In this article, NGOs in West Africa will be divided into three categories: African national NGOs, African international NGOs, and non-African international NGOs. NGOs stand for non-governmental organizations. [1] These organizations are mostly non-profit and mostly work independently from the government, they have specific aims that range from human rights, finance, health, education and more. [2] There are many non-governmental organizations in West Africa, (West African Sahel includes: Burkina Faso, Benin, Cameroon, Togo, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, and Senegal) and much activity between these countries, organizations and the rest of the world.[ citation needed ]
The history of non-governmental organizations starts most prominently after colonization. Due to land redistribution, new labor laws and the reconstructive government under colonial rule, NGOs started gradually overtime to protect the well-being of indigenous west African inhabitants, but data and recordings of these instances are quite limited. [3]
Most data on NGOs in the Sahel begin in the 1970s. Due to the independence movements, climate issues, economic issues of the time, and civil rights movements in the United States, led to a dramatic introduction of foreign powers in the Sahel. [3] The combination of the oil embargo by the Middle East and The Great West African Drought had mixed effects in the Sahel. With the Niger River that ran very low leading to a migration of farmers, nomads etc., into major cities; foreign powers soon provided economic relief and humanitarian aid to the Sahel, ranging from American, German, Soviet and NATO organizations. [3] This proved to be a part of a larger relief effort that was heavily influenced by the Cold War and the Arms Race. Foreign governments provided a majority of emergency aid but overtime foreign government involvement became foreign voluntary agencies which eventually solidified as NGOs that took on the mantle of providing aid. [3]
African born NGOs later started developing to an international scale in the 1980s and 90s, growing to a point of African International recognition and solidarity. These groups were formed mostly due to the sudden push for democratization, economic, or climate issues, like ECOWAS and GAWA. [4]
Non-governmental organizations, NGOs can work in different capacities but essentially are designed to work autonomously from the government at either local, state, national, or international levels.[ citation needed ] In this section, the focus will be national NGOs in West Africa. Overarchingly, NGOs are meant to be, "formal..., non-profit..., self-governing..., voluntary..." organizations. [5] This description will help provide a foundation for how these characteristics are applied to West African national NGOs.
In the 1980s, West African countries- such as Ghana, Côte d'Ivoire, and Liberia- were pushed to implement "neoliberal economic reforms" and had begun doing so. [6] Later in the 1990s, the three countries made efforts to implement "democratic reforms". [6] While these countries tried, the lasting effects of colonization destabilized the states' capacity to provide for its citizens; therefore, highlighting non-state organizations, like NGOs, to fulfill the peoples' need for basic resources. [6] The region's colonial history prompted the increased creation of non-state sources of support, which has been similarly replicated into modern-day. [6] This increased need of non-state resources has led to, "... new inequalities of access and complex mechanisms of accountability for African citizens...". [6]
This colonial legacy has not only increased the need for non-state resources but also has made it difficult for West African/African national NGOs to work. [7] As a result, national NGOs engage in "grey practices" where they promote state accountability but also engage in corruption. [7] This example shows how the region and continent continues to be impacted by European colonization years later. [7]
One way in which West African national NGOs have developed over time is how they obtain financial aid for their organizations. [5] Given the limited research concerning West African NGOs, scholarship about West African national NGOs and their ability to adapt to the evolving financial aid system in less accessible. [5] However, West African national NGOs- specifically Ghanaian NGOs- are quite active and, "...are innovating, adjusting, and responding in various ways to remain sustainable". [5] In the 1990s, international donors decided to focus their donations to national NGOs instead of international NGOs or state governments because national NGOs were perceived as well-structured vehicles to serve local communities and not as prone to corruption. [7] In recent years the perspective of national NGOs in West Africa has changed, and they have been criticized for prioritizing their Western donors over the local communities they serve. [7]
West African national NGOs have provided support to their corresponding country's education sectors and infrastructure. [8] For example, in Ghana, religious NGOs assist with, "... public infrastructure development, such as building schools, roads, wells, and boreholes". [8] National NGOs can help bridge disparity gaps that national governments have not been able to reach and remedy. [8]
Examples of West African national NGOs will be listed down below divided by Human Rights, Finance and Development, Health, and Environment based organizations made to promote change within their corresponding sectors.
