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Sex offender registries in the United States |
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The movement to reform sex offender laws in the United States describes the efforts of individuals and organizations to change state laws requiring Sex offender registries in the United States.
Proposed reforms fall into two broad categories: advocacy for reform of statutory rape laws that may require a teenager to register as a sex offender for sexting or consensual sexual acts involving another teen, on the one hand, [1] [2] [3] [4] and broader efforts to modify sex offender registration laws based upon what advocates see as disproportionate impact on the lives of convicted offenders compared to the public benefits derived, on the other. [5] [6]
A number of arguments have been raised in support of the idea that reform is needed. For example, indiscriminate placement of offenders in the sex offender registry may undermine their ability to rehabilitate because of social stigma and other hardships related to sex offender registration. [7] Broad sex offender registration requirements may also disproportionately affect younger offenders particularly when applied to crimes such as sexting [1] or consensual underage sex. [8] [9] [10] [11] [12]
Academics have also noted a lack of good research showing these laws actually prevent sex crimes. [13] On the one hand, sex crimes tend to be perpetrated by a small number of repeat offenders, making it hard to draw conclusions about the effect of these laws on recidivism for most offenders. [14] A 2011 study looking at crime records concluded that while registries themselves may reduce recidivism rates, publication of those registries does not appear to have a similar effect. [15]
Proposals include making registries available for law enforcement only, and empowering officials to use greater judgment in determining who should be required to register. [7] [16] They point to collateral consequences of sex offender registration, such as social stigma, unemployment, homelessness and vigilante attacks, which may extend also to the families of registrants. [17] [18]
Particular criticism has been leveled at the decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court. Catherine Carpenter, Professor of law, and Amy E. Beverlin, J.D Candidate, wrote in 2012 that sex offender registration laws, initially grounded in rational bases, spiraled into what they characterized as "super-registration schemes". They argued that, even if initial registration schemes were constitutional, they grew into something that was unconstitutionally punitive. The article posits that U.S. Supreme Court decisions in Smith v. Doe and Connecticut Dept. of Public Safety v. Doe upholding the registration schemes as civil regulations led to runaway legislation that has become "unmoored from its initial constitutional grounding" By leaving such schemes immune to substantive due process and procedural due process requirements normally associated with criminal laws, they argue, legislators were left free "to draft increasingly harsh registration and notification schemes to please an electorate that subsists on a steady diet of fear". [19]
Proponents of sex offender registries argue that registration requirements have real utility because, among other things, sex offenders are likely to re-offend and registration can assist police in locating re-offenders. Reform opponents have also argued that opposition to registration is based on the assumption that to be effective, measures must work every time, thus undervaluing small reductions. They also claim there is evidence registries do reduce sex crime. [20]
The reform effort involves more than 50 state level organizations, with at least one group operating in each state. [2] The National Association for Rational Sexual Offense Laws (RSOL) arranges yearly national conferences to discuss sex offender legislation, [11] [21] [22] and makes its presence known at conferences of the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers. Their annual meetings can be controversial, including criticism of a welcome letter sent by the mayor of Houston, Texas to the organizers of the 2023 meeting "applaud[ing] its restorative justice efforts on behalf of marginalized citizens." The mayor's office subsequently distanced itself from the letter. [23]
RSOL state affiliates have challenged ordinances governing sex offenders in federal court. [24] [25] [26] During 2014 over 20 municipalities in California were sued by RSOL. [27] Their efforts in California culminated, in March 2015, when Supreme Court of California declared residency restrictions unconstitutional citing their unfairness and counterproductive effects. [28] Similar lawsuits by the activists have forced some Texas towns to ease their residency restrictions. [29] Other efforts include peaceful demonstrations, challenging the laws in courts and educating the public and legislators about facts of sexual offending and the consequences of current legislation. [30] [31] [32]
Human Rights Watch has also advocated for reforms, as has the ACLU. [33] [34] [35] and some of its state-level affiliates, [36] [37] [38] and some child safety advocates, some of whom argue for restrictions on who may be placed upon a list of registered sex offenders, and when the public should have access to sex offender registries. [39] [8]
In April 2015 Women Against Registry announced that it has begun gathering information and participants for two class action lawsuits to be filed in United States federal court. One of the lawsuits is intended to be on behalf of registered sex offenders, and the second on behalf of families of registered sex offenders. [30] [40] In 2016 Alliance for Constitutional Sex Offense Laws sued the government for the unique identifier planned to be printed on passports of some registrants. [41]
Megan's Law is the name for a federal law in the United States requiring law enforcement authorities to make information available to the public regarding registered sex offenders. Laws were created in response to the murder of Megan Kanka. Federal Megan's Law was enacted as a subsection of the Jacob Wetterling Crimes Against Children and Sexually Violent Offender Registration Act of 1994, which merely required sex offenders to register with local law enforcement. Since only a few states required registration prior to Megan's death, the state-level legislation to bring states in compliance—with both the registration requirement of Jacob Wetterling Act and community notification required by federal Megan's Law—were crafted simultaneously and are often referred to as "Megan's Laws" of individual states. Thus, the federal Megan's Law refers to community notification, whereas state-level "Megan's Law" may refer to both sex offender registration and community notification.
