Marko Attila Hoare | |
---|---|
Born | 1972 (age 51–52) |
Nationality | British |
Citizenship | UK |
Education | Robinson College, Cambridge |
Alma mater | University of Cambridge (BA 1994; later MA), Yale University (MPhil 1997, PhD 2000) |
Known for | attribution to the study of the history of Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina; war crimes investigation |
Parent(s) | Quintin Hoare and Branka Magaš |
Awards | 2010 CNAB Award |
Scientific career | |
Fields | History, journalism |
Institutions | University of Cambridge, Kingston University, Sarajevo School of Science and Technology |
Marko Attila Hoare (born 1972) is a British historian of the former Yugoslavia who also writes about current affairs, especially Southeast Europe, including Turkey and the Caucasus. [1] Hoare is Associate Professor of History at the University Sarajevo School of Science and Technology, in Sarajevo. [2] [3]
Hoare is the son of the British translator Quintin Hoare and the Croatian journalist and historian Branka Magaš. [4]
Hoare has been studying the history of the former Yugoslavia since 1993. [5] In the summer of 1995, he acted as translator for the humanitarian aid convoy to the Bosnian town of Tuzla, organised by Workers' Aid for Bosnia, a movement of solidarity in support of the Bosnian people. [6] His degrees in History are a BA (1994; later converted to an MA) from the University of Cambridge and a MPhil (1997) and PhD from Yale University (2000). [7]
Between 1997 and 1998 Hoare lived and worked in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Hercegovina, and from 1998 to 2001, he lived and worked in Belgrade, Serbia.
He was resident in Serbia during the Kosovo War of 1999. He later worked at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, [8] where he participated in the drafting of the indictment against Slobodan Milošević. [6] Hoare was a research assistant at the Bosnian Institute in London (founded by his father Quintin[ citation needed ]), a British Academy Postdoctoral Research Fellow, a research fellow of the History Faculty of the University of Cambridge, [7] and a Reader at Kingston University in London. [7] He has been an associate professor at the Sarajevo School of Science and Technology since 2017. [9] [10]
He was European Neighbourhood Section Director for the Henry Jackson Society (HJS). [11] In 2012, he resigned from the HJS, saying it had become "an abrasively right-wing forum with an anti-Muslim tinge", and over significant differences with associate director Douglas Murray. [12] [13]
Hoare was also an advisory editor of Democratiya , [14] and he is a member of the editorial board of Spirit of Bosnia , an international, interdisciplinary, bilingual, online journal. [7] His blog, "Greater Surbiton", publishes his commentary and analysis, particularly on South East Europe. [15] He is a signatory of the Euston Manifesto, [16] and was formerly connected[ vague ] with the British website Harry's Place.[ citation needed ] He has written for Left Foot Forward website, [17] Prospect [18] and Standpoint magazines, [19] and The Guardian newspaper. [9]
Hoare was a childhood friend of Ed Miliband, leader of the Labour Party UK.[ citation needed ] In 2010, he appeared in Channel 4's TV docu-drama Miliband of Brothers , where he commented on his memories of Miliband and his brother David Miliband.[ citation needed ] In criticising the position of the Conservative London Mayor Boris Johnson, Hoare has argued in favour of arming the opponents of Bashar al-Assad in Syria. [20]
Marko went to serve as a research officer and war crimes investigator at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. He was also expert witness for the court there. [8] He participated in drafting of the indictment against Slobodan Milošević. [6]
The particular focus of Hoare's writing has been on the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia:
Hoare is the recipient of the 2010 Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB) award for outstanding contributions to the advancement of history. The award is recognition for his lifelong dedication to presenting the historical truth and standing up against genocide denial. [23]
Vladimir Perić, best known by the nom de guerreValter, was a Yugoslav-Serb Partisan commander in German-occupied Sarajevo during World War II.