International non-governmental organizations (INGOs) can be defined as NGOs who work autonomously from the government in the international realm.[ citation needed ] Furthermore, INGOs can be described as, "... 'any internationally operating organization which is not established by inter-governmental agreement'".[ citation needed ] Therefore, INGOs are not born from any international contract.[ citation needed ]
INGOs tend to locate themselves in major cities. [8] For example, Ghanaian NGOs and INGOs are known to have their organizations' headquarters in Ghana's capital, Accra. [8] However, there are some differences between NGOs and INGOs to consider. Firstly, while West African national NGOs do have their headquarters in massive cities, they also establish them outside massive cities and instead in, "smaller communities'', unlike INGOs. [8] Secondly, NGOs area of focus is either local, state, or national (wiki NGO article) while INGOs deal with projects on an international level.[ citation needed ]
Advocacy-based West African NGOs have been critical of the international community's attempt to promote civil society in the countries within the region describing these efforts as a "... briefing rather than a dialogue...". [32] As a result, these international interventions have failed to produce meaningful policy changes and continue to be Western-focused. [32] While Western organizations- such as the World Trade Organization (WTO)- have made it more difficult for West African INGOs to advocate and impact policy on an international level, they have found ways to circumvent these barriers. [32] Instead of West African INGOs working within international bureaucratic constraints, they took an outside approach by using their non-governmental status to build international partnerships to impact policy. [32]
Some ways in which INGOs have provided vital support is the creation of infrastructure for West African states that lack the ability to do so. [6] For example, donors would fund INGOs located in "... countries recovering from civil war, such as Angola and Liberia..." instead of the state governments. [6] Additionally, there are international NGOs that provide supportive services to survivors of sexual violence in the region. [33] For example, these organizations have provided "... Medicare, psychological counseling and advocacy..." services for African females who were sexually assaulted in Northeast Nigeria. [33] While non-African INGOs are more known for documenting sexual assault reports, West African INGOs play an essential role by supporting survivors on-on-one and confirming reports. [33]
Lastly, a Kenyan based organization that has done work in West Africa called the Pan African Climate Justice Alliance (PACJA) has grown and expanded. [34] The PACJA has been heavily involved in international discussions concerning the resources needed for developing African nations to address climate change. The INGO addressed in solidarity with other international groups at the COP15 Summit that developing nations do not have enough funding and resources to achieve their goals to combat climate change. [35] The PACJA has also made international partnerships specifically in the West African region. For example, in 2013, the organization created a new branch in The Gambia to join efforts in combatting climate change. [36] The PACJA worked "in collaboration with the Department of Water Resources and the University of the Gambia" to implement this new branch of the PACJA. [36]
There are multiple West African INGOs that promote certain non-governmental projects. They are listed down below and divided by Human Rights, Development, Finance/Economy, Environment, and Health.