A sex offender is a person who has committed a sex crime. What constitutes a sex crime differs by culture and legal jurisdiction. The majority of convicted sex offenders have convictions for crimes of a sexual nature; however, some sex offenders have simply violated a law contained in a sexual category. Some of the serious crimes which result in a mandatory sex-offender classification are sexual assault, statutory rape, bestiality, child sexual abuse, incest, and rape.
The Dru Sjodin National Sex Offender Public Registry is a cooperative effort between U.S. state agencies that host public sex offender registries and the U.S. federal government. The registry is coordinated by the United States Department of Justice and operates a web site search tool allowing a user to submit a single query to obtain information about sex offenders throughout the United States.
The Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act is a federal statute that was signed into law by U.S. President George W. Bush on July 27, 2006. The Walsh Act organizes sex offenders into three tiers according to the crime committed, and mandates that Tier 3 offenders update their whereabouts every three months with lifetime registration requirements. Tier 2 offenders must update their whereabouts every six months with 25 years of registration, and Tier 1 offenders must update their whereabouts every year with 15 years of registration. Failure to register and update information is a felony under the law. States are required to publicly disclose information of Tier 2 and Tier 3 offenders, at minimum. It also contains civil commitment provisions for sexually dangerous people.
Proposition 83 of 2006 was a statute enacted by 70% of California voters on November 7, 2006, authored by State Senator George Runner and State Assemblywoman Sharon Runner. It was proposed by means of the initiative process as a version of the Jessica's Law proposals that had been considered in other states.
Connecticut Department of Public Safety v. Doe, 538 U.S. 1 (2003), was a United States Supreme Court case regarding the constitutionality of the Connecticut sex offender registration requirement which required public disclosure of information on sex offenders after they had been released from incarceration.
A sex offender registry is a system in various countries designed to allow government authorities to keep track of the activities of sex offenders, including those who have completed their criminal sentences.
State of Georgia v. Allison was a Georgia court case. In Georgia vs Allison, Janet Allison was convicted of sexual offenses for allowing her daughter, aged 15, to have sexual intercourse in her home. The events took place in the year 2000. The young couple later married and had a child of their own, but Allison's name has been entered into the sex offender registry, with various adverse consequences for her life and that of her family.
Child sexual abuse laws in the United States have been enacted as part of the nation's child protection policies.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights in the U.S. state of Indiana have been shaped by both state and federal law. These evolved from harsh penalties established early in the state's history to the decriminalization of same-sex activity in 1977 and the legalization of same-sex marriage in 2014. Indiana was subject to a April 2017 federal court ruling that discrimination based on sexual orientation is tantamount to discrimination on account of "sex", as defined by the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The ruling establishes sexual orientation as a protected characteristic in the workplace, forbidding unfair discrimination, although Indiana state statutes do not include sexual orientation or gender identity among its categories of discrimination.
