers began to use the word Völkermord or the formula Ausrottung eines Volkes (extermination of a people) in the modern meaning of "genocide", as opposed to the less specific terms of "Armenian Horrors" or "Armenian massacres". [8] [2] However, according to Ihrig, acknowledgment of genocide did not translate into condemnation, instead it led to the victory of the faction that portrayed the genocide as necessary and justified, primarily because the Armenians were judged to have stabbed the Ottoman Empire in the back. [9] [2] [10] For many German nationalists in the Weimar Republic, Ihrig writes, "genocide was a 'reasonable,' 'justifiable,' if not unavoidable cost of doing political and military business in the twentieth century". [11] [2] On the other hand, Ihrig profiles Franz Werfel, Armin Wegner, Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter, and Johannes Lepsius, who fought to inform the public about the Armenian plight and help Armenians, and some whom also attempted to ward off the rise of Nazism. [6]
Ihrig considers the Armenian genocide to be the "double original sin" of the twentieth century, first because it happened, and second because it went unpunished; thus it is, according to Ihrig, a sin not only of the perpetrators but also the bystanders. [12] [6] He concludes that "There can be no doubt that the Nazis had incorporated the Armenian Genocide, its 'lessons,' tactics, and 'benefits,' into their own worldview and their view of the new racial order they were building." [13] [10] Although he does not go as far as to state that Nazis were directly inspired by the Armenian Genocide to commit the Holocaust, he does state that they admired the Turkish use of genocide as a tool of national rebirth, creating a "postgenocidal paradise". [3] [2]
Kirkus Reviews calls the book "A groundbreaking academic study that shows how Germany derived from the Armenian genocide 'a plethora of recipes' to address its own ethnic problems". [14] Hungarian historian Péter Pál Kránitz states that "Ihrig's findings are significant for international scholars of genocide and the Holocaust". [10] Armenian political scientist Vahram Ter-Matevosyan credits Ihrig with challenging "the deep-seated concepts and approaches about the Armenian Genocide discourse". [6] Vahagn Avedian states that Ihrig conducted "meticulous research" and produced "a highly welcomed contribution to the field of genocide studies". [2] Lawrence Douglas considers the book fascinating, highly readable, and convincing. [1]
German historian Jürgen Zimmerer states that Ihrig's study rests on intentionalist assumptions (that the Holocaust was ideologically based and planned in advance), a theory which is by no means completely accepted among scholars of the Holocaust. Nevertheless, he considers the book "important and inspiring" especially for historians of Germany. [15] According to historian Jo Laycock, Ihrig's book is "the most detailed and wide ranging analysis to date of the evolution of German representations of the Armenians and responses to the Armenian Genocide of 1915". [16]
The book received the 2017 Dr. Sona Aronian Book Prize for Excellence in Armenian Studies by the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research. [17]
Genocide denial is the attempt to deny or minimize the scale and severity of an instance of genocide. Denial is an integral part of genocide and includes the secret planning of genocide, propaganda while the genocide is going on, and destruction of evidence of mass killings. According to genocide researcher Gregory Stanton, denial "is among the surest indicators of further genocidal massacres".
The Armenian genocide was the systematic destruction of the Armenian people and identity in the Ottoman Empire during World War I. Spearheaded by the ruling Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), it was implemented primarily through the mass murder of around one million Armenians during death marches to the Syrian Desert and the forced Islamization of others, primarily women and children.
Raphael Lemkin was a Polish lawyer of Jewish descent who is known for coining the term genocide and campaigning to establish the Genocide Convention. During the Second World War, he campaigned vigorously to raise international awareness of atrocities in Axis-occupied Europe. It was during this time that Lemkin coined the term "genocide" to describe Nazi Germany's extermination policies.
Guenter Lewy is a German-born American author and political scientist who is a professor emeritus of political science at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. His works span several topics, but he is most often associated with his 1978 book on the Vietnam War, America in Vietnam, and several controversial works that deal with the applicability of the term genocide to various historical events, where Lewy denies both the Romani genocide and the Armenian genocide.
Armin Theophil Wegner was a German soldier and medic in World War I, a prolific author, and a human rights activist. Stationed in the Ottoman Empire during World War I, Wegner was a witness to the Armenian genocide and the photographs he took documenting the plight of the Armenians today "comprises the core of witness images of the Genocide."
The Greek genocide, which included the Pontic genocide, was the systematic killing of the Christian Ottoman Greek population of Anatolia, which was carried out mainly during World War I and its aftermath (1914–1922) – including the Turkish War of Independence (1919–1923) – on the basis of their religion and ethnicity. It was perpetrated by the government of the Ottoman Empire led by the Three Pashas and by the Government of the Grand National Assembly led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, against the indigenous Greek population of the Empire. The genocide included massacres, forced deportations involving death marches through the Syrian Desert, expulsions, summary executions, and the destruction of Eastern Orthodox cultural, historical, and religious monuments. Several hundred thousand Ottoman Greeks died during this period. Most of the refugees and survivors fled to Greece. Some, especially those in Eastern provinces, took refuge in the neighbouring Russian Empire.
The United Nations War Crimes Commission (UNWCC), initially the United Nations Commission for the Investigation of War Crimes, was a United Nations body that aided the prosecution of war crimes committed by Nazi Germany and other Axis powers during World War II.