Non-African, Western and Soviet Organizations have all been present in the Sahel since the late 1960s and 70s. Most of these organizations take three forms during that time, state-centered developmentalism, entrepreneurial, and post-colonial solidarity. [3]
The state-centered developmental organizations worked in close contact with government organizations abroad and in different West African countries. They advocated mostly for neoliberal policies, and humanitarian incentives, mainly in Nigeria, Niger and Mali. [9]
Entrepreneurial NGOs worked with African governments to create a new political forms and economic strategies for the advancement of both countries. [49] Main examples of these in the 1970s were CARE or the Cooperative American Relief Everywhere organization who strongly advocated for entrepreneurial efforts through a more open political space. [3] These where very governmental as the Nigerian scholar and NGO worker, Boureima Alpha Gado, once said that, "[CARE Mali] was a state within a state". [3] By the late 1980s CARE was closely associated with USAID and assumed some governmental tasks. [50] FRIENDS was another organization in the 70s that practiced social experiments in settling displaced nomads from the Niger River Drought to a new village under the "Tin Aicha" project. [3]
Post-Colonial solidarity NGOs started to spring up in the Sahel due to a rise in Pan-Africanism and Civil Rights movements in the United States and Europe. Its main actors being RAINS and AFASPA. RAINS, also known as Africare & Relief for Africans In Need in the Sahel, is an African American organization based on racial solidarity and humanitarian aid to west Africa. [51] AFASPA, also known as Association Française d'Amite et de Solidarite avec les Peuple d'Afrique, or the Comite d'Enformation Sahel, this organization was based on a labor movement through a Marxist lens. [52]
Overall, International NGOs at the beginning of their advancements were divided between solidarity and international interests, today we see a more proliferation of non-profit humanitarian causes in the region as well as more involvement from China. With a broader scope of goals and purposes that benefit West Africa and the globe. [53]
Benin, officially the Republic of Benin, is a country in West Africa. It was formerly known as Dahomey. It is bordered by Togo to the west, Nigeria to the east, Burkina Faso to the north-west, and Niger to the north-east. The majority of its population lives on the southern coastline of the Bight of Benin, part of the Gulf of Guinea in the northernmost tropical portion of the Atlantic Ocean. The capital is Porto-Novo, and the seat of government is in Cotonou, the most populous city and economic capital. Benin covers an area of 114,763 km2 (44,310 sq mi), and its population in 2021 was estimated to be approximately 13 million. It is a tropical country with an economy heavily dependent on agriculture, and is an exporter of palm oil and cotton.
The gross domestic product (GDP) of Niger was $16.617 billion US dollars in 2023, according to official data from the World Bank. This data is based largely on internal markets, subsistence agriculture, and the export of raw commodities: foodstuffs to neighbors and raw minerals to world markets. Niger, a landlocked West African nation that straddles the Sahel, has consistently been ranked on the bottom of the Human Development Index, at 0.394 as of 2019. It has a very low per capita income, and ranks among the least developed and most heavily indebted countries in the world, despite having large raw commodities and a relatively stable government and society not currently affected by civil war or terrorism. Economic activity centers on subsistence agriculture, animal husbandry, re-export trade, and export of uranium.
The Economic Community of West African States is a regional political and economic union of fifteen countries of West Africa. Collectively, the countries comprise an area of 5,114,162 km2 (1,974,589 sq mi) and have an estimated population of over 424.34 million.
West Africa, also called Western Africa, is the westernmost region of Africa. The United Nations defines Western Africa as the 16 countries of Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo, as well as Saint Helena, Ascension and Tristan da Cunha. The population of West Africa is estimated at 419 million people as of 2021, and at 381,981,000 as of 2017, of which 189,672,000 were female and 192,309,000 male. The region is demographically and economically one of the fastest growing on the African continent.
Africare is a non-profit organization based in Washington, D.C., which provides development aid for Africa. It was founded by Dr. Joseph Kennedy and C. Payne Lucas in 1970, former Peace Corps members who worked in eastern Niger. Africare is the largest and oldest African-American founded international NGO focused exclusively on the continent of Africa. Since 1970, Africare has been improving lives and building a better future by partnering with local communities, focusing on agriculture and food security, healthcare, maternal and child health, HIV/AIDS, access to potable water, and women's empowerment. In more than 40 years of building partnerships with local communities, NGOs, governments and the private sector, Africare has invested over $1 billion in more than 35 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa.
The African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights, also known simply as the African Court, is an international court established by member states of the African Union (AU) to implement provisions of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. Seated in Arusha, Tanzania, it is the judicial arm of the AU and one of three regional human rights courts.
Contributing to the establishment of human rights system in Africa are the United Nations, international law and the African Union which have positively influenced the betterment the human rights situation in the continent. However, extensive human rights abuses still occur in many sections of the continent. Most of the violations can be attributed to political instability, racial discrimination, corruption, post-colonialism, economic scarcity, ignorance, illness, religious bigotry, debt and bad financial management, monopoly of power, lack/absence of judicial and press autonomy, and border conflicts. Many of the provisions contained in regional, national, continental, and global agreements remained unaccomplished.
The individual member states of the African Union (AU) coordinate foreign policy through this agency, in addition to conducting their own international relations on a state-by-state basis. The AU represents the interests of African peoples at large in intergovernmental organizations (IGO's); for instance, it is a permanent observer at the United Nations' General Assembly.