Doe v. Shurtleff, 628 F.3d 1217, was a United States Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit case assessing the constitutionality of Utah Code Ann. § 77-27-21.5, a law that requires sex offenders to register their internet identifiers with the state in order to "assist in investigating kidnapping and sex-related crimes, and in apprehending offenders." In this case, a convicted sex offender, appearing anonymously as John Doe, appealed a decisionArchived January 4, 2014, at the Wayback Machine by the United States District Court for the District of Utah to vacate an order enjoining the enforcement of Utah Code Ann. § 77-27-21.5. Even though Doe did not dispute the state's interest in enacting such a statute, he believed that the statute's enforcement ran afoul of his:
Florence v. Shurtleff, Civil No. 2:05CV000485, was a case in which the U.S. District Court for the District of Utah issued an order stating that individuals could not be prosecuted for posting adult content that was constitutionally protected on general access websites, nor could they be civilly liable for failing to prevent access to adult content, so long as the material is identifiable by filtering software. The order was the result of a 2005 lawsuit, The King's English v. Shurtleff, brought by Utah bookstores, artists, Internet Service Providers and the other organizations challenging the constitutionality of certain portions of a Utah law intended to protect minors from adult content.
The International Megan's Law to Prevent Child Exploitation and Other Sexual Crimes Through Advanced Notification of Traveling Sex Offenders is a federal law that requires, among other things, a visual "unique identifier" to be placed on the passports of registrants convicted of sex offenses involving a minor. The law also requires covered offenders to notify law enforcement 21 days before traveling abroad. Critics have claimed violation of constitutional rights and note that the law would also cover those who were convicted as minors.
The National Association for Rational Sexual Offense Laws (NARSOL) is an organization headquartered in Raleigh, North Carolina with operations based in Albuquerque, New Mexico and with affiliated organizations, advocates, and contacts in the vast majority of states. NARSOL and its affiliates are part of a movement to reform sexual offense laws in the United States. NARSOL has generated media attention by arranging national conferences in multiple cities including Boston, Albuquerque, Los Angeles Dallas, Atlanta, Cleveland, Houston, and Raleigh, and by being involved in numerous lawsuits challenging the constitutionality of sex offender registration and notification laws.
Women Against Registry (W.A.R.) is a U.S. non-profit organization, based in Arnold, Missouri, which works to obtain changes in laws affecting sex offenders. Most W.A.R. members are mothers, wives, girlfriends, and other family members of persons convicted of a sexual offense. W.A.R. advocates the abolition of sex offender registries altogether, but also wants officials to be more judicious in deciding who poses a risk, instead of the current policies applied to all offenders indiscriminately.
Illinois Voices for Reform is a non-profit advocacy and support organization for Illinois sex offenders and their families. Founded in 2010, it is dedicated to providing education on issues affecting sex offenders to the public and to legislators. Illinois Voices for Reform is an affiliate organization of the National Association for Rational Sexual Offense Laws (NARSOL), and is one of the more than 50 organizations nationwide movement to reform sex offender laws in the United States.
Sex offender registries in the United States exist at both the federal and state levels. The federal registry is known as the National Sex Offender Public Website (NSOPW) and integrates data in all state, territorial, and tribal registries provided by offenders required to register. Registries contain information about persons convicted of sexual offenses for law enforcement and public notification purposes. All 50 states and the District of Columbia maintain sex offender registries that are open to the public via websites; most information on offenders is visible to the public. Public disclosure of offender information varies between the states depending on offenders' designated tier, which may also vary from state to state, or risk assessment result. According to NCMEC, as of 2016 there were 859,500 registered sex offenders in United States.
The constitutionality of sex offender registries in the United States has been challenged on a number of state and federal constitutional grounds. While the Supreme Court of the United States has twice upheld sex offender registration laws, in 2015 it vacated a requirement that an offender submit to lifetime ankle-bracelet monitoring, finding it was a Fourth Amendment search that was later ruled constitutionally unreasonable by the state court.
Sex offender registration and notification (SORN) laws in the United States are widely accepted, with supporters believing that disclosing the location of sex offenders residence improves the public's ability to guard themselves and their children from sexual victimization. Despite this wide public acceptance, empirical observations do not uniformly support this belief.
Alliance for Constitutional Sex Offense Laws (ACSOL) is a nonprofit civil rights, legal reform, and support organization, in Sacramento. ACSOL advocates for the protection of the constitution by restoring the rights of those required to register as sex offenders, and their families. ACSOL was formerly known as California Reform Sex Offender Laws.