Petar Kočić was a Bosnian Serb writer, activist and politician. Born in rural northwestern Bosnia in the final days of Ottoman rule, Kočić began writing around the turn of the twentieth century, first poetry and then prose. While a university student, he became politically active and began agitating for agrarian reforms within Bosnia and Herzegovina, which had been occupied by Austria-Hungary following the Ottomans' withdrawal in 1878. Other reforms that Kočić demanded were freedom of the press and freedom of assembly, which were denied under Austria-Hungary.
After the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was invaded by the Axis powers during World War II, all of Bosnia was ceded to the newly created Independent State of Croatia. Axis rule in Bosnia led to widespread persecution and mass-killings of native undesirables and anti-fascists. Many Serbs themselves took up arms and joined the Partisans and Chetniks, a Serb nationalist and royalist resistance movement that conducted ineffective guerrilla warfare against the occupying Nazi forces. On 12 October 1941 a group of 108 notable Muslim citizens of Sarajevo signed the Resolution of Sarajevo Muslims by which they condemned the persecution of Serbs organized by Ustaše, made distinction between Muslims who participated in such persecutions and whole Muslim population, presented information about the persecutions of Muslims by Serbs and requested security for all citizens of the country, regardless of their identity.
Jezdimir Dangić was a Yugoslav and Serb Chetnik commander during World War II. Born in the town of Bratunac, he was imprisoned during World War I for his membership of the revolutionary movement Young Bosnia. Dangić subsequently completed a law degree and became an officer in the gendarmerie of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes at the beginning of 1928. In 1929, the country changed its name to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In 1940, Dangić was appointed to lead the court gendarmerie detachment stationed at the royal palace in the capital, Belgrade. During the Axis invasion of Yugoslavia in 1941, Dangić commanded the gendarmerie unit that escorted King Peter II to Montenegro as he fled the country. In August of that year, the leader of the Chetnik movement, Colonel Draža Mihailović, appointed Dangić as the commander of the Chetnik forces in eastern Bosnia. Here, Dangić and his men launched several attacks against the forces of the Independent State of Croatia. Soon after his appointment, Dangić's Chetniks captured the town of Srebrenica from the occupiers. Afterwards, they became largely inactive in fighting the Germans, choosing instead to avoid confrontation. In December, Chetniks under Dangić's command massacred hundreds of Bosnian Muslims in the town of Goražde. In the same month, his Chetniks captured five nuns and took them with them through Romanija to Goražde, where they later committed suicide to avoid being raped.
Dobroslav Jevđević was a Bosnian Serb politician and self-appointed Chetnik commander in the Herzegovina region of the Axis-occupied Kingdom of Yugoslavia during World War II. He was a member of the interwar Chetnik Association and the Organisation of Yugoslav Nationalists, a Yugoslav National Party member of the National Assembly, and a leader of the opposition to King Alexander between 1929 and 1934. The following year, he became the propaganda chief for the Yugoslav government.
Operation Alfa was an offensive carried out in early October 1942 by the military forces of Italy and the Axis puppet state, the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), supported by Chetnik forces under the control of vojvoda Ilija Trifunović-Birčanin. The offensive was directed against the communist-led Partisans in the Prozor region, then a part of the NDH. The operation was militarily inconclusive, and in the aftermath, Chetnik forces conducted mass killings of civilians in the area.
Ejup Ganić is a Bosnian engineer and politician who is the founder and chancellor of Sarajevo School of Science and Technology.
Mehmed Handžić was a Bosnian Islamic scholar, theologian and politician. Handžić was the leader of the Islamic revivalist movement in Bosnia and the founder of the religious association El-Hidaje. He was one of the authors of the Resolution of Sarajevo Muslims and the chairman of the Committee of National Salvation.