An international non-governmental organization (INGO) is an organization which is independent of government involvement and extends the concept of a non-governmental organization (NGO) to an international scope. Due to unavailability of clear statistics, it is extremely difficult to ascertain the number of NGOs in the world and the amount of the money they control as well.
The Institute of Cultural Affairs International is an international non-governmental organization (INGO) based in Toronto, Canada. Its primary objective is to impact global human development by facilitating authentic and sustainable transformations in individuals, communities, and organizations.
The continent of Africa is one of the regions most rife with contemporary slavery. Slavery in Africa has a long history, within Africa since before historical records, but intensifying with the trans-Saharan and Indian Ocean slave trade and again with the trans-Atlantic slave trade; the demand for slaves created an entire series of kingdoms which existed in a state of perpetual warfare in order to generate the prisoners of war necessary for the lucrative export of slaves. These patterns persisted into the colonial period during the late 19th and early 20th century. Although the colonial authorities attempted to suppress slavery from about 1900, this had very limited success, and after decolonization, slavery continues in many parts of Africa despite being technically illegal.
The Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children(IAC) (French: Comité interafricain sur les pratiques traditionnelles affectant la santé des femmes et des enfants) is a non-governmental organization (NGO) which seeks to change social values and raise consciousness towards eliminating female genital mutilation (FGM) and other traditional practices which affect the health of women and children in Africa.
The West-Central Africa Division (WAD) of Seventh-day Adventists is a sub-entity of the General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, which coordinates the Church's operations in 22 African countries, which include Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo. Its headquarters is in Abidjan, Côte d'Ivoire. Founded in 2003, the division membership as of June 30, 2021 was 889,196.
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A large-scale, drought-induced famine occurred in Africa's Sahel region and many parts of the neighbouring Sénégal River Area from February to August 2010. It is one of many famines to have hit the region in recent times.
Nigeria is a source, transit, and destination country for women and children subjected to trafficking in persons including forced labour and forced prostitution. The U.S. State Department's Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons placed the country in "Tier 2 Watchlist" in 2017. Trafficked people, particularly women and children, are recruited from within and outside the country's borders – for involuntary domestic servitude, sexual exploitation, street hawking, domestic servitude, mining, begging etc. Some are taken from Nigeria to other West and Central African countries, primarily Gabon, Cameroon, Ghana, Chad, Benin, Togo, Niger, Burkina Faso, and the Gambia, for the same purposes. Children from other West African states like Benin, Togo, and Ghana – where Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) rules allow for easy entry – are also forced to work in Nigeria, and some are subjected to hazardous jobs in Nigeria's granite mines. Europe, especially Italy and Russia, the Middle East and North Africa, are prime destinations for forced prostitution. Nigerians accounted for 21% of the 181,000 migrants that arrived in Italy through the Mediterranean in 2016 and about 21,000 Nigerian women and girls have been trafficked to Italy since 2015.
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Assetou Foune Samake Migan is a Malian politician currently serving as the Malian Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research. She taught plant physiology at the Ecole Normale Supérieure of Bamako from 1993 to 2000 before working with Winrock International from 2000 to 2004, the Polycentric Social Forum in Bamako from 2005 to 2006, the African Institute of Food and Sustainable Development from 2005 to 2009, the Unitarian Services of Canada from 2011 to 2013, the Forum for Another Mali, and the Ministry of National Reconciliation and Northern Development in 2013. She served as a technical advisor at the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research before her appointment to Minister in 2016.
Terrorism in Burkina Faso refers to non-state actor violence in Burkina Faso carried out with the intent of causing fear and spreading extremist ideology. Terrorist activity primarily involves religious terrorism conducted by foreign-based organizations, although some activity occurs because of communal frustration over the lack of economic development. Recent attacks have concentrated in the Hauts-Bassins, Boucle du Mouhoun, Nord, Sahel, and Est regions, along the border with Mali and Niger. A series of attacks in Ouagadougou in 2016, 2017, and 2018 by al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb and its affiliates garnered international attention.
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