Armenian genocide denial is the claim that the Ottoman Empire and its ruling party, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), did not commit genocide against its Armenian citizens during World War I—a crime documented in a large body of evidence and affirmed by the vast majority of scholars. The perpetrators denied the genocide as they carried it out, claiming that Armenians in the Ottoman Empire were resettled for military reasons, not exterminated. In the genocide's aftermath, incriminating documents were systematically destroyed, and denial has been the policy of every government of the Republic of Turkey, as of 2023, and later adopted by the Republic of Azerbaijan, as of 1991.
Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung was a German newspaper that appeared between 1861 and 1945.
Impunity is the ability to act with exemption from punishments, losses, or other negative consequences. In the international law of human rights, impunity is failure to bring perpetrators of human rights violations to justice and, as such, itself constitutes a denial of the victims' right to justice and redress. Impunity is especially common in countries which lack the tradition of rule of law, or suffer from pervasive corruption, or contain entrenched systems of patronage, or where the judiciary is weak or members of the security forces are protected by special jurisdictions or immunities. Impunity is sometimes considered a form of denialism of historical crimes.
Friedrich (Fritz) Bronsart von Schellendorf was a German officer and politician. He was the chief of staff of the Ottoman Army and was one of the many German military advisors assigned to the Ottoman Empire. He replaced Otto Liman von Sanders who was assigned to the Aegean region following disagreements with Enver Pasha. He was instrumental drafting initial war plans for the Ottoman Army. Many historians consider Bronsart von Schellendorf to have been complicit in the Armenian genocide. Archives show that he issued orders to deport Armenians.
Blood and Soil: A World History of Genocide and Extermination from Sparta to Darfur (ISBN 978-0300100983) is a 2007 book by Ben Kiernan, who for thirty years has studied genocide and crimes against humanity. In Blood and Soil, Kiernan examines outbreaks of mass violence, including worldwide colonial exterminations and twentieth-century case studies, particularly the Armenian genocide, the Nazi Holocaust, Stalin's mass murders, and the Cambodian and Rwandan genocides. The book won the 2008 gold medal for the best book in History awarded by the Independent Publishers Association. In 2009, Blood and Soil won the German Studies Association's biennial Sybil Halpern Milton Memorial Book Prize for the best book published in 2007 or 2008 dealing with Nazi Germany and the Holocaust in its broadest context, covering the fields of history, political science, and other social sciences, literature, art, and photography. In June 2009, the book's German translation, Erde und Blut: Völkermord und Vernichtung von der Antike bis heute, won first place in Germany's Nonfiction Book of the Month Prize.
At the conclusion of his Obersalzberg Speech on 22 August 1939, a week before the German invasion of Poland, Nazi leader Adolf Hitler reportedly said "Who, after all, speaks today of the annihilation of the Armenians?".
Genocide justification is the claim that a genocide is morally excusable/defensible, necessary, and/or sanctioned by law. Genocide justification differs from genocide denial, which is an attempt to reject the occurrence of genocide. Perpetrators often claim that genocide victims presented a serious threat, justifying their actions by stating it was legitimate self-defense of a nation or state. According to modern international criminal law, there can be no excuse for genocide. Genocide is often camouflaged as military activity against combatants, and the distinction between denial and justification is often blurred.
Stefan Ihrig is an academic, author, and speaker. He is professor of history at the University of Haifa and director of the Haifa Center for German and European Studies. His research interests are European and Middle Eastern history, with a focus on media and political and social discourse. His 2014 and 2016 books dealing with German-Turkish history and entanglement have elicited critical praise. He is also an editor of the Journal of Holocaust Research published by the University of Haifa and has contributed articles for HuffPost, Tablet, Haaretz, and History Today, among other publications.
The relationship between the Armenian genocide and the Holocaust has been discussed by scholars. The majority of scholars believe that there is a direct causal relationship between the Armenian genocide and the Holocaust, however, some of them do not believe that there is a direct causal relationship between the two genocides.
The terminology of the Armenian genocide is different in English, Turkish, and Armenian languages and has led to political controversies around the issue of Armenian genocide denial and Armenian genocide recognition. Although the majority of historians writing in English use the word "genocide", other terms exist.
During World War I, Germany was a military ally of the Ottoman Empire, which perpetrated the Armenian genocide. Many Germans present in eastern and southern Anatolia witnessed the genocide, but censorship and self-censorship hampered these reports, while German newspapers reported Ottoman denials of the genocide. Approximately 800 officers and 25,000 soldiers of the Imperial German Army were sent to the Middle Eastern theatre of World War I to fight alongside the Ottoman Army, with German commanders serving in the Ottoman high command and general staff. It is known that individual German military advisors signed some of the orders that led to Ottoman deportations of Armenians, a major component of the genocide.
Denial of Violence: Ottoman Past, Turkish Present and Collective Violence Against the Armenians, 1789–2009 is a 2015 book by Turkish sociologist Fatma Müge Göçek which deals with the denial, justification, and rationalization of state-sponsored violence against Armenians in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey from the eighteenth to the twenty-first century, focusing especially on the Armenian genocide and its persistent denial in Turkey. Among the arguments made in the book is that the Armenian genocide was an act of foundational violence that enabled the creation of the Republic of Turkey and its continuing denial is an ideological foundation of the Turkish nation-state. The book was praised by reviewers for its extensive research and methodological innovation, although some noted that it was dense and not easy to read for those not familiar with the topic.
On 15 March 1921, Armenian student Soghomon Tehlirian assassinated Talaat Pasha—former grand vizier of the Ottoman Empire and the main architect of the Armenian genocide—in Berlin. At his trial, Tehlirian argued, "I have killed a man, but I am not a murderer"; the jury acquitted him.
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