The Blessed Martyrs of Drina are the professed Sisters of the Congregation of the Daughters of Divine Charity, who died during World War II. Four were killed when they jumped out of a window in Goražde on 15 December 1941, reportedly to avoid being raped by Chetniks, and the last was killed by the Chetniks in Sjetlina the following week. The five nuns were later declared martyrs and beatified by Pope Benedict XVI on 24 September 2011.
The Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia was signed by Alija Izetbegović, President of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Franjo Tuđman, President of the Republic of Croatia, in Zagreb on 21 July 1992 during the Bosnian and Croatian wars for independence from Yugoslavia. It established cooperation, albeit inharmonious, between the two and served as a basis for joint defense against Serb forces. It also placed the Croatian Defence Council (HVO) under the command of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBiH).
Ismet Popovac was a Bosnian Muslim lawyer and physician who led a Muslim Chetnik militia known as the Muslim People's Military Organization (MNVO) in Bosnia and Herzegovina during World War II. He was active in pre-war Yugoslav politics, becoming a member of the Serbian Muslim cultural organization Gajret and serving as the mayor of Konjic, a town in northern Herzegovina. He is also said to have been candidate for Vladko Maček's electoral list, but was left without a job in the Yugoslav state government after the creation of the Banovina of Croatia in August 1939.
Uroš Drenović was a Bosnian Serb military commander in the central Bosnia region of the fascist puppet state known as the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), led by the Ustaše, during World War II. After distinguishing himself in resisting the Ustaše alongside communist-led rebels, Drenović betrayed the communist-led Partisans and began to collaborate with the Ustaše, Italians and Germans against them.
Philip J. Cohen is a former United Nations advisor on Bosnia and Herzegovina who has written several works on the history of the former Yugoslavia. He authored a noted book Serbia’s Secret War: Propaganda and the Deceit of History, first published in 1996 by Texas A&M University Press to mixed reviews. He followed this in 1997 with the publishing of The World War II and contemporary Chetniks: Their historico-political continuity and implications for stability in the Balkans by Ceres. In 1998, he received an award from Franjo Tuđman the President of Croatia for his "contribution in spreading the truth about the aggression against Croatia" and "exposing Great Serb and anti-Croat propaganda" through his books.
Green Cadres (paramilitary) (Bosnian: Zeleni kadar) was a Bosniak nationalist paramilitary force during World War II. It was founded in early December 1941 as a reaction to a massacre of Bosniak men and women carried out in Foča by the Serb Chetniks. The organisation was formed in poor conditions and was not supported at first by the Croatian puppet government. It rose to power after the Partisans started to burst deeper into Bosnia. Its leader was Nešad Topčić.
Gajret was a cultural society established in 1903 that promoted Serb identity among the Slavic Muslims of Austria-Hungary. After 1929, it was known as the Serb Muslim Cultural Society.
Mustafa Golubić was a Serbian, and later Yugoslav, guerrilla fighter, revolutionary and intelligence agent.
The Women's Antifascist Front of Bosnia and Herzegovina, usually abbreviated to AFŽ BiH, was a mass organization in the People's Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was established by the Communist Party in February 1942, over a year before the republic itself, with the aim of mobilizing women in Bosnia and Herzegovina into the Partisan resistance against the Nazi occupation of Yugoslavia. It was one of the organizations which gave rise to the Women's Antifascist Front of Yugoslavia, the first congress of which was held in December 1942 in Bosanski Petrovac.
Bosnian genocide denial is the act of denying the occurrence of the systematic genocide against the Bosniak Muslim population of Bosnia and Herzegovina, or asserting it did not occur in the manner or to the extent that has been established by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) through proceedings and judgments, and described by comprehensive scholarship.
The Chetniks, a Yugoslav royalist and Serbian nationalist movement and guerrilla force, committed numerous war crimes during the Second World War, primarily directed against the non-Serb population of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, mainly Muslims and Croats, and against Communist-led Yugoslav Partisans and their supporters. Most historians who have considered the question regard the Chetnik crimes against Muslims and Croats during this period as constituting genocide.